The author analysed numerical data characterizing international liquidity of the member States of the International Monetary Fund in the years 1956 -1983, attempting to define in what way the Fund could affect that liquidity. Instruments intended to secure the international liquidity used by the Fund were the object of the research. The Author also examined the role of the Fund instruments in financing of import and foreign trade deficit and creating currency reserves of the member States. The author positively assessed the role played by the Fund, indicating that it has realized its statutory tasks in shaping international liquidity. The author scepticaly estimated the use of a reserves/import ratio as yardstick for international reserve adequacy, recognizing the need of research in that scope. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
Safeguards Agreements are the important legal institution in the system of international control of peaceful utilization of the atomic energy. The control is kept by the International Atomic Energy Agency. The control activities of this organization have to secure that any help offered by itself, by its request, or under its supervision or control cannot be diverted into any military goals. The control activities of the Agency in this scope have to preclude any proliferation of nuclear technology by means of eliminating the situations of inadequate utilization of the Organization's assistance by a State and to prevent a seizure or increase in an army nuclear supplies used and produced in the objects subjected to the safeguards system of the IAEA. The control activities of the Agency is regulated by many acts, the essential ones are: the IAEA Statute, the Safeguards Document, the Inspectors Document. They provide the key model of the control system. These provisions are specified in the Safeguards Agreements. The agreements are concluded between the Agency and one or several member states and they contain commitments of the states- -parties to the agreement to use materials equipment and installations subjected to the IAEA safeguards solely for peaceful goals, the organization is granted the right to control carrying out the commitments of the contracting states. The agreements can concern whether a project of utilization of the Agency assistance or bilateral or multilateral regulation in the scope of utilization of the atomic energy, enabling a contracting state to apply to the organization asking for executing safeguards, they can also refer to any activity of a state pertinent to the atomic energy which is unilaterally subjected to the safeguards of the Agency. The author of the article indicates at the substance of the Safeguards Agreements and discusses their particular types in the IAEA regulations and practice. These are: Project Agreements, Safeguards Transfer Agreements, Safeguards Execution Agreements, Unilateral Safeguards Submission Agreements, Supplementary and Subsidiary Agreements. The development of the International Atomic Energy Agency control system is also discussed. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
The task of the article is a comparison of theoretical findings of the conception of the international economic cooperation of the CMEA member states with the premises of their economic policies in this scope and with the previous course of integrational processes in the CMEA group. In the first part of the study, three basic theoretical concepts of economic cooperation are presented which can be related to differing views of economists on the part played by planning and international market in the socialist economy. In the second part of the study a system of the international economic cooperation adopted in the premises of the economic policies of the CMEA member states is analyzed. The author's attention is focused mainly on those elements of the international cooperation system which are compromising opposing pursuits of the particular member states of securing themselves most favorable conditions for balancing necessary means with needs stated autonomously in the national plans of economic developement. The third part of the study is devoted to the analysis of features of functioning of the present system of international cooperation of the CMEA states. The actual distribution of competence and roles in the system of relations between various levels of domestic and international institutions and organizations are characterized. The scope of implementation of resolutions and recommendations of the CMEA on the developement of the international specialization and productional cooperation is evaluated. The excessive build up of the consulting and negociating activities almost on all the levels of economic organizations of the member states and of the CMEA organs is also indicated. The identification and analysis of structure of interdependence of economic interests in the sphere of realization of international economic cooperation in the CMEA are performed. Particularly, following groups of interests can be singled out: Party and government governing bodies, central economic administration, productional and trade enterprises, international organs of the CMEA. In the final remarks factors diminishing the ability to control a mechanism of the international cooperation are presented, this can well account for the lack of developement in real integrational ties and related organizational structures in the system of cooperation of the CMEA states. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
Both the present theory of international conflicts and recent development in international relations in the sphere of procedures and bases for pacific solution of international disputes call for an urgent re-examination of a number of relevant problems involved. There are three such problems the examination of which is essential to meet the necessity of a new approach to international disputes and their solution by pacific means. First of all it seems to be of primary importance to propose a new and more adequate systematization of international disputes using such criteria as they appeared to have played in practice decisive role in the originating (sources) of particular disputes their stages and possible mutations. The author proposes five such criteria which give an opportunity to systematize all disputes and show them in the light of variety of characteristic features. These criteria are as follows: a) substance of the dispute (the subject matter may be territorial or personal), b) persons meaning parties to a dispute (there may by bilateral or multilateral disputes; disputes between states, states and an organization, or between organizations etc.), c) the factor of time which may have and material significance or plays a formal and procedural role, d) the factor of the locus in the meaning of the character of circumstances (local, regional or universal) which bear upon sources of a particular dispute, and e) the factor of forum which shows whether and under what conditions a particular dispute may be discussed on the international plane or falls within the exclusive national jurisdiction. The visible decline of using existing devices and means of pacific solution of international disputes as listed in the article 33 of the Charter tends to expose the international peace to a real danger. There is therefore a further need of thorough research of present practices spontaneously and often informally developing. The author gives a number of such instances which together with some other propositions may be used as a helpful indication by drafting new devices and institutions of pacific solution of international disputes. Finally there is another problem which consists in an hypothesis that there is an intimate relation between particular types of international disputes and means best calculated to bring such disputes to an desirable end. In other words the problem put forward by the author lies in an answer to the question whether there may be found a guiding rule or set of rules which would facilitate the proper choice of particular procedure best fiting in with requirements and nature of a given dispute. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
The article is an attempt to study possibilities of trade conversion in Poland and other CMEA member States to slow the increasing involvement in foreign debts in the socialist States and to reduce gradually their international payments deficit in the trade with the Western States. The author focusses on answering a question whether it is possible and to what degree, to limit Polish and other socialis States' imports from the industrial Western countries by means of intensifying international economic cooperation within the framework of the CMEA group of member States. The author dwells also on finding conditions and capacities of international coordination of trade policies of the member states on the Western markets and in the Third World. Coordinating these policies within the CMEA would maintain and develop such institutional, produetional and trade links which would bring about equal returns to both parts of the East-West exchange. It is understood that a consolidation of economic policies of the socialist States and a further intensification of economic ties within the CMEA is a main condition to start actions which would limit a destructive effect of the economic crisis in the capitalist world. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
The foundation of international organizations has created the need to employ in their offices qualified persons who, with the time passing, were called international civil servants. The legal status of international civil servants, their place in the organization and the role played towards member countries, is the subject of the present work. The origin of international civil servants goes back to the 19th c. administrative unions but it was only the League of Nations which accepted this situation. Its full development took place, however, in the latter part of the 20th c., in the period of the so-called organizational revolution. International law and sometimes also the domestic law of the states define the rules of employing civil servants in the organizations. They formulate both the conditions which the candidate for the civil servant must fulfil and the types of his connections with the organization (Chpt. II). International civil servants enjoy the rights and appropriate duties (Chpts. Ill and IV). Their content and scope is the result of, first of all, the internal regulations of the organization, sometimes enriched by the rules of the law of the host state. The rights and duties of civil servants are accompanied by the privileges and immunities — facilities necessary to perform their duties in the organization (Chpt. V). The activities of civil servants may lead to conflicts with organization authorities. To protect their interests civil servants may make use of either administrative procedure stipulated in the inner law of the organization or submit the existing controversy to the competent judicial agency, i. e. administrative tribunal (Chpt. VI). The work closes with considerations on the independence of international civil servants towards the countries they are citizens of (Chpt. VII). And although the rule of independence of civil servants is confirmed by the statutes of particular organizations, still the activities of some countries are threat for this independence.
In the introduction the author underlines the importance and role of the foreign trade in the socialist economy. The rate of increase in the trade with abroad in CMEA countries ought to undergo a considerable acceleration and surpass the rate of increase of the national income and industrial production. In the course of the last years the socialist countries have done and still do big efforts aiming at extension and deepening of the profits of economical relations with highly developed West European countries. These efforts were expressed in active cooperation in bilateral talks that were to lead to liberalization of export to CMEA and EFTA countries, to the membership of GATT reacted by some of the socialist countries and in finished negotiations under the name of Kennedy Round. In that way we theoretically reached the approach to western markets — that in general depends on the quality of exported goods, their attractive price, short terms of delivery and profitable sale conditions for foreign contractive parties — this fact however does not solve the problem. Liberalization of import to CMEA and EFTA countries secures the approach to the west markets only in formal and legal terms. But there exists still another aspect of the problem. These markets got under control of the state and international concerns. The introduction of a new competitor is very difficult in that situation. A solution could be found in creating such a situation in which our presence on the West markets would be not only a competition but simultaneously a form of cooperation, profitable for our partners. Cooperation in the international scale would be the required form. Further on, the author discussed in the article three forms of cooperation: licence agreements in the branch of building and exporting machines, gadgets and agreements for cooperation with West enterprises in the aim of supplying on the markets of the third world. The author dealt as well with forms of scientific and technical cooperation and discussed profits of cooperation for both sides. Finishing the article the author put forward the thesis that cooperation helps to enliven the economical relations between East and West. Of course only under the condition that it will be only economical form of international cooperation with no political strings. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
The collapse of the world economy in the thirties was especially felt in Poland. In that situation the state had to undertake some efforts in order to lighten the course of events as well as to precipitate the end of crisis. These efforts were also directed towards the possibly rapid reconstruction of the devastations in Polish economy caused by that crisis. The intervention measures of the Polish government embraced the whole variety of steps which were undertaken in all branches of national economy. The author of this paper comes to the analysis and evaluation of control policy which — apart from the customs policy and the policy of export promotion — constituted in those times the substantial form of state intervention in the field of Polish foreign trade. The control of foreign traffic was reviewed from the point of view of numerous restrictions, import quotas and barter business. After a thorough examination of the process of rapid development of the foreign traffic control in Poland the author points at the double objective of introducing the import quotas. On one hand those above mentioned quotas can be considered as the repercussion and result of autarchic processes developed amongst the Poland's trade partners and increasing difficulties in international trade as well as the result of commonly used foreign exchange restrictions causing the freeze of credit balance from exports. Those import restrictions were introduced in order to weaken the disadvantegeous influence of the above mentioned events on Polish foreign trade and — indirectly — on the whole Poland's economy. On the other hand the control policy was also facilitating the inland's economic and financial policy. In the years 1929 - 1935 the system of quotas highly contributed to the achievement of favourable balance of foreign trade and international payments; in the next years that system constituted one of the most significant factors realization of foreign exchange control. In addition, in the whole period being the subject of the present analysis, the compensatory turnover greatly facilitated the realization of policy of export promotion. The mentioned motives of using the control policy caused the seizure of almost full control of foreign trade by state. In this article the author evaluates the control policy on the basis of the demonstrated uniformity of that policy with the general, economic policy of the state. As the deflation policy of the crisis years is evaluated rather negatively the same appraisal can be adopted to the control policy in foreign trade. However the investment policy of the after-crisis years of economic growth is appreciated as the only justified policy within the framework of contemporary political system and therefore also the control policy should be positively appreciated. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
The article attempts at juddgement of roots of Polish crises taking the international conditioning into consideration. There are variants of forecasts for the eighties formulated, on the grounds of the observed tendencies in the aspect of evolution of social and economic system and the cooperation with the West. Two regressive "paths" are distinguished which require substantial curbing; of links with the West as well as two progressive ones implying further inflow of accumulation of outside from the West. The variant resting on the assumption of extrapolating main trends of seventies is considered by the author to be the most probable. It involves also the tendency of further structural hybridization without removing the main reasons of inefficiency of the economic system i.e. lack of correct political verification of macroeconomic decisions and lack of mechanism of optimum investment allocation and motivation system. There is also a forecasting variant presented which implies a reduction of social antagonisms by means of the national compromise providing facilities for a transition to the real national State organized according to the rules of inclusive socialism (including a society in the process of exercising political and economic power). These rules should capacitate creation of the new economic model different from the Hungarian and Yugoslavian ones, which in the opinion of the author, do not ensure a correct utilization of external and internal accumulation and are likely to induce crises. Yet, this forecasting variant (labelled the path 4) is considered by the author to be the least probable on account of the adverse structure of social powers and a lack of practical experience. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
https://wuj.pl/ ; Tn der ersten Periode nach der Erschaffung des westdeutschen Staates ging die DGB von der Voraussetzung aus, dass viele für die Welt der Werktätigen wesentliche Probleme auf dem Wege der Machtübernahme durch die linken Parteien und der Einführung entsprechender Gesetzesregelungen gelöst werden könnten. Daher auch richteten sie ihre hauptsächlichsten Forderungen an die Adresse des Gesetzgebers. Jedoch die Machtübernahme durch bürgerliche Parteien sowie die Stärkung deren Position im Ergebnis der aufeinander folgenden Wahlen in das Bundesparlament bewirkte, dass eine Besserung der sozialen Existenzbedingungen der arbeitenden Massen grundsätzlich auf dem Wege von Tarifverträgen und Streikaktionen möglich wurde. Die ersten Massenstreiks von einem bedeutenden Ausmass wurden von der Gewerkschaft der IG-Metallindustrie im Jahre 1951 in Hessen, darauffolgend im Jahre 1954 in Bayern und an der Wende der Jahre 1956/57 in Schleswig-Holstein durchgeführt. Gefordert wurden vor allem höhere Löhne, eine Kürzung der Arbeitszeit, eine Erhöhung der Krankengelder sowie die Verlängerung der Zeitdauer ihrer Auszahlung, Gegen Ende der fünfziger und zu Beginn der sechziger Jahre kam es zu einer Umwertung der bisherigen programmatischen Voraussetzungen der Gewerkschaften sowie zu einer Änderung der Methoden und der Taktik ihrer Handlungsweise. Die bisher verkündeten Konzepte von marxistischen Umwandlungen des Systems wurden durch in der Praxis eines kapitalistischen Staates brauchbareren Voraussetzungen der Ökonomie von Keynes ersetzt. Das im Jahre 1963 als Ausdruck eines Kompromisses zwischen dem linken und dem rechten Flügel beschlossene fundamentale Program verkündete eine aktive Lohnpolitik und die Aufnahme anderei Schritte, deren Ziel die gerechte Teilung des gesellschaftlichen Produkts sein sollte. Diesen Bestrebungen widersetzten sich hauptsächlich Verbände der Arbeitgeber, die in einer Lohnsteigerung vor allem einen Faktor sahen, der die Investitionsmöglichkeiten der Unternehmer beschränkte, die Steigerung der Arbeitslosigkeit stimulierte, die Inflation antrieb. den ökonomischen Fortschritt und die Konkurrenzfähigkeit der deutschen Wirtschaft im internationalen Masstab schwächte und sogar hemmte. Dieser Standpunkt erhielt in der Regel Unterstützung durch die Staatsmacht, die mit Hilfe fiskaler Instrumente einen gestaltenden Einfluss auf den Inhalt der von den Gewerkschaften mit dem Verband der Arbeitgeber abgeschlossenen Tarifverträge haben konnte. Angesichts des Anwachsens und der Vertiefung der wirtschaftlichen Schwierigkeiten erwiesen sich diese Einflüsse als unzureichend. Nur rein fiskale Instrumente boten nämlich nicht solche Möglichkeiten der Wirtschaftssteuerung durch den Staat, die ihr Stabilisation und Entwicklung zusichern würden. Man begann daher nach neuen Formen einer Ingerenz in die Tarifbereiche zu suchen, die rechtlich die verfassungsmässig garantierte Autonomie der Gewerkschaften nicht beschränken würde. Mit dem Augenblick der Entstehung der Regierung der grossen Koalition, in der die durch das grosse und mittlere Kapital unterstützte CDU/CSU und die eine starke Unterstützung durch die Gewerkschaften besitzende SPD ihre Zusammenarbeit aufnahmen, wurde die Berufung einer Konzertierte Aktion möglich, als Ebene der Zusammenarbeit und Kopperation von Gewerkschaften. Arbeitgeberverbänden und der Regierung. Tatsächlich diente sie jedoch hauptsächlich der Regierung und den Arbeitgeberverbänden zur Ausübung eines Einflusses auf die Gewerkschaften mit dem Ziel, die sozialen und Lohnforderungen der werktätigen Massen zu beschränken und dank dem die geplanten Stabilisationsziele und einen Wirtschaftswachstum zu erreichen. Die über begründete Zeitrahmen hinaus verlängerte und diesen Zielen untergeordnete Politik der Selbstbeschränkung, die von der Leitung der DGB geführt wurde, rief spontane Proteste der Mitglieder der in ihr vereinten Organisationen hervor. Aus Furcht vor dem Zerreissen der Bande mit der Mitgliederbasis wurde die Leitung der DG3 zu einer Änderung dieser Politik gezwungen. Dagegen reagierten die Arbeitgeber öfter als in der Vergangenheit auf von Streiks unterstützte Forderungen der Gewerkschaften mit Aussperrungen. Die wachsende Spannung zwischen den Verbänden der Arbeitsgeber und den Gewerkschaften führte zu einem Austritt der letzteren aus der Konzertierte Aktion. Es wurden jedoch verschiedene andere Formen von Konsultationen und der Zusammenarbeit zwischen der Regierung, den Arbeitgebern und den Gewerkschaften beibehalten. In diesem Dreieck von gegenseitiger Abhängigkeit und Einflüssen mit dem Charakter von Rückkopplungen besitzen die Arbeitgeber eine vorherrschende Stellung. Jedoch vermochten die Gewerkschaften auf dem Wege von langjährigen Kämpfen. Zugeständnissen und Kompromissen trotzdem, wichtige Ergebnisse im Bereich einer Eesserung der Lohnbedingungen, Arbeitsverhältnissen sowie im Bereich sozialer Leistungen zu erlangen.
