Suchergebnisse

Wong, Wai Man Natalie. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 120-128). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Notes --- p.vii ; Lists of Figures and Tables --- p.viii ; Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Background of the Study - Transboundary movement of electronic waste (e-waste) --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Definition of Structure of NGOs Networks --- p.8 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Transnational Advocacy Networks (TANs) --- p.11 ; Chapter 1.3.1 --- Variables in TANs --- p.12 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Organization of this Study --- p.18 ; Chapter 1.5 --- Methodology --- p.18 ; Chapter CHAPTER 2 --- REVIEWING TRANSNATIONAL ADVOCACY NETWORKS IN TRANSNATIONAL ACTIVISM --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Overview: Expansion of INGOs --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.1.1 --- Debates: State-centric vs. Non State-centric in World Politics --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Transnational Activism in World Politics --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Networks in Transnational Activisms --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Linkages in Transnational Activism between the North and the South --- p.30 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- NGOs Networking: Two Levels Analysis --- p.32 ; Chapter 2.4 --- TANs in Transnational Activisms --- p.34 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Transnational Activism in Asia --- p.43 ; Chapter CHAPTER 3 --- WHAT HAS THE GREENPEACE DONE IN ANTI TOXIC E-WASTE CAMPAGINS IN CHINA AND THE PHILIPPINES? --- p.49 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Problems of e-waste --- p.49 ; Chapter 3.2 --- The Greenpeace China in Anti-toxic e-waste Campaign --- p.54 ; Chapter 3.3 --- The Greenpeace Philippines in Anti-toxic e-waste Campaign --- p.64 ; Chapter CHAPTER 4 --- COMPARISON OF THE STRUCTURE OF GREENPEACE NETWORKS IN CHINA AND THE PHILIPPINES --- p.76 ; Chapter 4.1 --- History of INGOs in China and the Philippines --- p.76 ; Chapter 4.1.1 --- History of INGOs in China --- p.76 ; Chapter 4.1.2 --- History of INGOs in the Philippines --- p.79 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Greenpeace - National Government Relationship --- p.92 ; Chapter 4.3 --- ...

The author highlights that Russia has ceased to be the liberator and the stronghold of the global revolution, the leader of the bloc, the defender of the 'only right ideology' and the model of a political system for other states, it was the times of the USSR. This realization Moscow continuously pursue policy to regain its position on the international arena. It is unlikely, however, that Russia will be able to fulfill her ambition by means of territorial expansion: the primary role of the economy inern international relations allows us to assume that Russia will not decide to enter an open confrontation with theWest as she is gradually made increasingly more dependent onWestern financial centers. ; The author highlights that Russia has ceased to be the liberator and the stronghold of the global revolution, the leader of the bloc, the defender of the 'only right ideology' and the model of a political system for other states, it was the times of the USSR. This realization Moscow continuously pursue policy to regain its position on the international arena. It is unlikely, however, that Russia will be able to fulfill her ambition by means of territorial expansion: the primary role of the economy inern international relations allows us to assume that Russia will not decide to enter an open confrontation with theWest as she is gradually made increasingly more dependent onWestern financial centers.

My article aims at presenting the role of regions in the decision-making process of the European Union. After analyzing different channels used by regions to influence UE decisions, I try to put my conclusions in wider theoretical context. Although central governments arc still major and dominant players in the UE, they must more often compete with others actors, especially with sub- -national authorities. Growing activity of regions raises questions about relations between territoriality, sovereignty and state. Of help is the introduction of the post-westphalian national state. It is post-westphalian, because it does not have absolute control over its territory, it does not have monopoly over international politics (actually distinction between domestic and international is blurred) and it is more and more fragmented (possibility of tensions between central and subcentral authorities on European level). However, it is still national, because power is still legitimized in national terms. ; Anna Sałgut

Polish-German relations are currently shaped by mutual understanding and collaboration. However, this does not prevent conflict of interests occurring between the two states with respect to foreign policy, or their standpoints, presented on the European arena. Nevertheless, these conflicts are a regular and permanent element of international relations, and the consequence of different geographical locations differences in the level and development directions of the economy of bcountries,d particularly of the primary responsibility of each state to act in the interest of its own citizens. ; Polish-German relations are currently shaped by mutual understanding and collaboration. However, this does not prevent conflict of interests occurring between the two states with respect to foreign policy, or their standpoints, presented on the European arena. Nevertheless, these conflicts are a regular and permanent element of international relations, and the consequence of different geographical locations differences in the level and development directions of the economy of bcountries,d particularly of the primary responsibility of each state to act in the interest of its own citizens.

Canada took part in creating United Nations Organization and actively participated in many UN specialized organizations. It was also the co-author of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Contributed in negotiations in the matter of the prohibition of continuing the experiences with the nuclear weapon, supported Treaty Between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic on the Limitation of Anti-Ballistic Missile Systems. Canada acted as a leader of the British Commonwealth, the allied of United States, moderator in the Atlantic Alliance, mediator in solving international conflicts. Canada was involved as the economic power in solving global problems, and also offered help for undeveloped states. Beginning from the end of years 60. the politics of Canadian governments brought to the reduction of defense expenses, and in the result brought some problems with the Canadian identity. The Canada balances among the necessity of the co-operation with United States and the protections of own independence. New defense strategy introduced in 2008, Canada First. Defense Strategy, created possibilities of change in the defense policy. New strategy give possibility of the armed forces strengthening and the strengthening of the international position of the Canada, however these introduced changes are meeting some difficulty after years of negligence s.

The process of forming the European Union Battlegroups has become an important factor in developing the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) of the European Union (EU). Creation of immediate reaction capacity in the EU' military and anti-crisis actions increase the cohesion throughout the Union. This is also a strong motive to intensifying other security actions; e.g. development of the capacity of strategic military transfer or foundation of regular operational command structures. Political role of the future European Union Battlegroups is worth mentioning, they could provide new perspectives throughout CSDP. This project would serve to strengthen European identity, as well as increase the significance of the Union on the international/global political scene. For success in becoming an effective EU strategic reserve the Battlegroups should be, however, active and appropriately used. In order to do that the European Union needs more solidarity in concepts and actions (due to national differences the CSDP still lacks integration). Meanwhile, the EU still poses new challenges (e.g. the state of affairs Georgia and Afghanistan).

In the article there was shown the issue of the power division and balance, which is regulated by the Republic of Poland Constitution. The rule of power division appears in the shaped constitutional state organs. There are different practical solutions connected with the realization of the power division and the agreement between the rules and their effects is described as the rule system. The real meaning of the tree division power rule accomplishes by the description the relations of the model between the legislature and executive. The Constitution of the Republic of Poland regards the division and balance rule of the legislature, executive and judiciary as the base of the Polish political system and expresses it directly in the content of the art.10 of the Constitution. The base of the democratic law state is the rule of the power division. The most important is the Constitution of the state and international treaties which regulate the human and civil rights.

In the article conceptual bases of collaboration of Ukraine are examined with Europe, which are based on a policy which determines support of supremacy of right and strengthening of democracy as bases of relations between Ukraine and incorporated Europe. The idea of European belonging of Ukraine means, from one side, the radical turn of historical fate of the state, from other is determination of the Ukrainian way to European community, taking into account that Ukraine is the state which changes, obtains reputation in the international area,take partner relationships with the key countries of the world. Expansion of Europe opens new possibilities and growings prospects of deepening of eurointegration strategy of Ukraine. ; Artykuł prezentuje koncepcyjne podstawy współpracy Ukrainy z Europą, które są oparte na polityce determinującej wsparcie nadrzędności prawa i wzmocnienia demokracji jako podstawy stosunków między Ukrainą a Zjednoczoną Europą. Idea przynależności Ukrainy do Europy oznacza z jednej strony radykalny przełom historyczny losów tego państwa, z drugiej zaś jest określeniem drogi Ukrainy do Unii Europejskiej, biorąc pod uwagę, że jest ona państwem, które podlega zmianom, wzrasta jej znaczenie na arenie międzynarodowej, podejmuje partnerskie relacje z kluczowymi krajami świata. Rozszerzenie UE otwiera nowe możliwości i perspektywy wzrostów zależnie od przyjętej strategii eurointegracji Ukrainy.

In the article conceptual bases of collaboration of Ukraine are examined with Europe, which are based on a policy which determines support of supremacy of right and strengthening of democracy as bases of relations between Ukraine and incorporated Europe. The idea of European belonging of Ukraine means, from one side, the radical turn of historical fate of the state, from other is determination of the Ukrainian way to European community, taking into account that Ukraine is the state which changes, obtains reputation in the international area,take partner relationships with the key countries of the world. Expansion of Europe opens new possibilities and growings prospects of deepening of eurointegration strategy of Ukraine. ; Artykuł prezentuje koncepcyjne podstawy współpracy Ukrainy z Europą, które są oparte na polityce determinującej wsparcie nadrzędności prawa i wzmocnienia demokracji jako podstawy stosunków między Ukrainą a Zjednoczoną Europą. Idea przynależności Ukrainy do Europy oznacza z jednej strony radykalny przełom historyczny losów tego państwa, z drugiej zaś jest określeniem drogi Ukrainy do Unii Europejskiej, biorąc pod uwagę, że jest ona państwem, które podlega zmianom, wzrasta jej znaczenie na arenie międzynarodowej, podejmuje partnerskie relacje z kluczowymi krajami świata. Rozszerzenie UE otwiera nowe możliwości i perspektywy wzrostów zależnie od przyjętej strategii eurointegracji Ukrainy.

Zhang, Jiayu. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 136-147). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.iiii ; Table of Contents --- p.viii ; List of Abbreviations --- p.ix ; List of Figures --- p.x ; List of Tables --- p.x ; Chapter Chapter I: --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1. 1 --- What happened to China´ةs SRB? --- p.1 ; Chapter 1. 2 --- Women´ةs Human Rights as important Human Rights --- p.3 ; Chapter 1. 3 --- SRB and Women´ةs Rights --- p.6 ; Chapter 1. 4 --- Research Purpose and Methods --- p.7 ; Chapter 1. 5 --- Research Outline --- p.17 ; Chapter Chapter II. --- The Particular Features in China´ةs SRB --- p.20 ; Chapter 2. 1 --- The Regional Features in SRB --- p.20 ; Chapter 2. 2 --- The Ethnic Features in SRB --- p.23 ; Chapter 2. 3 --- The Features by Birth Order --- p.24 ; Chapter Chapter III. --- The Causes of Imbalanced SRB --- p.26 ; Chapter 3. 1 --- The Proximal Causes --- p.26 ; Chapter 3. 2 --- The Fundamental Cause --- p.31 ; What Encourage son preference in China? --- p.32 ; Chapter 3.2.1 --- Cultural and Historical Factors --- p.33 ; Chapter 3.2.2 --- Economic Factors --- p.38 ; Chapter 3.2.3 --- Law and policy as a Structural Factor --- p.40 ; Political Silence --- p.42 ; Economic Subordination --- p.43 ; Sexual Subordination --- p.48 ; Birth Control --- p.50 ; Chapter Chapter IV. --- The Consequences of Imbalanced SRB from a Human Rights Perspective --- p.58 ; Human Rights Violation against Women in the SRB Issues --- p.59 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Rights Violations Which Cause the Distorted SRB --- p.59 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Rights Violations for Which the Abnormal SRB is a Cause --- p.66 ; Chapter 4.2.1 --- Trafficking in Women --- p.70 ; Chapter 4.2.2 --- Sexual Crimes --- p.72 ; Chapter 4.2.3 --- Women´ةs Civil and Political Rights --- p.73 ; Chapter Chapter V. --- Women´ةs Human Rights Mechanism and Domestic Measures Adopted to Control Abnormal SRB --- p.76 ; Chapter 5.1 --- The International Human Rights Fundamental for ...

Po upadku komunizmu i zakończeniu zimnej wojny wydawało się, że świat na trwałe wchodzi w okres stabilizacji, pokoju i współpracy. Szybko jednak okazało się, że świat narastającej globalizacji ma różne oblicza, także negatywne, co rzutuje na prawie każdą sferę życia, także na bezpieczeństwo. Spadło co prawda zagrożenie nuklearne, ale pojawiły się nowe zagrożenia oraz nasiliły te, które przedtem przesłonięte były rywalizacją Wschód – Zachód. Chodzi głównie o konfl ikty etniczno- -religijne, kulturowe i cywilizacyjne, w tym rozlewające się konfl ikty wewnętrzne w państwach słabych i upadłych, proliferację broni masowego rażenia, niebezpieczne ambicje państw dyktatorskich. Ogromny wpływ na ład międzynarodowy i bezpieczeństwo miały zamachy 11 września 2001. Zmieniły one percepcję zagrożeń dla bezpieczeństwa. Terroryzm uznany został za największe zagrożenie dla bezpieczeństwa, a ogłoszona przez prezydenta Busha walka z terroryzmem doprowadziła Stany Zjednoczone i prawie cały Zachód do zaangażowania w dwie wojny: w Iraku i w Afganistanie. O ile interwencję w Afganistanie i obalenie reżimu Talibów można uznać za swoiste prawo do samoobrony Stanów Zjednoczonych (a właściwie po uruchomieniu art. 5 traktatu waszyngtońskiego za sprawę całego NATO), bo Al-Kaida, która była organizatorem zamachów 11 września, za przyzwoleniem tego reżimu była na stałe zainstalowana w tym kraju, to już interwencja w Iraku miała wątpliwe podstawy prawne, a właściwie była ona jednostronną decyzją USA, podjętą mimo protestów połowy sojuszników NATO. To co nastąpiło potem, w ramach wojny z terroryzmem, przekształciło się w totalny chaos, przypominający wojnę domową, w Iraku obecnie wygasającą, w Afganistanie zaś, już w warunkach obecności tam Międzynarodowych Sił Wsparcia Bezpieczeństwa (ISAF), coraz bardziej nasilającą się. W ostatnich dwóch latach warunki bezpieczeństwa w Afganistanie, za które w praktyce, w ramach ISAF, odpowiedzialne jest NATO, gwałtownie się pogorszyły. Gwałtownie wzrosła liczba zamachów terrorystycznych, a talibowie odzyskują pozycje, kontrolując już prawie 40% obszaru Afganistanu. Sytuacja w Afganistanie i odpowiedzialność NATO za bezpieczeństwo tego kraju budzi ogromne zaniepokojenie przywódców państw natowskich oraz kierownictwa sojuszu. Staje się to również jednym z centralnych problemów nowej administracji waszyngtońskiej. Trwające już siedem lat i rosnące zaangażowanie NATO i sił koalicyjnych w Afganistanie, pionierskie w ramach misji out of area, mimo zaangażowania ok. 64 tysięcy żołnierzy, sprzętu i idących w miliardy dolarów kosztów operacji nie przynosi jak dotąd, oczekiwanych rezultatów. Dlatego też przygotowana i realizowana jest nowa strategia obecności USA i NATO w Afganistanie. Zaangażowanie NATO w Afganistanie często interpretowane jest jako swoisty test dla Sojuszu, jako wyraz rosnącej odpowiedzialności za bezpieczeństwo globalne, w tym za zwalczanie nowych zagrożeń, takich jak terroryzm, których eskalacja jest także ubocznym skutkiem globalizacji. Autor nie w pełni podziela te opinie, choć niewątpliwie obecność NATO w Afganistanie jest ważną i trudną próbą dla Sojuszu, w tym także dla Polski ze względu na rosnące zaangażowanie sił zbrojnych naszego kraju w tę operację. Sprawa udziału NATO jednak rzutuje na stan bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego, eskaluje napięcia i budzi negatywne emocje cywilizacyjno-kulturowe, utrudnia walkę z terroryzmem, kładzie się cieniem na i tak niejasny obraz sytuacji na Bliskim i Środkowym Wschodzie. Na wiele spraw z zakresu bezpieczeństwa globalnego i regionalnego, w tym narodowego poszczególnych krajów (choćby USA), patrzy się przez pryzmat Afganistanu. ; When the cold war ended, after the collapse of communism and when fi nally the Soviet Union disintegrated, there was a widespread feeling through the world that at long last universal peace had descended on earth. The fear of war in which weapons of mass destruction would be used had vanished. Today's world is a vastly different place. It is a world of globalization, which has both good and bad sides. This inexorable process has extended the opportunities of worldwide interchange. But this same globalization process and associated technology have also brought major new threats and intensifi ed existing ones. The threats we face are seamless, running across the boundaries of defence, foreign affairs, domestic and social life. It has left nations and peoples ever more vulnerable to phenomena ranging from international crime and terrorism through to cyber-attacks, health pandemics, energy politics, resource shortages and fi nancial crisis. We are facing the problem of failed states, WMD proliferations, rough countries challenges. We all have to agree that it was a great impact of 9/11 terrorist hijackers and attacks on security. The perception of international security threats has changed. Terrorism has been recognized as the biggest threat for security. The war on terrorism, declared by George W. Bush, has engaged United States and almost the whole West in two wars: in Iraq and in Afghanistan. As far as Afghanistan case is concerned, one has to recognize the legitimacy of American intervention (as did the UN Security Council), as U.S. had the right to self-defence after Al-Qaeda attacks, operating from Afghan territory. In the case of intervention in Iraq there are far going doubts about its legitimacy. The result was not only the overthrow of both regimes, of Saddam Hussein in Iraq and Taliban in Afghanistan, but a real mess – if not a civil war – in Iraq. Today, after seven years, the security situation in Iraq has much improved, but in Afghanistan there is ongoing process of violence escalation. In the last years the conditions of security in Afghanistan, for keeping which responsible is ISAF (and practically NATO, being a core of ISAF), has dramatically deteriorated. The number of terrorist attacks has enormously increased and Taliban have regained the control over 40% of Afghan territory. The security situation in Afghanistan and NATO's responsibility for that is the reason of deep concern for both the leaders of NATO member states and Alliance itself. The new American administration has made the confl ict a policy priority. President Obama announced a new strategy for Afghanistan, including the decision to commit an additional 30 000 U.S. military forces to address the confl ict. NATO's engagement in Afghanistan is treated as a kind of test for Alliance and a confi rmation of NATO's rising responsibility for global security, opening new out of area alliance missions. It is also important for Poland, taking in consideration the rising number of Polish troops in Afghanistan. Many questions of global and regional [Middle East] security are treated in the framework of Afghanistan case. ; Многие считали, что после падения коммунизма и окончания холодной войны, мир входит в период стабилизации, мира и сотрудничества. Однако вскоре ока- залось, что в эпоху глобализации мир имеет разные обличия, в том числе нега- тивные, что отражается почти на каждой сфере жизни, в том числе и на безопас- ности. Хотя и уменьшилась ядерная угроза, но появились новые угрозы, а также усилились те, которые ранее, в связи с соперничеством Востока и Запада, на- ходились на втором плане. Главным образом здесь необходимо иметь ввиду эт- ническо-религиозные, культурные и цивилизационные конфликты, в том числе, внутренние конфликты в слабых и распавшихся государствах, распространение оружия массового уничтожения, опасные шаги диктаторских государств. Огромное влияние на международный порядок и безопасность оказали террористические акты 11 сентября 2001 года. Они полностью изменили вос- приятие угроз безопасности. Терроризм был признан самой большой угрозой безопасности, а провозглашенная президентом Бушем война с терроризмом вовлекла Соединённые Штаты и почти весь Запад в ведение двух войн: в Ира- ке и в Афганистане. Если интервенцию в Афганистане и свержение режима та- либов еще можно признать своеобразным правом на самозащиту Соединённых Штатов (а имея ввиду 5 статью Вашингтонского договора делом всего НАТО), поскольку Аль-Каида, ответственная за организацию терактов 11 сентября, с согласия режима талибов имела постоянные базы в этой стране, то интер- венция в Ираке имела очень слабые юридические основания и в действитель- ности она была односторонним решением США, принятым вопреки протестам половины союзников НАТО. То, что произошло в рамках войны с терроризмом, позже превратилось в тотальный хаос, приведший к ослабевающей гражданс- кой войне в Ираке, и усиливающейся войне в Афганистане, происходящей в ус- ловиях присутствия там Международных сил содействия безопасности (ISAF). В последние два года безопасность в Афганистане, за которую в действитель- ности в рамках ISAF, несет ответственность НАТО, сильно ухудшилась. Возрос- ло количество террористических актов, а талибы контролируют уже почти 40% территории Афганистана. Ситуация в Афганистане и ответственность НАТО за безопасность этой стра- ны, вызывает огромное беспокойство глав государств членов НАТО, руководс- тва союза, а также становиться одной из главных проблем новой вашингтон- ской администрации. Продолжающееся уже семь лет и растущее присутствие НАТО и коалиционных сил в Афганистане, не взирая на контингент численностью около 64 тысяч солдат, современную технику и исчисляющуюся в миллиар- дах долларов стоимость операции, пока не принесло ожидаемых результатов. В связи с чем, подготавливается и реализуется новая стратегия присутствия США и НАТО в Афганистане. Действия НАТО в Афганистане часто интерпретированы как своеобразный тест для союза, как проявление растущей ответственности за глобальную бе- зопасность, в том числе за борьбу с новыми угрозами, такими как терроризм, эскалация которого в какой-то степени является побочным следствием глоба- лизации. Автор не полностью разделяет такое мнение, хотя, несомненно, при- сутствие НАТО в Афганистане – это важное и тяжелое испытание для союза, в том числе также для Польши, ввиду возрастающего присутствия вооружён- ных сил Польши в этой операции. Вопрос участия в операции НАТО, хотим мы этого или нет, отражается на состоянии международной безопасности, вызыва- ет напряжения и отрицательные цивилизационно-культурные эмоции, затруд- няет борьбу с терроризмом, оказывает влияние на и так непростую ситуацию на Ближнем и Среднем Востоке. На многие вопросы в сфере глобальной и ре- гиональной безопасности, в том числе и национальной, отдельных стран (даже США), нужно смотреть сквозь призму Афганистана.