Suchergebnisse

The aim of this paper is to indicate how the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic may determine the key directions of urban spatial policy in Poland. Therefore, the following aspects have been analyzed: the guidelines arising from the medical point of view (in terms of health policy priorities) and the key theses of the international scientific discussion on changes in urban spatial policies. Based on the above analysis as well as on the indicated current possibilities of planning solutions in Poland, recommendations will be developed on the directional issues of urban spatial policy. The paper will determine to what extent individual postulates can be implemented in the Polish reality. Recommendations developed in this way will reflect a universal dimension - making it possible to refer to the majority of development and spatial documents of Polish cities (in particular development strategies and studies of spatial development conditions and directions). An important contribution of the paper will also be an attempt to take an interdisciplinary approach to the medical and urban planning perspective and translate it into concrete postulates.

The category of the system of government in Poland requires reference to 'the governance style' of the right, and to the tendency that has appeared in international politics in recent years to call it populist nationalism. The objective of this paper is to show that in the case of Poland after 2015, the thesis of the retreat of democracy has no factual grounds, and it can be countered through the use of evidence. The system of government in Poland after the Law and Justice party came to power cannot be described as a contradiction to democracy. Citizens are not being manipulated and deceived. They are aware of the content of decisions made by the executive branch. The opposition is able to act freely, and it is supported by independent private media. There are many veto points in the political system. The government can count on public support that is stronger than that of the governments from the period before 2015.

This article raises the issue of how the Russian Federation could benefit from the instrumental use of ethnic heterogeneity to pursue its geopolitical interests. The paper focuses on the recent case of a Polish-Ukrainian historical memory dispute which affected relations between Warsaw and Kyiv. The research focus is on how vulnerable Poland and Ukraine are to Russian active measures which potentially target not only national minorities but also groups of people who are only temporarily present in these states, such as economic migrants and tourists. An analysis is conducted of Russia's geopolitical objectives and its strategy toward Polish-Ukrainian relations in the broader context of the rivalry between Russia and the West. The analysis is conducted within the framework of the neorealist theory of international relations. The case study of specific events discloses how Russia could exacerbate tensions between nations and the role of ethnic heterogeneity in this regard. Against this backdrop, the author shows how Russia may challenge other states of the Euro-Atlantic community with similar active measures.

Abstract: The aim of the article is to present the way that the Republic of Poland has traveled to join the NATO and EU structures, paying particular attention to the shaping of foreign policy and, consequently, Poland's security in the international arena. Legal provisions dealing with the priorities of Polish politics will be recalled, including the Strategy of Polish Foreign Policy 2017-2021. In addition, the relationship between the implementation of the foreign policy of the Republic of Poland as a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union and the security of Poland will be indicated. ; Streszczenie: Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie drogi, jaką przebyła Rzeczpospolita Polska, by wstąpić w struktury NATO oraz UE, przy szczególnym zwróceniu uwagi na kształtowanie polityki zagranicznej, a co za tym idzie, bezpieczeństwa RP na arenie międzynarodowej. Przywołane zostały zapisy prawne traktujące o priorytetach polskiej polityki, w tym Strategia Polskiej Polityki Zagranicznej 2017-2021. Ponadto wskazane zostały zależności pomiędzy realizacją polityki zagranicznej RP jako członka Sojuszu Północnoatlantyckiego i Unii Europejskiej a bezpieczeństwem Polski.

The paper deals with the European cooperation in outer space, which in the course of half a century has led to the creation of the European space policy, another European public policy. At the beginning of the paper, the definition framework for public policy was outlined and the European space policy was briefly presented. The analysis begins with an indication of the reasons for establishing cooperation for space, then it covers the history of European space efforts as well as the attempts to institutionalize that cooperation. In the further part of the paper, the process of working out the European space policy and the most recently announced European space programme are analysed. Finally, the conclusions resulting from the analysis give the answer to the questions raised in the paper about the ability to effectively design and execute the space policy, the results of implementation of particular space policy programmes, allocation of resources for the benefit of society, the position of the EU in international relations.

Abstract: The presidential election campaign in 2008 was dominated by two issues – foreign policy and the growing budget deficit. Barack Obama's announcement of a complete reversal of the aggressive policy of his predecessor proved to be an effective tactic, allowing him to win the presidential election. From this point on, instead of military force, the superpower was to use dialogue and diplomacy. Renewal of the US image in the world required from Obama the ending of foreign policy based on hard power, preventive and unilateral action, in favor of close cooperation with other participants in international relations. ; Prezydencką kampanię wyborczą w 2008 r. zdominowały dwie kwestie – polityka zagraniczna i rosnący deficyt budżetowy. Zapowiedź Baracka Obamy o całkowitym odwrocie od agresywnej polityki poprzednika okazała się skuteczną taktyką, umożliwiającą mu wygranie wyborów prezydenckich. Od tej pory supermocarstwo zamiast siły militarnej miało wykorzystywać dialog i dyplomację. Odnowienie wizerunku USA na świecie wymagało od prezydenta Obamy odejścia od polityki zagranicznej opartej na hard power, samodzielnych, prewencyjnych i jednostronnych działaniach, na rzecz bliskiej współpracy z innymi uczestnikami stosunków międzynarodowych.

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Celem przedstawionego artykułu jest syntetyczne ujęcie opisywanego tematu. Należy nadmienić, że ze względu na niejawny charakter informacji, przedstawiono tylko niektóre aspekty związane z rozwojem wojsk specjalnych, jako efektu podejmowanych decyzji politycznych. Intencją autora było jednak zebranie najważniejszych faktów i aspektów. Proces rozwijania zdolności wojsk specjalnych wciąż trwa i na chwilę obecną można stosunkowo łatwo, analizując stosunki międzynarodowe, wskazać potencjalne kierunki ich rozwoju. ; The aim of the presented text is the synthetic approach to the described topic. It should be noted that due the classified nature of information, only some aspects of the special forces development as a result of political decisions, were presented. However, the author's intention was to collect and describe the most important facts and aspects. The process of development of the abilities of special forces is still going on, and at this moment, by analyzing international relations, it is relatively easy to identify the potential directions of their development.

The first part of the article is dedicated to the classic approach to security in three areas: the security of the individual, the state and on the international stage. Then the author conducts an analysis of the interdisciplinary approach to security. He characterised the behavioural as well as sociological and economic theories. The author analyses the government policies pertaining to internal security in the last fifteen years. He explained the legal and constitutional rules of the government administration in Poland and then characterised the system of institutions responsible for security within the country involving a critical analysis of internal security policy, i.a. its effectiveness and efficiency. The author formulates the thesis which holds that within the last fifteen years the governments have failed to design an effective policy of internal security, so far. The postulated concepts and governmental proposals have been designed as temporary measures and under political pressure without much consideration for systemic solutions. The policy of internal security lacks the systemic approach deriving from the theory of organisation.

The paper aims at investigating the process of international R&D relocation by transnational corporations abroad. The prospective impacts exerted by corporate research units on host countries and the public policy conducted for enhancing innovativeness of national economy are presented. R&D relocation implies FDI inflows by TNCs to host countries aimed at establishing corporate research units (research centers, subsidiaries engaged in research and production) as well as expanding their local ties which generate impacts on national R&D sphere and host economy. "Foreign component" of national research sphere is developed and its characteristics differ from those of domestic research entities. There are possible both favorable and unfavorable impacts exerted by foreign research units on innovativeness of domestic entities and NIS functioning. The host state should influence growth and activity of corporate foreign research units by means of investment policy (towards FDI inflows) and innovation policy (towards TNCs' innovation activity), in both cases serving a long-term strategy for enhancing innovativeness of national economy.

The article presents the basic determinants of Hungarian foreign policy in reference to the region of Central and Eastern Europe over the last quarter of a century. The author discusses the country's relations with its neighbouring countries, as well as the two largest political entities in the region, namely Russia and Germany. The political analysis is supplemented with an overview of economic and commercial exchange carried out by Hungary with other countries in the region. Hungary's activities on the international scene are also presented in relation to group cooperation: the Visegrad Group, Central European Initiative, EU policy on the Eastern Partnership. Moreover, the author analyses independent steps Hungary has taken in Central and Eastern Europe in terms of its relations with the Balkan countries. The article ends with a presentation of the Hungarian position regarding the sphere of security policy as an expression of the country's focus on securing their own interests, which may cause conflict with the interests of regional organizations that have Hungary among their members.

The purpose of this article is to show the differences between the recognition of a neo-liberal and a neo-realist view in relation to the issue of energy security, but also to analyze, in a manner appropriate for designated schools of thought, contemporary phenomena and processes that affect relations between actors shaping the energy policy at the international level. To achieve this, the Author used two case studies. The first is dedicated to the Chinese energy strategy for the "Greater Middle East" (neo-realism), the second relates to issue of institutionalization of the EU energy policy (neo-liberalism). ; Celem niniejszego artykułu jest ukazanie rozbierzności między ujęciem neorealistycznym a neoliberalnym w odniesieniu do problematyki bezpieczeństwa energetycznego, ale także zanalizowanie, w sposób właściwy wskazanym szkołom myślenia, współczesnych zjawisk i procesów wpływających na relacje między podmiotami kształtującymi politykę energetyczną na poziomie międzynarodowym. Służą temu dwa studia przypadku, z których pierwszy został poświęcony chińskiej strategii energetycznej na "Większym Bliskim Wschodzie" (neorealizm), drugi zaś – problemowi instytucjonalizacji polityki energetycznej Unii Europejskiej (neoliberalizm).

Celem niniejszego artykułu jest ukazanie rozbieżności między ujęciem neorealistycznym a neoliberalnym w odniesieniu do problematyki bezpieczeństwa energetycznego, ale także zanalizowanie, w sposób właściwy wskazanym szkołom myślenia, współczesnych zjawisk i procesów wpływających na relacje między podmiotami kształtującymi politykę energetyczną na poziomie międzynarodowym. Służą temu dwa studia przypadku, z których pierwszy został poświęcony chińskiej strategii energetycznej na "Większym Bliskim Wschodzie" (neore-alizm), drugi zaś - problemowi instytucjonalizacji polityki energetycznej Unii Europejskiej (neoliberalizm). ; The purpose of this article is to show the differences between the recognition of a neo-liberal and a neo-realist view in relation to the issue of energy security, but also to analyze, in a manner appropriate for designated schools of thought, contemporary phenomena and processes that affect relations between actors shaping the energy policy at the international level. To achieve this, the Author used two case studies. The first is dedicated to the Chinese energy strategy for the "Greater Middle East" (neorealism), the second relates to issue of institutionalization of the EU energy policy (neoliberalism).

The Ukraine crisis, which started at the end of November 2013 and in April 2015 turned into armed conflict in the east of Ukraine, had a negative impact on the geopolitical situation of Poland; it compromised Poland's security and impaired the perception of security among the majority of Polish society. This article's objective is to outline the direct implications of the crisis and conflict in Ukraine for the security of Poland. These implications include: destabilization of the international security with serious consequences for the security of Poland; an increased sense of threat from Russia in Polish society; increased efforts of Polish foreign and security policy-makers to strengthen military defense potential; reinforcement of NATO's cohesion and its more active involvement in Polish and Central European security; enhanced cooperation between Poland and the United States in the field of military defense; and increased threats to the economic stability of Poland. Key words: security of Poland, Ukraine conflict, Poland-Russia relations, Poland-Ukraine relations, implications of the Ukraine conflict for the security of Poland

The article analyses the Jordanian foreign policy with a primary focus on Jordan's status as a buffer state. This characteristic can be regarded as a key determinant of the foreign policy, which not only defines vital interests of the monarchy, but also shapes its behaviour in the international arena and impacts on its domestic scene. Consequently, main trends in the Jordanian foreign policy are explored: moderation, quest for regional modus vivendi and long-standing alliance with the West. The author also indicates that with a relative scarcity of natural resources and weak economy, foreign policy becomes a strategic national asset of Jordan, a tool of domestic legitimacy for the political regime, and evidence of interlinked state interests and dynastic ambitions of the Hashemite family. The article concludes that despite regional turmoil in the wake of the Arab revolts, Jordan remains relatively stable and is skillfully playing its diplomatic card in order to gain leeway on the domestic front. ; Artur Malantowicz

Individual and group transborder cooperation of the Western Pomeranian Province with other South Baltic regions is in line with a pan-European trend of regional authorities becoming independent and participating in international relations as independent entities. This 'paradiplomacy' is undoubtedly a factor that contributes to the relativization of the state as a traditional arena of political activity. Simultaneously, as the subsidiarity principle, which is the foundation of EU regional policy, is becoming increasingly popular, it seems unavoidable and irreversible that regional structures will be vested with increasing powers in the realm of foreign policy (that used to be reserved for national organs exclusively). In this context the collaboration of the Western Pomeranian Province with other South Baltic regions is only at the beginning of a potential process to form its own 'paradiplomacy' as it remains constricted in the formula of state limitation and supervision. Therefore, at present it is unfeasible for Polish regional authorities, including the self-government of Western Pomerania, to conduct independent 'paradiplomacy.'