Suchergebnisse

The aim of the paper is the analysis of the relationship between the perception of the success factors in international collaborative relationships and firm's international experience. The results of an empirical study on the sample of 278 Polish exporters and importers cooperating with partners from China and Germany are presented and both the differences in success factor perception depending on foreign partners' home country, and the correlation of the perception of the success factors with the international experience of the firms are discussed. The study revealed that the firms working with partners in China have somewhat more international experience. The importance of the majority of the success factors in relationships with German partners did not differ significantly from those in collaboration with Chinese firms. However, some consequential differences were observed. Internationalization experience is not strongly related with the perception of international cooperation success factors.

Günümüzün uluslararası aktörlerine düşen görev, karşılaştıkları uyuşmazlıkları her bakımdan daha insani olan barışçı yollar ile çözme yoluna gitmektir. Bu çözüm yolları içerisinde en dikkat çekici ve sonuca yatkın olan ise arabuluculuk yöntemidir. İnsanlık tarihi ile paralel bir şekilde gelişme gösteren arabuluculuk, neredeyse tüm uygarlıklarda tercih edilen bir yöntem olmuştur. Arabuluculuk uyuşmazlık halindeki iki devletin, üçüncü bir uluslararası hukuk kişisi tarafından bir araya getirilmesi ve barış için çözüm üretilmesi sürecidir. Bu sürecin başarılı bir şekilde sonuçlanmasında arabulucunun tarafsızlığı, statüsü ve taraflar üzerindeki baskı gücü önemli bir rol oynamaktadır. Arabulucu konumundaki üçüncü kişi, bir devlet olabileceği gibi, uluslararası bir örgüt veya gerçek kişi de olabilmektedir. Arabuluculuğun en önemli özelliklerinden biri, arabulucunun tarafları bağlayıcı nitelikte bir karar verme yetkisinin bulunmamasıdır. Bu bakımdan arabulucu, sadece uyuşmazlık halindeki tarafları bir araya getirmekte ve çözüm önerileri sunmaktadır. Arabuluculuk yönteminin zamandan tasarruf sağlaması, arabuluculuk yapan kişilerin alanında uzman olması, yargı organlarının yükünü azaltması ve gizliliğin daha kolay korunabilmesi gibi nedenler ile diğer barışçı çözüm yollarına göre daha çok tercih edildiği görülmektedir. ; The duty of today's international actors is, to settlement the international disputes they faced in peaceful ways which are more humane than all respects. Within these peacfeul ways, most remarkable and liable to result is mediation. As developing parallel with the history of humanity, mediation has been a preffered method in almost all civilizations. Mediation is a process of bringing together and finding solutions to the conflict parties by a third party person. To have a successful conclusion in this process, the impartiality, the status and the leverage of the mediator plays an important role. The third party person as a mediator, may be a state and may also be an international organization or natural person. One of the most important characteristics of mediation is the mediator can not give a decision that is binding on parties. In this regard, mediator only brings the conflict parties together and offers solutions. Mediation way is more preferable than other peaceful solutions in such reasons as the time savings of mediation, being expert persons as a mediator, reducing the burden of the judicial organs and being easier to protect confidentiality.

The aim of this study was to present private and official codifications concerning the topic of responsibility of international organizations. Moreover, it highlighted some controversial issues which occurred during the work of International Law Commission (ILC). The topic of responsibility of international organizations was analyzed both by private bodies such as Institute de Droit International and International Law Association and – as mentioned above – ILC. The efforts of Institute de Droit International resulted in a resolution on The Legal Consequences for Member States of the Non-fulfilment by International Organizations of their Obligations toward Third Parties. While in 1996 International Law Association studied these topics, a Committee on the Accountability of International Organizations was established. These private drafts paid attention of ILC to some legal issues which helped ILC to identify problems which require further discussion. After completion of its work on State responsibility in 2001, ILC decided to include the topic Responsibility of International Organizations in its work program. Mr G. Gaja was appointed the Special Rapporteur and in years 2003-2011 he presented eight reports which took into account the comments and observations received from governments and international organizations. In his reports he largely followed the model of Articles on State Responsibility for Internationally Wrongful Acts. In 2011 the Commission adopted the draft of 67 articles on Responsibility of International Organizations, divided into six parts. The Draft Articles aimed at codification of a set of secondary rules applicable to a wide range of international organizations. The codifications of rules on the responsibility of international organizations was a very difficult task due to diversity of international organizations, which differ in size, functions and competence. Furthermore, there is a lack of relevant practice that would allow to elaborate the principles relating to responsibility of international organizations. Nonetheless, the responsibility for international wrongful acts is the most important institution of international law irrespective of the subject which committed a wrongful act. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim

The author distinguishes threats to international security from challenges faced by the security policy of states and collective international actors but approaches them as a certain continuum. The following phenomena are considered threats and challenges in the second decade of the 21st century: military threats (nuclear weapons and their proliferation, conventional weapons and huge military spending), terrorism, other threats (cybernetic, economic and energy-related, ecological), as well as the migration challenge. A separate major challenge, which the author analyses in detail, is the reconfiguration of the international order that has been taking place for more than a decade now. The author believes that this reconfiguration constitutes a serious challenge to the West, including to its security policy. In order to take up this challenge, benefit from it and prevent the emergence of new threats to international security, the West needs to not only consolidate its security system but also engage in dialogue and cooperation with the emerging competitors and rivals challenging the West's global leadership (the emerging powers from BRICS), as the American political scientist Charles Kupchan proposed in 2010, emphasising that lasting peace can be achieved by turning enemies into friends. It is, however, uncertain what kind of foreign policy will be conducted by the new US President, Donald Trump, elected in November 2016.

The presented article is aimed at reflecting usage of mediation as a form of international conflicts settlement and at revealing its factors, at the example of the case of conflict in Abkhazia, Georgia. The article is a hypothesis on to what extend international or regional organizations act as effective mediators during mediation process. Attempt of conflict regulation and work of the mediation platform created after Russian-Georgian war are discussed.The theory discussing main variables for evaluating international mediation represented in mediation literature have been used for evaluating mediation factors. The article shows the level of mediation effectiveness in international conflicts, when it is not clear which are the conflicting sides; it shows that when there is an influential country, considering its capabilities, it has enough power to act as effective mediator, only in case if it does not have direct interest in the conflict.We have concluded that mediation can be effective only when it is clear which the conflicting sides are. It is considered that international organizations cannot be effective in conflict resolution when a conflict is in cold phase. ; The presented article is aimed at reflecting usage of mediation as a form of international conflicts settlement and at revealing its factors, at the example of the case of conflict in Abkhazia, Georgia. The article is a hypothesis on to what extend international or regional organizations act as effective mediators during mediation process. Attempt of conflict regulation and work of the mediation platform created after Russian-Georgian war are discussed.The theory discussing main variables for evaluating international mediation represented in mediation literature have been used for evaluating mediation factors. The article shows the level of mediation effectiveness in international conflicts, when it is not clear which are the conflicting sides; it shows that when there is an influential country, considering its capabilities, it has enough power to act as effective mediator, only in case if it does not have direct interest in the conflict.We have concluded that mediation can be effective only when it is clear which the conflicting sides are. It is considered that international organizations cannot be effective in conflict resolution when a conflict is in cold phase.

Uluslararası toplumda ortaya çıkan uyuşmazlıkların tarafları dikkate alınarak incelendiğinde, uluslararası hukuk kişileri arasındaki uyuşmazlıklar ve uluslararası hukuk kişileri ile özel hukuk kişileri arasındaki uyuşmazlıklar biçiminde bir tasnif yapılmaktadır. Diplomatik uyuşmazlık çözümü, uluslararası hukuk kişileri arasındaki uyuşmazlık çözümünü konu edinmekte özel olarak ise uyuşmazlık taraflarından en azından birinin devlet olduğu uyuşmazlık çözüm yollarını ifade etmektedir. Uyuşmazlıkların diplomatik yollarla çözümü gerek tarihsel açıdan bakıldığında gerekse çağdaş uluslararası toplum düzeni incelendiğinde en çok tercih edilen ve tüm uyuşmazlıkların konu itibarıyla sınırlandırılmadan çözülebileceği yolları bünyesinde barındırmaktadır. Bu çalışmada uyuşmazlıkların tanımlanmasından başlanarak uyuşmazlıkların diplomatik yollarla çözülmesinin incelemesi yapılacaktır. Öncelikle bir uluslararası uyuşmazlığın yargı içtihatları çerçevesinde belirlenmesi ve tasnifi için öngörülen kıstasların değerlendirilmesi yapılacaktır. Ardından uyuşmazlıkların barışçı çözümü yükümlülüğünün içeriği kişi, konu ve nitelik itibarıyla işlenecektir. Diplomatik müzakereler, dostça girişim, arabuluculuk, soruşturma ve uzlaştırmadan oluşan yerleşik diplomatik uyuşmazlık çözüm yolları, hukukî dayanakları çerçevesinde temel vasıfları açıklanmak suretiyle değerlendirilecektir. Bu yolların tercih nedenleri ve hangi durumlarda işletildikleri incelenirken somut örneklere yer verilerek anlatım zenginleştirilecektir. Devam eden kısımda ise uluslararası ilişkilerde meydana gelen değişimlerin bu yolları nasıl etkilediği ve ne tip yönelimlerin diplomatik uyuşmazlık çözümünü etkilediği ele alınacaktır. Bu değişimlerden yola çıkarak diplomatik uyuşmazlık çözümünün geliştirilmesi adına dikkate alınabilecek tavsiyeler dile getirilecektir. ; The disputes that rise in the international community can be classified as the ones between intenational law persons and the ones between international law persons and private law persons when they are studied by the charecter of parties. The subject of diplomatic dispute settlement is the disputes that are between intenational law persons and specifically the disputes which at least one of the parties is a state. Diplomatic dispute settlement contains the most preferred and comprehensive means that can settle all disputes without any limitations on subject matter both historically and in contemporary international community. In this study, dispute settlement with diplomatic means will be reviewed by describing disputes at the beginning. Firstly international disputes and criterions used in classfication of disputes will be determined within the scope of case law. After that, the obligation of peaceful dispute settlement will be handled by characteristics of obligation including ratione personae and ratione materiae. The established means of diplomatic dispute settlement which are diplomatic negotiations, good offices, mediation, inquiry and conciliation will be studied within the frame of legal basis of these means by stating their fundemental characteristics. When preferability and most suited conditions of these means examined the subject will also be enriched by concrete examples. In following part, the effects of changes in international relations to diplomatic means and what kind of tendencies can be observed will be discussed. Based on this discussion recommendations on enhancing the diplomatic dispute settlement will be stated.

Unia Europejska odgrywa na arenie międzynarodowej wiele ról, a jednym z priorytetowych kierunków w jej polityce zagranicznej jest region śródziemnomorski. Od połowy lat 90. XX wieku UE stara się odgrywać jednocześnie kilka ról wobec państw w nim położonych. Najważniejszymi z nich są role: aktywnego aktora w rozwiązywaniu konfliktu arabsko-izraelskiego; promotora środków budowy zaufania, partnerstwa, bezpieczeństwa i rozbrojenia; promotora reform rynkowych i zrównoważonego rozwoju; propagatora demokracji i praw człowieka oraz dialogu międzykulturowego.Efektywność ról międzynarodowych, analizowana na przykładzie unijnej polityki śródziemnomorskiej, jest jednak niska, ze względu na konflikt między rolami deklarowanymi, rzeczywistymi i oczekiwanymi. W konsekwencji region śródziemnomorski nie został przekształcony w obszar pokoju, stabilności, dobrobytu i porozumienia międzykulturowego, co od 1995 roku było deklarowanym przez Unię Europejską celem. ; The European Union acts in numerous capacities on the international arena, and one of its priorities in foreign policy involves the Mediterranean. Since the mid-1990s, the EU has been trying to play several roles in its relations with countries in this region, the most significant being: an active participant in solving the Arab-Israeli conflict; a promoter of measures to build trust, partnership, security and disarmament; a promoter of market reforms and sustainable development; an advocate of democracy and human rights as well as cross-cultural dialogue.Assessed on the basis of its Mediterranean policy, the efficiency of the EU's international roles, however, is poor, on account of the conflict between the roles the EU declares to be playing, and its actual and expected roles. As a consequence, the Mediterranean has not transformed into the area of peace, stability, welfare and cross-cultural understanding which has been declared as the EU's objective since 1995.

Unia Europejska odgrywa na arenie międzynarodowej wiele ról, a jednym z priorytetowych kierunków w jej polityce zagranicznej jest region śródziemnomorski. Od połowy lat 90. XX wieku UE stara się odgrywać jednocześnie kilka ról wobec państw w nim położonych. Najważniejszymi z nich są role: aktywnego aktora w rozwiązywaniu konfliktu arabsko-izraelskiego; promotora środków budowy zaufania, partnerstwa, bezpieczeństwa i rozbrojenia; promotora reform rynkowych i zrównoważonego rozwoju; propagatora demokracji i praw człowieka oraz dialogu międzykulturowego. Efektywność ról międzynarodowych, analizowana na przykładzie unijnej polityki śródziemnomorskiej, jest jednak niska, ze względu na konflikt między rolami deklarowanymi, rzeczywistymi i oczekiwanymi. W konsekwencji region śródziemnomorski nie został przekształcony w obszar pokoju, stabilności, dobrobytu i porozumienia międzykulturowego, co od 1995 roku było deklarowanym przez Unię Europejską celem. ; The European Union acts in numerous capacities on the international arena, and one of its priorities in foreign policy involves the Mediterranean. Since the mid-1990s, the EU has been trying to play several roles in its relations with countries in this region, the most significant being: an active participant in solving the Arab-Israeli conflict; a promoter of measures to build trust, partnership, security and disarmament; a promoter of market reforms and sustainable development; an advocate of democracy and human rights as well as cross-cultural dialogue. Assessed on the basis of its Mediterranean policy, the efficiency of the EU's international roles, however, is poor, on account of the conflict between the roles the EU declares to be playing, and its actual and expected roles. As a consequence, the Mediterranean has not transformed into the area of peace, stability, welfare and cross-cultural understanding which has been declared as the EU's objective since 1995. ; 8 ; 49 ; 61 ; 4 ; Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej

İnsani müdahalenin konusu Birleşmiş Milletler Antlaşması'nda kuvvet kullanımının yasaklanması ile gerçekleşmiştir. Kuvvet kullanımının yasaklanması ile birlikte, eskiden var olan tüm kuvvet kullanma yöntemleri gibi insani müdahale de bu yasağın kapsamında kalmıştır. BM Antlaşması gereğince çözmeye zorlamayacağını ifade eden madde 2/7'ye uygun olup olmadığı, yine Birleşmiş Milletler Antlaşması VII. Bölümü çerçevesinde uluslararası barış ve güvenliği ihlal edip etmediği değerlendirilmiştir. Ayrıca insani müdahalenin uluslararası örf ve âdet hukukuna uygunluğuyla "jus cogens" bir kural olup olmadığı incelenmiştir. 1991'de Irak'taki Saddam rejiminin saldırılarına karşı Kuzey'deki Kürt grupların ve güneydeki Şii grupların korunması için oluşturulan çekiç güç, Kuzey Irak'a ABD liderliğinde gerçekleştirilen "Huzur Operasyonu" Irak'ın içişlerine müdahaledir. 1992'de Irak'ın kuzeyinde ve güneyinde oluşturulan "uçuşa yasak bölge" ile Saddam Hüseyin rejimine karşı korunması amaçlanmıştır. ; The subject of huminitarion intervention has been actualised with the prohibition of using forces of United Nations agreement, Huminitarion intervention took plase in the scope of this prohibition lik an the procedule of using forces in the past with the prohibition of using force. Within the agreement of United Nations, whether the peace and security has been violated and It is proper for 2/7 in the frame of the part of united nations o greement or not is evaluated. Besides, Convenience of humminitarion intervation was eromined in the perspective of ( jus cogens) unwritten law of nations. Combined task force that is constituted for protecting the Kurdish groups in the north and the shi'a groups in the south. Against the attacks of Saddam Rejime in 1991 inter fered in the internal affairs of Iraq with the "peace operations" which is organized under the authority of U.S.A. In 1992, no flight zone was constituted in the north and south of Iraq for the purpose of protecting civilians against Saddam Rejime.

Bu çalışma uluslararası toplumun varlığını ve işlerliğini Suriye krizi üzerinden tartışmayı amaçlamaktadır. Çalışmada uluslararası toplum, ulus devletlerin oluşturduğu bir cemiyet olarak tanımlanacak ve bu cemiyetin işlerliği ve varlığı, kurumları vasıtasıyla ortaya konacaktır. Uluslararası toplum kavramı, hem gündelik yaşamda hem de Uluslararası İlişkiler çalışmalarında sıklıkla kullanılmaktadır ancak, özellikle Türkçe literatürde kavramın karşılık geldiği pratik yeterince net bir biçimde tanımlanmamış bulunmaktadır. Bu nedenle çalışmada İngiliz ekolünün uluslararası toplum kavramı benimsenerek, diplomasi, savaş, büyük güçler yönetimi, güçler dengesi ve uluslararası hukuk kurumlarının bu topluma nasıl işlerlik kazandırdığı incelenecektir. Çalışmanın temel katkısı, İngiliz ekolünün Türkçe Uluslararası İlişkiler literatüründe bilinirliğinin arttırılması ve Uluslararası İlişkiler çalışmalarında teori-pratik boyutunun güçlendirilmesi olacaktır. Bu amaç doğrultusunda, öncelikle uluslararası toplumun kavramsal olarak ne ifade ettiği tartışılarak kurumları tanımlanacak, sonrasında Suriye krizinde bu kurumların nasıl işlediği açıklanarak uluslararası toplumun sadece bir kavram değil aynı zamanda bir gerçeklik olduğu vurgulanacaktır. ; This study analyzes the existence and functionality of international society over the Syrian crisis. In this context, international society will be defined as a community comprised of nation-states while the functionality and the existence of this community will be put forward through its institutions. The term international society is frequently used both in daily life and in International Relations (IR) studies. However, the corresponding practice in the Turkish literature has not been clearly defined. This explains why this study embraces the international society concept of the English School and how its institutions – namely diplomacy, war, great power management, balance of power, and international law – bring this international society into force. The major contribution of the study will be to raise awareness concerning the English School of thought in Turkish International Relations literature, as well as to strengthen the theory-practice dimension of IR studies. Within this context, the article will first discuss the conceptualization of international society and then proceed to define its institutions, followed by an analysis of how these institutions functioned during the Syrian crisis. The major argument of this paper is that international society is not merely a concept but a reality itself.

The overthrow of Libyan dictator, Muammar Al-Gaddafi, was a significant event in the Arab Spring. He was brought down by young Libyans assisted by an international coalition, mandated by the United Nations. The attitudes of different countries to the intervention in Libya were highly diversified. This paper orders, describes and partially explains the reasons behind the behavior of political elites in several countries, trying to present their motivation. The first country to be presented is Mali, which supported the dictator to the very end. Next come the countries with an ambivalent attitude to the Arab Spring in Libya, namely China, Russia and Germany. The third group of countries encompasses France, the United Kingdom and the United States. The paper is concluded with an analysis of the activities of the UN and NATO. ; Istotną częścią Arabskiej Wiosny było obalenie libijskiego dyktatora Muammara Al-Kaddafiego. Dokonała tego, oprócz młodych Libijczyków, międzynarodowa koalicja, posiadająca mandat Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych. Stanowiska państw dotyczące interwencji w Libii na areniemiędzynarodowej były silnie zróżnicowane. Poniższa praca porządkuje, opisuje i częściowo wyjaśnia przyczyny postępowania elit politycznych niektórych państw, starając się odzwierciedlić motywy, które nimi kierowały. Jako pierwsze zostało opisane państwo będące sprzymierzeńcem dyktatora do samego końca - Mali. Następnie państwa, których stosunek do Arabskiej Wiosny w Libii był niejednoznaczny - Chiny, Rosja i Niemcy. Trzecia grupa państw, która doprowadziła do zbrojnej interwencji to Francja, Wielka Brytania i Stany Zjednoczone. Na koniec zostały przeanalizowane działania Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych oraz Organizacji Paktu Północnoatlantyckiego.

Istotną częścią Arabskiej Wiosny było obalenie libijskiego dyktatora Muammara Al-Kaddafiego. Dokonała tego, oprócz młodych Libijczyków, międzynarodowa koalicja, posiadająca mandat Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych. Stanowiska państw dotyczące interwencji w Libii na arenie międzynarodowej były silnie zróżnicowane. Poniższa praca porządkuje, opisuje i częściowo wyjaśnia przyczyny postępowania elit politycznych niektórych państw, starając się odzwierciedlić motywy, które nimi kierowały. Jako pierwsze zostało opisane państwo będące sprzymierzeńcem dyktatora do samego końca – Mali. Następnie państwa, których stosunek do Arabskiej Wiosny w Libii był niejednoznaczny – Chiny, Rosja i Niemcy. Trzecia grupa państw, która doprowadziła do zbrojnej interwencji to Francja, Wielka Brytania i Stany Zjednoczone. Na koniec zostały przeanalizowane działania Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych oraz Organizacji Paktu Północnoatlantyckiego. ; The overthrow of Libyan dictator, Muammar Al-Gaddafi, was a significant event in the Arab Spring. He was brought down by young Libyans assisted by an international coalition, mandated by the United Nations. The attitudes of different countries to the intervention in Libya were highly diversified. This paper orders, describes and partially explains the reasons behind the behavior of political elites in several countries, trying to present their motivation. The first country to be presented is Mali, which supported the dictator to the very end. Next come the countries with an ambivalent attitude to the Arab Spring in Libya, namely China, Russia and Germany. The third group of countries encompasses France, the United Kingdom and the United States. The paper is concluded with an analysis of the activities of the UN and NATO.

Despite the increasing interest in the studies inquiring the limits autonomous character of and the interactions between the International Relations (IR) discipline and other academic fields the scope and scale of empirical research on these issues are relatively small. In order to contribute to the discussion on the limits and peculiarities of the IR discipline and to shed light on the development current status and major characteristics of the IR studies in Turkey its place in the global IR discipline and the views of LR. scholars on major issues on the global regional and national agenda two surveys were conducted by the International Relations Council of Turkey (IRCT) in 2007 and 2009. Later on the IRTC collaborated with the Institute for the Theory and Practice of International Relations at the College of William and Mary to conduct further surveys in 2011 and 2014. This paper presents findings of the last survey on Turkey based on the worldwide research simultaneously conducted in 31 different countries in September 2014.

Öz Cumhuriyet Dönemi'nde ülke gerçeklerine dayalı, ülkenin kalkınması ve savunulması gibi milli ihtiyaçlara göre tespit edilen bir demiryolu politikası izlenmişti. Sınırlara ulaşmak, bu politikanın temelini oluşturmuştu. II. Dünya Savaşından sonra İngiltere başta olmak üzere Avrupalı ülkeler, Süveyş Kanalı Bunalımından dolayı Asya ve Hindistan'a giden deniz yolunun tehlikeye girmesinden sonra yeni imkânlar araştırılmış ve Türkiyeİran- Pakistan arasında yapılacak demiryolunun önemi artmıştı. Böyle bir ortamda kurulan Bağdat Paktı (CENTO), bu hattı üye ülkeler arasında kurmaya çalıştığı güvenlik ve savunma işbirliğinin bir parçası olarak görmüştü. Aynı şekilde başta ABD olmak üzere İngiltere, Fransa, Afganistan ve Çin bu projeye destek vererek bunun uluslararası bir karakter kazanmasını sağlamışlardır. Van Gölü üzerinden feribotlar vasıtasıyla trenlerin Van'a taşınması gerçekleşmiş ve bu bağlantı ile İran demiryolları Türkiye demiryolları üzerinden Avrupa'ya, Akdeniz'e, Karadeniz'e çıkış kazanmıştı. Daha sonra İran-Pakistan ve İran-Afganistan bağlantıları geliştirilmiş ve Türkiye Asya-Avrupa yolu üzerinde büyük transit köprüsü konumuna gelmişti. Anahtar Kelimeler: Demiryolu, Bağdat Paktı, Türkiye, İran, Pakistan ; A railway policy, which was based upon facts of the country and was determined according to national needs, such as the development and the defense of the country, was followed in the Republican Period. Reaching the borders has been the basis of this policy. After World War II, European countries, particularly Britain, explored new possibilities after the endangerment of sea routes leading to India and Asia due to the crisis of the Suez Canal and the importance of Turkey-Iran- Pakistan railway to do held had increased. The Baghdad Pact (CENTO), which was established at such an environment, was seen the line between member countries as part of the attempt to establish security and defense cooperation. Same way, particularly in the USA, UK, France, Afghanistan and China had provided the project to gain an ...

The goal of the study is to analyze the non‑Western interpretations of sustainable development concept and the role of international organizations and international public goods in their potential realization. Numerous political and economic contradictions generated by the experiences of colonization and decolonization of the region make Western and regional understanding of the concept substantially different. While from the global perspective it is perceived as an imperative, locally it may be interpreted as a veiled form of neocolonialism. The differences result in wide range of problems, from minor misunderstandings to open resentment. The goal of the article is to prove that regional international organizations and international public goods have the potential to become a key to develop mutually acceptable form of sustainable development concept and practice.