A crise financeira não deveria chegar à América Latina, segundo a maioria dos economistas e governantes: o conjunto de indicadores de vulnerabilidade melhorou na maior parte dessas economias. No entanto, ela chegou e, à medida que os dias passam, anuncia-se cada vez mais severa. Os indicadores de vulnerabilidade, portanto, não são suficientes para estabelecer prognósticos confiáveis. É necessário combiná-los com indicadores de fragilidade mais confiáveis como a apreciação da taxa cambial, as desigualdades mais elevadas. Quanto piores forem esses indicadores, mais difícil será resistir à crise, e vice-versa. Como a crise nos países desenvolvidos adquiriu um caráter sistêmico e os indicadores de fragilidade não são muito bons, suas repercussões serão consideráveis nessas economias emergentes, apesar de indicadores de vulnerabilidade terem apresentado melhoras. ; Most economists and government leaders stated that the crisis was not going to reach Latin America; the indicators of vulnerability have improved in most of these economies. However, the crisis did reach the region and is looking increasingly severe as the days go by. The indicators of economic vulnerability alone cannot, therefore, establish reliable forecasts. More reliable indicators such as exchange rate appreciation and other high inequalities must also be taken into account. The worse these indicators are, the more difficult it is not to fall into the crisis, and vice-versa. In developed countries, the crisis has taken on a systematic character and the signs of fragility are worrying. Therefore, despite an improvement in the indicators of economic vulnerability, the crisis will have significant repercussions in emerging economies.
É surpreendente a resistência da economia brasileira à crise internacional nos primeiros meses de 2009. A queda da produção e dos investimentos foi intensa, mas não houve crise cambial, nem crise fiscal ou abalos no sistema financeiro. O governo conseguiu adotar medidas anticíclicas, com corte de impostos e redução dos juros, favorecido pela arrecadação fiscal elevada e pelo fortalecimento dos bancos, depois de anos de juros elevados, além de dispor dos bancos públicos e dos fundos públicos, instrumentos poderosos herdados do passado. No lado externo, a entrada de capitais é estimulada pela ampla liquidez gerada pelas políticas de expansão monetária dos Estados Unidos, enquanto as exportações refletem a sustentação da demanda chinesa, com forte aumento da participação de produtos primários e redução das vendas de produtos industrializados. A capacidade de reagir à crise é um grande teste para o modelo brasileiro de abertura e liberalização, da mesma forma que as dificuldades para sustentar as exportações de industrializados e para a recuperação dos investimentos e da atividade produtiva são também desafios consideráveis. ; Reviewing the first months of 2009, it's surprising to see the Brazilian economy resistance over the international crisis. The decline on production and investment were intense, however, there has not been neither a foreign exchange crisis nor fiscal and financial system breakthrough. The government could apply anti-cyclic policies, as tax cuts and interest reduction, helped by the actual large extend of tax collection and banks strength, after years of high interest rates, besides using the public banks and the public funds, valuable legacy instruments. Regarding the external side, the capital inflow is stimulated by the wider liquidity generate by the US recent monetary expansion policy, while the exports are due to China demand maintenance, with significant increase in basic commodities and decrease of manufactured products. The capacity of reacting to the crises is a great test for the Brazilian model of economic opening, in the same way that the difficulties to sustain the industrialized good exports and recovery of investment rates in the manufacturing activities are considerable challenges.
OBJECTIVE:To comparatively analyze governmental regulations on embryonic stem cell research among countries. METHODS: The study was performed between March and May 2008, using a direct electronic search through official databases of legislative documents from 25 selected countries, confirmed by email consultation with researchers and authorities from these countries, when necessary. RESULTS: Results showed a trend to allow the practice of embryonic stem cell research, though with strict ethical restrictions. Among the countries analyzed, only Italy and Germany explicitly condemned the extraction of stem cells and only Italy prohibits their subsequent use. Recent judicial decisions in Brazil are in accordance with the international regulatory context of embryo research. CONCLUSIONS: The trend observed represents freedom of research to promote knowledge as a public good, emphasized by the expectation of therapeutic potentiality of embryonic stem cell research to treat and cure diseases without any medical care. ; OBJETIVO:Analisar comparativamente regulações governamentais entre países sobre pesquisa em células-tronco embrionárias. MÉTODOS:O estudo foi conduzido entre março e maio de 2008, por meio de busca eletrônica direta nas fontes oficiais sobre documentos legislativos de 25 países selecionados e confirmada, quando necessário, por consulta por e-mail a pesquisadores e autoridades desses países. RESULTADOS: Os resultados mostraram tendência a permitir a prática de pesquisas com células-tronco embrionárias, embora com rígidas restrições éticas. Dentre os países estudados, apenas Itália e Alemanha explicitamente condenam a extração de células-tronco e apenas Itália proíbe seu uso subseqüente. Decisões jurídicas brasileiras recentes são coerentes com o contexto regulatório internacional sobre pesquisa embrionária. CONCLUSÕES: A tendência observada representa a liberdade de pesquisa para a promoção do conhecimento como um bem público, reforçada pela expectativa de potencialidade terapêutica na pesquisa com células-tronco embrionárias para o tratamento e cura de doenças sem qualquer possibilidade de assistência médica. ; OBJETIVO:Analizar comparativamente regulaciones gubernamentales entre países sobre pesquisa en células madre embrionarias. MÉTODOS:El estudio fue conducido entre marzo y mayo de 2008, por medio de búsqueda electrónica directa en las fuentes oficiales sobre documentos legislativos de 25 países seleccionados y confirmada, cuando era necesario, por consulta por e-mail a investigadores y autoridades de esos países. RESULTADOS:Los resultados mostraron tendencia a permitir la práctica de pesquisas con células madre embrionarias, a pesar de que con rígidas restricciones éticas. Entre los países estudiados, apenas Italia y Alemania explícitamente condenan la extracción de células madre coherentes con el contexto regulatorio internacional sobre pesquisa embrionaria. CONCLUSIONES: La tendencia observada representa la libertad de pesquisa para la promoción del conocimiento como un bien público, reforzada por la expectativa de potencialidad terapéutica en la pesquisa con células madre embrionarias para el tratamiento y cura de enfermedades sin cualquier posibilidad de asistencia médica.
The author highlights that Russia has ceased to be the liberator and the stronghold of the global revolution, the leader of the bloc, the defender of the 'only right ideology' and the model of a political system for other states, it was the times of the USSR. This realization Moscow continuously pursue policy to regain its position on the international arena. It is unlikely, however, that Russia will be able to fulfill her ambition by means of territorial expansion: the primary role of the economy inern international relations allows us to assume that Russia will not decide to enter an open confrontation with theWest as she is gradually made increasingly more dependent onWestern financial centers. ; The author highlights that Russia has ceased to be the liberator and the stronghold of the global revolution, the leader of the bloc, the defender of the 'only right ideology' and the model of a political system for other states, it was the times of the USSR. This realization Moscow continuously pursue policy to regain its position on the international arena. It is unlikely, however, that Russia will be able to fulfill her ambition by means of territorial expansion: the primary role of the economy inern international relations allows us to assume that Russia will not decide to enter an open confrontation with theWest as she is gradually made increasingly more dependent onWestern financial centers.
O artigo trata da presente crise do capitalismo internacional, interessando-se pelo nexo entre seus aspectos propriamente econômicos e as questões políticas e institucionais que ela suscita. São discutidos alguns elementos de caráter cognitivo e metodológico importantes para uma agenda de pesquisa da crise, e em seguida é apresentado um panorama do processo de globalização neoliberal que caracterizou o mundo nas ultimas décadas e que está no centro da crise contemporânea. O artigo conclui com uma breve prospecção das mudanças que poderão advir da crise, sobretudo no que diz respeito à revalorização da política e ao fortalecimento do papel do estado. ; The article deals with the current crisis of world capitalism, relating its specifically economic aspects to political and institutional questions raised by the financial crash. It discusses some cognitive and methodological issues which are relevant for a research agenda of the process, followed by an overview of the development of neoliberal globalization. This model, which characterized the world during the last few decades, is in the heart of the contemporary economic problems. The article concludes with a brief prospect of the changes that may be stemming from the crisis, especially those related to the strengthening of politics and the state's role.
My article aims at presenting the role of regions in the decision-making process of the European Union. After analyzing different channels used by regions to influence UE decisions, I try to put my conclusions in wider theoretical context. Although central governments arc still major and dominant players in the UE, they must more often compete with others actors, especially with sub- -national authorities. Growing activity of regions raises questions about relations between territoriality, sovereignty and state. Of help is the introduction of the post-westphalian national state. It is post-westphalian, because it does not have absolute control over its territory, it does not have monopoly over international politics (actually distinction between domestic and international is blurred) and it is more and more fragmented (possibility of tensions between central and subcentral authorities on European level). However, it is still national, because power is still legitimized in national terms. ; Anna Sałgut
Polish-German relations are currently shaped by mutual understanding and collaboration. However, this does not prevent conflict of interests occurring between the two states with respect to foreign policy, or their standpoints, presented on the European arena. Nevertheless, these conflicts are a regular and permanent element of international relations, and the consequence of different geographical locations differences in the level and development directions of the economy of bcountries,d particularly of the primary responsibility of each state to act in the interest of its own citizens. ; Polish-German relations are currently shaped by mutual understanding and collaboration. However, this does not prevent conflict of interests occurring between the two states with respect to foreign policy, or their standpoints, presented on the European arena. Nevertheless, these conflicts are a regular and permanent element of international relations, and the consequence of different geographical locations differences in the level and development directions of the economy of bcountries,d particularly of the primary responsibility of each state to act in the interest of its own citizens.
Canada took part in creating United Nations Organization and actively participated in many UN specialized organizations. It was also the co-author of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Contributed in negotiations in the matter of the prohibition of continuing the experiences with the nuclear weapon, supported Treaty Between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic on the Limitation of Anti-Ballistic Missile Systems. Canada acted as a leader of the British Commonwealth, the allied of United States, moderator in the Atlantic Alliance, mediator in solving international conflicts. Canada was involved as the economic power in solving global problems, and also offered help for undeveloped states. Beginning from the end of years 60. the politics of Canadian governments brought to the reduction of defense expenses, and in the result brought some problems with the Canadian identity. The Canada balances among the necessity of the co-operation with United States and the protections of own independence. New defense strategy introduced in 2008, Canada First. Defense Strategy, created possibilities of change in the defense policy. New strategy give possibility of the armed forces strengthening and the strengthening of the international position of the Canada, however these introduced changes are meeting some difficulty after years of negligence s.
The process of forming the European Union Battlegroups has become an important factor in developing the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) of the European Union (EU). Creation of immediate reaction capacity in the EU' military and anti-crisis actions increase the cohesion throughout the Union. This is also a strong motive to intensifying other security actions; e.g. development of the capacity of strategic military transfer or foundation of regular operational command structures. Political role of the future European Union Battlegroups is worth mentioning, they could provide new perspectives throughout CSDP. This project would serve to strengthen European identity, as well as increase the significance of the Union on the international/global political scene. For success in becoming an effective EU strategic reserve the Battlegroups should be, however, active and appropriately used. In order to do that the European Union needs more solidarity in concepts and actions (due to national differences the CSDP still lacks integration). Meanwhile, the EU still poses new challenges (e.g. the state of affairs Georgia and Afghanistan).
In the article there was shown the issue of the power division and balance, which is regulated by the Republic of Poland Constitution. The rule of power division appears in the shaped constitutional state organs. There are different practical solutions connected with the realization of the power division and the agreement between the rules and their effects is described as the rule system. The real meaning of the tree division power rule accomplishes by the description the relations of the model between the legislature and executive. The Constitution of the Republic of Poland regards the division and balance rule of the legislature, executive and judiciary as the base of the Polish political system and expresses it directly in the content of the art.10 of the Constitution. The base of the democratic law state is the rule of the power division. The most important is the Constitution of the state and international treaties which regulate the human and civil rights.
In the article conceptual bases of collaboration of Ukraine are examined with Europe, which are based on a policy which determines support of supremacy of right and strengthening of democracy as bases of relations between Ukraine and incorporated Europe. The idea of European belonging of Ukraine means, from one side, the radical turn of historical fate of the state, from other is determination of the Ukrainian way to European community, taking into account that Ukraine is the state which changes, obtains reputation in the international area,take partner relationships with the key countries of the world. Expansion of Europe opens new possibilities and growings prospects of deepening of eurointegration strategy of Ukraine. ; Artykuł prezentuje koncepcyjne podstawy współpracy Ukrainy z Europą, które są oparte na polityce determinującej wsparcie nadrzędności prawa i wzmocnienia demokracji jako podstawy stosunków między Ukrainą a Zjednoczoną Europą. Idea przynależności Ukrainy do Europy oznacza z jednej strony radykalny przełom historyczny losów tego państwa, z drugiej zaś jest określeniem drogi Ukrainy do Unii Europejskiej, biorąc pod uwagę, że jest ona państwem, które podlega zmianom, wzrasta jej znaczenie na arenie międzynarodowej, podejmuje partnerskie relacje z kluczowymi krajami świata. Rozszerzenie UE otwiera nowe możliwości i perspektywy wzrostów zależnie od przyjętej strategii eurointegracji Ukrainy.
In the article conceptual bases of collaboration of Ukraine are examined with Europe, which are based on a policy which determines support of supremacy of right and strengthening of democracy as bases of relations between Ukraine and incorporated Europe. The idea of European belonging of Ukraine means, from one side, the radical turn of historical fate of the state, from other is determination of the Ukrainian way to European community, taking into account that Ukraine is the state which changes, obtains reputation in the international area,take partner relationships with the key countries of the world. Expansion of Europe opens new possibilities and growings prospects of deepening of eurointegration strategy of Ukraine. ; Artykuł prezentuje koncepcyjne podstawy współpracy Ukrainy z Europą, które są oparte na polityce determinującej wsparcie nadrzędności prawa i wzmocnienia demokracji jako podstawy stosunków między Ukrainą a Zjednoczoną Europą. Idea przynależności Ukrainy do Europy oznacza z jednej strony radykalny przełom historyczny losów tego państwa, z drugiej zaś jest określeniem drogi Ukrainy do Unii Europejskiej, biorąc pod uwagę, że jest ona państwem, które podlega zmianom, wzrasta jej znaczenie na arenie międzynarodowej, podejmuje partnerskie relacje z kluczowymi krajami świata. Rozszerzenie UE otwiera nowe możliwości i perspektywy wzrostów zależnie od przyjętej strategii eurointegracji Ukrainy.
Po upadku komunizmu i zakończeniu zimnej wojny wydawało się, że świat na trwałe wchodzi w okres stabilizacji, pokoju i współpracy. Szybko jednak okazało się, że świat narastającej globalizacji ma różne oblicza, także negatywne, co rzutuje na prawie każdą sferę życia, także na bezpieczeństwo. Spadło co prawda zagrożenie nuklearne, ale pojawiły się nowe zagrożenia oraz nasiliły te, które przedtem przesłonięte były rywalizacją Wschód – Zachód. Chodzi głównie o konfl ikty etniczno- -religijne, kulturowe i cywilizacyjne, w tym rozlewające się konfl ikty wewnętrzne w państwach słabych i upadłych, proliferację broni masowego rażenia, niebezpieczne ambicje państw dyktatorskich. Ogromny wpływ na ład międzynarodowy i bezpieczeństwo miały zamachy 11 września 2001. Zmieniły one percepcję zagrożeń dla bezpieczeństwa. Terroryzm uznany został za największe zagrożenie dla bezpieczeństwa, a ogłoszona przez prezydenta Busha walka z terroryzmem doprowadziła Stany Zjednoczone i prawie cały Zachód do zaangażowania w dwie wojny: w Iraku i w Afganistanie. O ile interwencję w Afganistanie i obalenie reżimu Talibów można uznać za swoiste prawo do samoobrony Stanów Zjednoczonych (a właściwie po uruchomieniu art. 5 traktatu waszyngtońskiego za sprawę całego NATO), bo Al-Kaida, która była organizatorem zamachów 11 września, za przyzwoleniem tego reżimu była na stałe zainstalowana w tym kraju, to już interwencja w Iraku miała wątpliwe podstawy prawne, a właściwie była ona jednostronną decyzją USA, podjętą mimo protestów połowy sojuszników NATO. To co nastąpiło potem, w ramach wojny z terroryzmem, przekształciło się w totalny chaos, przypominający wojnę domową, w Iraku obecnie wygasającą, w Afganistanie zaś, już w warunkach obecności tam Międzynarodowych Sił Wsparcia Bezpieczeństwa (ISAF), coraz bardziej nasilającą się. W ostatnich dwóch latach warunki bezpieczeństwa w Afganistanie, za które w praktyce, w ramach ISAF, odpowiedzialne jest NATO, gwałtownie się pogorszyły. Gwałtownie wzrosła liczba zamachów terrorystycznych, a talibowie odzyskują pozycje, kontrolując już prawie 40% obszaru Afganistanu. Sytuacja w Afganistanie i odpowiedzialność NATO za bezpieczeństwo tego kraju budzi ogromne zaniepokojenie przywódców państw natowskich oraz kierownictwa sojuszu. Staje się to również jednym z centralnych problemów nowej administracji waszyngtońskiej. Trwające już siedem lat i rosnące zaangażowanie NATO i sił koalicyjnych w Afganistanie, pionierskie w ramach misji out of area, mimo zaangażowania ok. 64 tysięcy żołnierzy, sprzętu i idących w miliardy dolarów kosztów operacji nie przynosi jak dotąd, oczekiwanych rezultatów. Dlatego też przygotowana i realizowana jest nowa strategia obecności USA i NATO w Afganistanie. Zaangażowanie NATO w Afganistanie często interpretowane jest jako swoisty test dla Sojuszu, jako wyraz rosnącej odpowiedzialności za bezpieczeństwo globalne, w tym za zwalczanie nowych zagrożeń, takich jak terroryzm, których eskalacja jest także ubocznym skutkiem globalizacji. Autor nie w pełni podziela te opinie, choć niewątpliwie obecność NATO w Afganistanie jest ważną i trudną próbą dla Sojuszu, w tym także dla Polski ze względu na rosnące zaangażowanie sił zbrojnych naszego kraju w tę operację. Sprawa udziału NATO jednak rzutuje na stan bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego, eskaluje napięcia i budzi negatywne emocje cywilizacyjno-kulturowe, utrudnia walkę z terroryzmem, kładzie się cieniem na i tak niejasny obraz sytuacji na Bliskim i Środkowym Wschodzie. Na wiele spraw z zakresu bezpieczeństwa globalnego i regionalnego, w tym narodowego poszczególnych krajów (choćby USA), patrzy się przez pryzmat Afganistanu. ; When the cold war ended, after the collapse of communism and when fi nally the Soviet Union disintegrated, there was a widespread feeling through the world that at long last universal peace had descended on earth. The fear of war in which weapons of mass destruction would be used had vanished. Today's world is a vastly different place. It is a world of globalization, which has both good and bad sides. This inexorable process has extended the opportunities of worldwide interchange. But this same globalization process and associated technology have also brought major new threats and intensifi ed existing ones. The threats we face are seamless, running across the boundaries of defence, foreign affairs, domestic and social life. It has left nations and peoples ever more vulnerable to phenomena ranging from international crime and terrorism through to cyber-attacks, health pandemics, energy politics, resource shortages and fi nancial crisis. We are facing the problem of failed states, WMD proliferations, rough countries challenges. We all have to agree that it was a great impact of 9/11 terrorist hijackers and attacks on security. The perception of international security threats has changed. Terrorism has been recognized as the biggest threat for security. The war on terrorism, declared by George W. Bush, has engaged United States and almost the whole West in two wars: in Iraq and in Afghanistan. As far as Afghanistan case is concerned, one has to recognize the legitimacy of American intervention (as did the UN Security Council), as U.S. had the right to self-defence after Al-Qaeda attacks, operating from Afghan territory. In the case of intervention in Iraq there are far going doubts about its legitimacy. The result was not only the overthrow of both regimes, of Saddam Hussein in Iraq and Taliban in Afghanistan, but a real mess – if not a civil war – in Iraq. Today, after seven years, the security situation in Iraq has much improved, but in Afghanistan there is ongoing process of violence escalation. In the last years the conditions of security in Afghanistan, for keeping which responsible is ISAF (and practically NATO, being a core of ISAF), has dramatically deteriorated. The number of terrorist attacks has enormously increased and Taliban have regained the control over 40% of Afghan territory. The security situation in Afghanistan and NATO's responsibility for that is the reason of deep concern for both the leaders of NATO member states and Alliance itself. The new American administration has made the confl ict a policy priority. President Obama announced a new strategy for Afghanistan, including the decision to commit an additional 30 000 U.S. military forces to address the confl ict. NATO's engagement in Afghanistan is treated as a kind of test for Alliance and a confi rmation of NATO's rising responsibility for global security, opening new out of area alliance missions. It is also important for Poland, taking in consideration the rising number of Polish troops in Afghanistan. Many questions of global and regional [Middle East] security are treated in the framework of Afghanistan case. ; Многие считали, что после падения коммунизма и окончания холодной войны, мир входит в период стабилизации, мира и сотрудничества. Однако вскоре ока- залось, что в эпоху глобализации мир имеет разные обличия, в том числе нега- тивные, что отражается почти на каждой сфере жизни, в том числе и на безопас- ности. Хотя и уменьшилась ядерная угроза, но появились новые угрозы, а также усилились те, которые ранее, в связи с соперничеством Востока и Запада, на- ходились на втором плане. Главным образом здесь необходимо иметь ввиду эт- ническо-религиозные, культурные и цивилизационные конфликты, в том числе, внутренние конфликты в слабых и распавшихся государствах, распространение оружия массового уничтожения, опасные шаги диктаторских государств. Огромное влияние на международный порядок и безопасность оказали террористические акты 11 сентября 2001 года. Они полностью изменили вос- приятие угроз безопасности. Терроризм был признан самой большой угрозой безопасности, а провозглашенная президентом Бушем война с терроризмом вовлекла Соединённые Штаты и почти весь Запад в ведение двух войн: в Ира- ке и в Афганистане. Если интервенцию в Афганистане и свержение режима та- либов еще можно признать своеобразным правом на самозащиту Соединённых Штатов (а имея ввиду 5 статью Вашингтонского договора делом всего НАТО), поскольку Аль-Каида, ответственная за организацию терактов 11 сентября, с согласия режима талибов имела постоянные базы в этой стране, то интер- венция в Ираке имела очень слабые юридические основания и в действитель- ности она была односторонним решением США, принятым вопреки протестам половины союзников НАТО. То, что произошло в рамках войны с терроризмом, позже превратилось в тотальный хаос, приведший к ослабевающей гражданс- кой войне в Ираке, и усиливающейся войне в Афганистане, происходящей в ус- ловиях присутствия там Международных сил содействия безопасности (ISAF). В последние два года безопасность в Афганистане, за которую в действитель- ности в рамках ISAF, несет ответственность НАТО, сильно ухудшилась. Возрос- ло количество террористических актов, а талибы контролируют уже почти 40% территории Афганистана. Ситуация в Афганистане и ответственность НАТО за безопасность этой стра- ны, вызывает огромное беспокойство глав государств членов НАТО, руководс- тва союза, а также становиться одной из главных проблем новой вашингтон- ской администрации. Продолжающееся уже семь лет и растущее присутствие НАТО и коалиционных сил в Афганистане, не взирая на контингент численностью около 64 тысяч солдат, современную технику и исчисляющуюся в миллиар- дах долларов стоимость операции, пока не принесло ожидаемых результатов. В связи с чем, подготавливается и реализуется новая стратегия присутствия США и НАТО в Афганистане. Действия НАТО в Афганистане часто интерпретированы как своеобразный тест для союза, как проявление растущей ответственности за глобальную бе- зопасность, в том числе за борьбу с новыми угрозами, такими как терроризм, эскалация которого в какой-то степени является побочным следствием глоба- лизации. Автор не полностью разделяет такое мнение, хотя, несомненно, при- сутствие НАТО в Афганистане – это важное и тяжелое испытание для союза, в том числе также для Польши, ввиду возрастающего присутствия вооружён- ных сил Польши в этой операции. Вопрос участия в операции НАТО, хотим мы этого или нет, отражается на состоянии международной безопасности, вызыва- ет напряжения и отрицательные цивилизационно-культурные эмоции, затруд- няет борьбу с терроризмом, оказывает влияние на и так непростую ситуацию на Ближнем и Среднем Востоке. На многие вопросы в сфере глобальной и ре- гиональной безопасности, в том числе и национальной, отдельных стран (даже США), нужно смотреть сквозь призму Афганистана.
