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This article discusses the recent debate between Jürgen Habermas and Wolfgang Streeck on the relationship between capitalism and democracy in Europe. The article recounts Streeck's analysis of the financial crisis, the transformation of the tax state into the debt state, and the development of the EU towards an international consolidation state, which informs Streeck's call for a retreat from Europe to the nation-state as the last line of defense against neoliberal capitalism. The article proceeds to sketch Habermas's criticism of Streeck's argument, and it illustrates how Habermas' proposal for a reconstitution of the EU as a supranational democracy is motivated by foundational concerns in his critical theory of society. Finally, the article argues that the debate results in an unresolved dilemma: while only a democratized EU can reestablish the supremacy of politics over globalized markets, the EU is more likely to become further entrenched as an international consolidation state.

The article concerns German discussions and plans regarding the future of the European Union and its international role. The fi rst part discusses confl icts or diff erences that burden relations between EU Member States regarding refugee policy, energy policy, the euro currency and arms policy. In addition, phenomena and processes such as nationalism and populism, Brexit and separatism are emphasized. Then the global changes are presented with which the European Union is confronted: the end of Eurocentrism, the US exit from the INF treaty, the future of the nuclear agreement with Iran and the US trade war with China. The rest of the article presents briefl y reactions in Germany, which fall into the mainstream of opinion formation, as well as concepts to overcome crises and shape the role of the European Union: democratization of the EU, the EU as a social union and a new policy of relaxation. ; Artykuł dotyczy niemieckich dyskusji i planów odnośnie przyszłości Unii Europejskiej i jej roli międzynarodowej. W pierwszej części omawiane są konfl ikty względnie różnice, które obciążają stosunki między państwami członkowskimi UE, tyczące się polityki uchodźczej, polityki energetycznej, waluty euro i polityki zbrojeniowej. Ponadto akcentowane są takie zjawiska i procesy, jak nacjonalizm i populizm, Brexit i separatyzm. Następnie prezentowane są globalne zmiany, z którymi konfrontowana jest Unia Europejska: koniec eurocentryzmu, wyjście USA z traktatu INF, przyszłość porozumienia atomowego z Iranem i wojna handlowa USA z Chinami. W dalszej części artykułu przedstawiono pokrótce reakcje w Niemczech, które mieszczą się w głównym nurcie kształtowania opinii, jak również koncepcje pozwalające przezwyciężyć kryzysy i kształtować rolę Unii Europejskiej: demokratyzacja UE, UE jako unia społeczna i nowa polityka odprężania.

One of the fundamental categories of general sociology concerns power. Regardless of differences in interpretation, power can be defined as the dependence between subordinator and subordinated. This relation is unidirectional. When discussing influence, this property is significant, as otherwise it could be reciprocal, or an influence could be exerted by many other entities that are not bound by the relationship of subordination. The nature of international relations is too specific to allow a simple transfer of power-related phenomena from the realm of domestic relations. One can indicate the presence of delegated power, resulting from the mutual assignment of subordination rights to international decision- making bodies. The processes of international power are divided into procedures of hard power, soft power and smart power, the latter signifying the manifestation of effective power, making use of the mechanisms of the former two. It is also important to take into account the specificity of the legitimization of international power and manifestations of accountability. Also not without significance is the capacity for the implementation of international power, equipped with the relevant enforcement instruments. ; One of the fundamental categories of general sociology concerns power. Regardless of differences in interpretation, power can be defined as the dependence between subordinator and subordinated. This relation is unidirectional. When discussing influence, this property is significant, as otherwise it could be reciprocal, or an influence could be exerted by many other entities that are not bound by the relationship of subordination. The nature of international relations is too specific to allow a simple transfer of power-related phenomena from the realm of domestic relations. One can indicate the presence of delegated power, resulting from the mutual assignment of subordination rights to international decision- making bodies. The processes of international power are divided into procedures of hard power, soft power and smart power, the latter signifying the manifestation of effective power, making use of the mechanisms of the former two. It is also important to take into account the specificity of the legitimization of international power and manifestations of accountability. Also not without significance is the capacity for the implementation of international power, equipped with the relevant enforcement instruments.

The aim of the paper is the analysis of the relationship between the perception of the success factors in international collaborative relationships and firm's international experience. The results of an empirical study on the sample of 278 Polish exporters and importers cooperating with partners from China and Germany are presented and both the differences in success factor perception depending on foreign partners' home country, and the correlation of the perception of the success factors with the international experience of the firms are discussed. The study revealed that the firms working with partners in China have somewhat more international experience. The importance of the majority of the success factors in relationships with German partners did not differ significantly from those in collaboration with Chinese firms. However, some consequential differences were observed. Internationalization experience is not strongly related with the perception of international cooperation success factors.

International relations are a form of human action so they should become the object of praxiology as a science oriented to efficiency. The traditional approach however must be changed. As it suggested in this article, human action is divided into three sections – cooperation, struggling and rivalry, which correspond to three types of theories. It should be added that cooperation is a positive-sum game, struggling – a negative-sum game and rivalry – a zero-sum game. The theory of international relations should be focused on the link between principles of cooperation and principles of struggling. This means that theory of foreign policy should be a theory of control in the zero-sum game system. ; International relations are a form of human action so they should become the object of praxiology as a science oriented to efficiency. The traditional approach however must be changed. As it suggested in this article, human action is divided into three sections – cooperation, struggling and rivalry, which correspond to three types of theories. It should be added that cooperation is a positive-sum game, struggling – a negative-sum game and rivalry – a zero-sum game. The theory of international relations should be focused on the link between principles of cooperation and principles of struggling. This means that theory of foreign policy should be a theory of control in the zero-sum game system.

Stosunki międzynarodowe są postacią działania ludzi, dlatego powinny stać się obiektem zainteresowania prakseologii jako nauki nastawionej na sprawność działania. Dotychczasowe rozumienie sprawności musi być jednak odmienne od tradycyjnego. Zgodnie z propozycją zawartą w artykule, ludzkie działanie dzieli się na trzy działy – współpracę, walkę oraz rywalizację , którym odpowiadają trzy rodzaje teorii. Charakterystyczne jest to, że współpraca jest grą o sumie dodatniej, walka – grą o sumie ujemnej, natomiast rywalizacja – grą o sumie zerowej. Teoria stosunków międzynarodowych powinna skupiać się na teorii rywalizacji, rozpostartej pomiędzy współpracą a walką. Oznacza to, że teoria stosunków międzynarodowych powinna opierać się na zasadach współpracy i zasadach walki, a teoria polityki międzynarodowej państwa powinna być teorią sterowania w systemie gry o sumie zerowej. ; International relations are a form of human action so they should become the object of praxiology as a science oriented to efficiency. The traditional approach however must be changed. As it suggested in this article, human action is divided into three sections – cooperation, struggling and rivalry, which correspond to three types of theories. It should be added that cooperation is a positive-sum game, struggling – a negative-sum game and rivalry – a zero-sum game. The theory of international relations should be focused on the link between principles of co- operation and principles of struggling. This means that theory of foreign policy should be a theory of control in the zero-sum game system.

The development of cyberspace in the world and its impact on human life is more and more visible. Proper protection of all processes that can negatively affect people's lives is therefore an indispensable element that should accompany this development. Safe cyberspace is also closely related to the internal and external security of each country. The preparation of appropriate, international security guarantees in cyberspace is not only a challenge for individual countries, but above all for global institutions that provide peace. In Europe, the European Union and the Council of Europe should be the leaders in this respect. Lack of legal regulations regarding safe cyberspace is the possibility of exposing people to taking control over their privacy, data theft or other crimes. The implementation of European standards should therefore apply in every country. Governments should additionally emphasize social education and disseminate knowledge about threats in cyberspace. Coordinating these two activities gives hope that the expanding cyberspace in the future will not destroy people's lives. ; Cyberprzestrzeń z roku na rok jest coraz większa, a jej wpływ na życie ludzkie coraz bardziej widoczny. Właściwa ochrona wszystkich procesów, które mogą negatywnie wpływać na życie ludzi, jest zatem niezbędnym elementem, który powinien towarzyszyć szybkiemu rozwojowi informacyjno-komunikacyjnemu. Bezpieczna cyberprzestrzeń jest również ściśle związana z wewnętrznym i zewnętrznym bezpieczeństwem każdego kraju. Przygotowanie odpowiednich międzynarodowych gwarancji bezpieczeństwa w cyberprzestrzeni jest nie tylko wyzwaniem dla poszczególnych krajów, ale przede wszystkim dla globalnych instytucji zapewniających pokój. Unia Europejska i Rada Europy powinny być liderami w tym zakresie. Brak przepisów prawnych dotyczących bezpiecznej cyberprzestrzeni to możliwość narażenia ludzi na przejęcie kontroli nad ich prywatnością, kradzieżą danych lub innymi przestępstwami. Dlatego wdrażanie norm europejskich powinno mieć zastosowanie w każdym kraju. Rządy powinny dodatkowo podkreślać edukację społeczną i rozpowszechniać wiedzę o zagrożeniach w cyberprzestrzeni. Koordynacja tych dwóch działań daje nadzieję, że rozwijająca się cyberprzestrzeń w przyszłości nie zniszczy życia ludzi.

The object of research is the trust problem in the relations of the East and the West. The author in detail analyzes the phenomenon of trust, its principles and distinctive signs. Special attention is paid to conditions of formation of trust as on micro (between individuals) and at the macro level (between societies). The author connects the trust problem with a categorization "friend-or-foe", considered in the civilization aspect of the subject. Thus, the author in the research used the case study method and content analysis. The novelty of research consists in approach to understanding intensity between civilizations of the East and the West through a problem of the possibility of confidential relations between them. The author comes to a conclusion that in the modern international relations there is a paradoxical situation: the trust measure between the countries decreases, in volume time as it is possible to cope with new calls and threats only through consolidation of the world community on the basis of mutual trust.

The object of research is the trust problem in the relations of the East and the West. The author in detail analyzes the phenomenon of trust, its principles and distinctive signs. Special attention is paid to conditions of formation of trust as on micro (between individuals) and at the macro level (between societies). The author connects the trust problem with a categorization "friend-or-foe", considered in the civilization aspect of the subject. Thus, the author in the research used the case study method and content analysis. The novelty of research consists in approach to understanding intensity between civilizations of the East and the West through a problem of the possibility of confidential relations between them. The author comes to a conclusion that in the modern international relations there is a paradoxical situation: the trust measure between the countries decreases, in volume time as it is possible to cope with new calls and threats only through consolidation of the world community on the basis of mutual trust.

The Nordic countries have long been renowned for their contribution to international peace and security. This contribution – occasionally viewed by both Nordic and non-Nordic policy-makers and academics as a particular model for facilitating peace and development in international affairs – is based on a combination of active contributions to peaceful conflict resolution, a high level of development aid and a continuous commitment to strengthening international society. However, recently Scandinavians have been making headlines for reasons that seem to contrast with their well-established brand as humane internationalist peacemakers. This article identifies the characteristics of the Nordic model for international peace and security and discusses how and why it has changed.

The aim of this study was to present private and official codifications concerning the topic of responsibility of international organizations. Moreover, it highlighted some controversial issues which occurred during the work of International Law Commission (ILC). The topic of responsibility of international organizations was analyzed both by private bodies such as Institute de Droit International and International Law Association and – as mentioned above – ILC. The efforts of Institute de Droit International resulted in a resolution on The Legal Consequences for Member States of the Non-fulfilment by International Organizations of their Obligations toward Third Parties. While in 1996 International Law Association studied these topics, a Committee on the Accountability of International Organizations was established. These private drafts paid attention of ILC to some legal issues which helped ILC to identify problems which require further discussion. After completion of its work on State responsibility in 2001, ILC decided to include the topic Responsibility of International Organizations in its work program. Mr G. Gaja was appointed the Special Rapporteur and in years 2003-2011 he presented eight reports which took into account the comments and observations received from governments and international organizations. In his reports he largely followed the model of Articles on State Responsibility for Internationally Wrongful Acts. In 2011 the Commission adopted the draft of 67 articles on Responsibility of International Organizations, divided into six parts. The Draft Articles aimed at codification of a set of secondary rules applicable to a wide range of international organizations. The codifications of rules on the responsibility of international organizations was a very difficult task due to diversity of international organizations, which differ in size, functions and competence. Furthermore, there is a lack of relevant practice that would allow to elaborate the principles relating to responsibility of international organizations. Nonetheless, the responsibility for international wrongful acts is the most important institution of international law irrespective of the subject which committed a wrongful act. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim

The author distinguishes threats to international security from challenges faced by the security policy of states and collective international actors but approaches them as a certain continuum. The following phenomena are considered threats and challenges in the second decade of the 21st century: military threats (nuclear weapons and their proliferation, conventional weapons and huge military spending), terrorism, other threats (cybernetic, economic and energy-related, ecological), as well as the migration challenge. A separate major challenge, which the author analyses in detail, is the reconfiguration of the international order that has been taking place for more than a decade now. The author believes that this reconfiguration constitutes a serious challenge to the West, including to its security policy. In order to take up this challenge, benefit from it and prevent the emergence of new threats to international security, the West needs to not only consolidate its security system but also engage in dialogue and cooperation with the emerging competitors and rivals challenging the West's global leadership (the emerging powers from BRICS), as the American political scientist Charles Kupchan proposed in 2010, emphasising that lasting peace can be achieved by turning enemies into friends. It is, however, uncertain what kind of foreign policy will be conducted by the new US President, Donald Trump, elected in November 2016.

There is no doubt that the International Security Assistance Force mission in Afghanistan is the most difficult operation in the history of NATO. 10‑years long international efforts to stabilize Afghanistan encounter strong Taliban resistance. Since years, NATO attempts to break this movement do not give the expected results. It is nowadays very, important as the outcome of the ISAF operation will have long‑term impact on the international security. To begin with, the result of this mission will affect the future shape and activity of the Atlantic Alliance. ISAF failure may result in reduction of NATO's role as a pillar of transatlanic security. Secondly, is fiasco may also have grave consequences for the political stability in Central Asia. Such countries as Turkmenistan, Tajikistan or Kyrgyzstan since years fight with the phantom of Islamic fundamentalism. If Afghanistan will be taken over by Taliban, these efforts may be doomed to failure. What is even more important, success of the NATO's mission is strongly connected with the internal situation of Pakistan. In the worst‑case scenario, the Pakistan government might be taken over by extremists, Finally, Afghanistan nowadays became a place of increased rivalry between several regional powers: India, Pakistan, Iran, China and Russia. This may cause several challenges for the international security in future. Therefore, the results of the NATO's International Security Assistance Force operation in Afghanistan will strongly affect the international security.

Artykuł wpisuje się w nurt badań dotyczących suwerenności państw w międzynarodowych organizacjach integracyjnych, w których uczestnictwo wiąże się z największymi ograniczeniami w zakresie kompetencji i autonomii państw, w porównaniu z udziałem w innego typu organizacjach. Zostaje wyjaśnione pojęcie suwerenności, zwracając uwagę na jej wymiar prawny i polityczny, jak również międzynarodowej organizacji integracyjnej, która występuje tylko w grupie organizacji regionalnych. Artykuł zawiera analizę zróżnicowanego, z punktu widzenia suwerenności, usytuowania państw w organizacjach integracyjnych, w których stosowane są nowego typu rozwiązania instytucjonalne, w tym ponadnarodowe. Badania odnotowują znaczące zróżnicowanie rozwiązań instytucjonalnych, pokazujące, że modele zastosowane w Europie nie znajdują uniwersalnego zastosowania. Widoczne jest odmienne podejście do suwerenności w procesach integracyjnych i organizacjach międzynarodowych na Zachodzie oraz wśród państw rozwijających się, które większą wagę przywiązują do ochrony i zabezpieczenia suwerenności w ramach organizacji. ; This article is one of many, which deal with research on state sovereignty in international integration organizations, where participation implies more limited autonomy and competition than in organizations of other types. The notion of sovereignty is being explained, pointing at its legal and political dimention, as well as of international integration organizations, which belong to a group of regional organizations only. This paper concerns the analysis of differentiated placement of states from sosvereignty point of view in the integration organizations, where new instruments have been implemented, including transnational ones. The research shows a considerable differentiation of institutional frameworks, meaning that their models introduced in Europe have no universal character. One can see different attitude towards the sovereignty notion in integration processes and in international organizations in the West as well as in developing countries, which focus mostly on sovereignty protection within the organization itself.

Artykuł wpisuje się w nurt badań dotyczących suwerenności państw w międzynarodowych organizacjach integracyjnych, w których uczestnictwo wiąże się z największymi ograniczeniami w zakresie kompetencji i autonomii państw, w porównaniu z udziałem w innego typu organizacjach. Zostaje wyjaśnione pojęcie suwerenności, zwracając uwagę na jej wymiar prawny i polityczny, jak również międzynarodowej organizacji integracyjnej, która występuje tylko w grupie organizacji regionalnych. Artykuł zawiera analizę zróżnicowanego, z punktu widzenia suwerenności, usytuowania państw w organizacjach integracyjnych, w których stosowane są nowego typu rozwiązania instytucjonalne, w tym ponadnarodowe. Badania odnotowują znaczące zróżnicowanie rozwiązań instytucjonalnych, pokazujące, że modele zastosowane w Europie nie znajdują uniwersalnego zastosowania. Widoczne jest odmienne podejście do suwerenności w procesach integracyjnych i organizacjach międzynarodowych na Zachodzie oraz wśród państw rozwijających się, które większą wagę przywiązują do ochrony i zabezpieczenia suwerenności w ramach organizacji. ; This article is one of many, which deal with research on state sovereignty in international integration organizations, where participation implies more limited autonomy and competition than in organizations of other types. The notion of sovereignty is being explained, pointing at its legal and political dimention, as well as of international integration organizations, which belong to a group of regional organizations only. This paper concerns the analysis of differentiated placement of states from sosvereignty point of view in the integration organizations, where new instruments have been implemented, including transnational ones. The research shows a considerable differentiation of institutional frameworks, meaning that their models introduced in Europe have no universal character. One can see different attitude towards the sovereignty notion in integration processes and in international organizations in the West as well as in developing countries, which focus mostly on sovereignty protection within the organization itself.