Artículos en revistas ; Este artículo está dedicado a la crisis de los refugiados, así como las causas de los desplazamientos de estos individuos. La gente se ve obligada a dejar sus países por motivos políticos, guerras, persecución, pobreza, desastres ambientales y violencia. El número de personas desplazadas a causas económicas está creciendo. Los dos instrumentos internacionales sobre el estatuto jurídico delos refugiados (Convención de Ginebra y el Protocolo de Nueva York) no se aplican a los casos relacionados con la pobreza y crisis ecológicas o medioambientales. A pesar de los retos en cuestión, la Iglesia está cada vez más preocupada, por eso pide a los Estados encontrar alternativas para aquellas personas que no cumplen los requisitos para obtener el estatuto de refugiado. Ellos buscan una mejor vida y modos de satisfacer sus necesidades. ; This article discusses contemporary refugees crisis and explains the reasons that are causing forced displacement flows. It also looks at the international refugees norms which were put into place to address such crisis. People are being forced to leave their countries because of political struggle, wars, persecution, ethnic cleansing, poverty, ecological disasters and violence. The number of persons displaced for economic and environmental reasons is also on the rise. Nevertheless, the two international instruments relating to the status of refugees (1951 Geneva Convention and 1967 New York Protocol) do not apply to those cases related to poverty and natural disasters. Despite undergoing serious challenges, most of them are being expelled from countries in which they seek asylum. Through the Twenty Action Points designed for the 2018 Global Compact on refugees, the Church is pushing the Nation States to find alternative solutions for those who do not fulfil the requirements to obtain refugee status or enter a country without authorization. They are all searching for a better life and a way to meet their needs. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
This article analyzes the context of international relations since the end of the eighteenth century and the effect on the nature of independence movements in America, especially in the Portuguese and Spanish area. International conflicts were essential to understanding the independence and the decisive role they played in the political emancipation. ; En este artículo se analiza el contexto de las relaciones internacionales desde finales del siglo XVIII y la influencia que tuvieron con los procesos independentistas en América, especialmente en el ámbito portugués y español. Los conflictos internacionales fueron esenciales para comprender las independencias y jugaron un papel decisivo en los procesos de emancipación a nivel político.
The development of cyberspace in the world and its impact on human life is more and more visible. Proper protection of all processes that can negatively affect people's lives is therefore an indispensable element that should accompany this development. Safe cyberspace is also closely related to the internal and external security of each country. The preparation of appropriate, international security guarantees in cyberspace is not only a challenge for individual countries, but above all for global institutions that provide peace. In Europe, the European Union and the Council of Europe should be the leaders in this respect. Lack of legal regulations regarding safe cyberspace is the possibility of exposing people to taking control over their privacy, data theft or other crimes. The implementation of European standards should therefore apply in every country. Governments should additionally emphasize social education and disseminate knowledge about threats in cyberspace. Coordinating these two activities gives hope that the expanding cyberspace in the future will not destroy people's lives. ; Cyberprzestrzeń z roku na rok jest coraz większa, a jej wpływ na życie ludzkie coraz bardziej widoczny. Właściwa ochrona wszystkich procesów, które mogą negatywnie wpływać na życie ludzi, jest zatem niezbędnym elementem, który powinien towarzyszyć szybkiemu rozwojowi informacyjno-komunikacyjnemu. Bezpieczna cyberprzestrzeń jest również ściśle związana z wewnętrznym i zewnętrznym bezpieczeństwem każdego kraju. Przygotowanie odpowiednich międzynarodowych gwarancji bezpieczeństwa w cyberprzestrzeni jest nie tylko wyzwaniem dla poszczególnych krajów, ale przede wszystkim dla globalnych instytucji zapewniających pokój. Unia Europejska i Rada Europy powinny być liderami w tym zakresie. Brak przepisów prawnych dotyczących bezpiecznej cyberprzestrzeni to możliwość narażenia ludzi na przejęcie kontroli nad ich prywatnością, kradzieżą danych lub innymi przestępstwami. Dlatego wdrażanie norm europejskich powinno mieć zastosowanie w każdym kraju. Rządy powinny dodatkowo podkreślać edukację społeczną i rozpowszechniać wiedzę o zagrożeniach w cyberprzestrzeni. Koordynacja tych dwóch działań daje nadzieję, że rozwijająca się cyberprzestrzeń w przyszłości nie zniszczy życia ludzi.
Review-essay of: BUZAN, Barry y SCHOUENBORG, Laust (ed.), Global International Society: A New Framework for Analysis, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2018, 276 pp., ISBN 9781108448352, 20€. ZARAKOL, Ay?e, Hierarchies in World Politics, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2017, 320 pp., ISBN 9781108404020, 27,99€. DUNNE, Tim y REUS-SMIT, Christian, The Globalization of International Society, Oxford University Press: Oxford, 2017, 528 pp., ISBN 9780198793427, 75€. ; Review-essay de: BUZAN, Barry y SCHOUENBORG, Laust (ed.), Global International Society: A New Framework for Analysis, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2018, 276 pp., ISBN 9781108448352, 20€. ZARAKOL, Ay?e, Hierarchies in World Politics, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2017, 320 pp., ISBN 9781108404020, 27,99€. DUNNE, Tim y REUS-SMIT, Christian, The Globalization of International Society, Oxford University Press: Oxford, 2017, 528 pp., ISBN 9780198793427, 75€.
This paper analyses legal interpretation in Private International Law. It focuseson the legal reasoning of Spanish judges when dealing with international disputes ofa private nature, without forgetting that they are also European Union judges. Afterdescribing the reduced scope of Codification in Private International Law, the paperattempts to clarify why interpretation in this area is more complex than in otherlegal domains: international objectives but with basically national means, a PrivateLaw focus and the development of European Union Private International Law aresome of the aspects that will be assessed in order to explain, briefly, the very creativerole of judges in looking for justice in each particular case. Finally, this paper dealswith methods of interpretation in Private International Law as well as the problemsof legal language and translation. ; El trabajo analiza los problemas de la interpretación jurídica en Derecho internacional privado. Se centra en el razonamiento jurídico de los jueces españoles cuando afrontan un litigio internacional de carácter privado, sin olvidar que son también jueces de la Unión Europea. Después de resaltar el reducido alcance de la Codificación en Derecho internacional privado, el trabajo intenta clarificar por qué la interpretación en este campo es más compleja que en otros ámbitos jurídicos: fines internacionales pero medios básicamente estatales, enfoque de Derecho privado, desarrollo del Derecho internacional privado de la Unión Europea, son aspectos, entre otros, que serán analizados para explicar, en definitiva, el papel particularmente creativo de los jueces en la búsqueda de la justicia en el caso concreto. Finalmente, se presta atención a los diferentes elementos de la interpretación en Derecho internacional privado así como a los problemas del lenguaje jurídico y la traducción.
With: Patent and trade-mark laws of the Spanish-American republics, Brazil, and the Republic of Haiti. Washington : G.P.O., 1904. ; At head of title: Oficina Internacional de las Repúblicas Americanas, Wáshington, D.C. ; "Revisado hasta Agosto de 1904." ; Mode of access: Internet.
The article presents an analysis of problematic issues concerning the adaptation of the national accounting and financial reporting system of Ukraine to the International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS). The chosen topic is relevant because of the fact that the domestic economic system is increasingly dependent on the globalization of economic processes and information technologies in the world. The transition of Ukraine to the specified standards is a requirement of time and is conditioned by the necessity to fulfill the country's contractual obligations for further integration with the European Union. The authors considered such world systems as IFRS and the Generally Accepted Accounting Principles (GAAP). The general features of these systems were analyzed.The authors have identified both the systematic advantages and the problems of adaptation of IFRS in Ukraine. Advantages include: providing more detailed, transparent, truthful and accessible information for users; raising the level of investment attractiveness of economic entities through the possibility of their entry into new capital markets, etc. Problems include: the complexity of the practical application of standards through the introduction of new terms, the need for restructuring the philosophy of accounting and management personnel, and so on.The paper notes that the successful adaptation of IFRS in Ukraine should be consistent with the general economic priorities of the country's development and is possible only under condition of well-considered actions of state legislatures and executive authorities, international cooperation within the framework of specialized professional organizations on the issues of elaboration of international standards of financial reporting.
For some time, the theoretical debate in international relations has occupied an ambiguous place in the discipline. For some, the remarkable diversity of theoretical production expresses the dynamism of a field that has grown thanks to its capacity for dialogue with a wide range of disciplines from the humanities and social sciences, and even the exact sciences. Others, however, see this process as a symptom of the decline of the discipline, reflected in its fragmentation and inability to produce a more or less coherent (or consensual) set of research problems. We could also mention a current of opinion that sees the supposed exhaustion of International Relations as a process that we should not regret, since the evolution of the field would be irremediably associated with a colonial power project that produced unequal and discriminatory world orders. For the latter, the theories of International Relations offer few possibilities for the construction of a critique of world politics and, therefore, would not deserve significant intellectual investment. This view echoes the controversial debate about the 'end of IR theory' waged in the pages of the European Journal of International Relations in 2013 (Dunne, Hansen, and Wight 2013). This declaration of death seems premature, yet the current state of the debate may suggest a fund of truth for pessimistic assessments. Had the 'critical turn' project fallen victim to its own success? Has the drive towards greater theoretical pluralism produced a fragmentation that impedes the evolution of the discipline? Has the critique of the limits of international studies - in particular its supposed universality - compromised our ability to think of the international as a planetary political space? This diffuse dissatisfaction with international theoretical work has a very broad scope, reaching both Anglo-American and continental European academic cultures and the many other continents where research in International Relations is conducted today, testifying to the increasingly ...
El presente trabajo tiene por objetivo explicar, desde la perspectiva de la economía política internacional, las iniciativas de integración monetaria puestas en práctica en el Mercado Común del Sur (Mercosur). Con ese propósito, se identi ca el origen del interés de los países de dicha región en conformar una unión monetaria, y se explican las iniciativas consideradas, tomando en cuenta los esfuerzos para avanzar a una moneda común a través de: a) la coordinación macroeconómica para la uni cación monetaria, b) el establecimiento de una moneda única, y c) la de nición de una unidad monetaria. La falta de consenso político acerca de la naturaleza de los instrumentos de política económica a emplear, los objetivos alcanzar y la distribución de los costos de la unificación monetaria, han impedido el avance en esta materia. ; This paper aims to explain, from the perspective of international political economy, monetary integration initiatives implemented in the Southern Common Market (Mercosur). With this aim, the interest of the countries of the region to form a monetary union is identi ed and the initiatives considered are discussed, taking into account the efforts to move toward a common currency through: a) macroeconomic coordination for monetary uni cation, b) the establishment of a single currency, and c) the de nition of a monetary unit. The lack of political consensus about the nature of economic instruments to use, the objectives to be achieved and the distribution of costs of monetary uni cation, have prevented progress in monetary integration. ; Ce travail expose, à partir de la perspective de l'économie politique internationale, les caractéristiques du procès d'intégration monétaire du Marché Commun du Sud (Mercosur). À ce propos, on tient compte des points de vue politiques, économiques et sociaux d'un procès complexe et dynamique qui se développe dans le contexte des alternatives suivantes : a) coordination macroéconomique pour l'uni cation monétaire, b) bandes de taux de change pour la monnaie unique, et c) utilisation de l'unité monétaire commune. L'absence de consensus politique sur la nature des instruments de politique économique à utiliser, les objectifs à atteindre et la distribution des coûts de l'uni cation monétaire, ont empêché le progrès des alternatives envisagées. ; 25-34 ; ahurtado46@gmail.com ; semestral
The principle of the autonomy of the contract will in the choice of procedure law is an axiom in international trade disputes. Nevertheless, in several legal systems there are restrictions to this principle residing in the public policy. It is possible to identify the principles of public policy such as those that inspire a particular jurisdiction and are an echo of the fundamentals values of a society. The concept responds to a general idea of the supremacy of society over individuals. Public policy is a mechanism by which the State represses special agreements that may pose a threat to its essential interests and political relations. The methodology used is documentary. ; El principio de la autonomia de la voluntad privada en el ámbito contractual para efectos del derecho procesal aplicable es un axioma en las relaciones de comercio transnacionales. No obstante, en diversos sistemas jurídicos pueden encontrarse límites a este principio que residen en las normas de orden público. Es posible individuar los principios de orden público como aquellos que inspiran un determinado ordenamiento juridco y que reflejan los valores esenciales de una sociedad. El concepto responde a una idea general de supremacía de la sociedad sobre el individuo. En realidad, representa un mecanismo mediante el cual el Estado reprime las estipulaciones privadas que pueden constituir una amenaza para los intereses esenciales y para las relaciones políticas. La metodologia usada es de naturaleza documental.
The article aims to describe and analyse international relations debates, focusing on the contributions that feminisms make to the field as one of the dissident currents and reflectivist approaches -especially in its postcolonial/decolonial formulations. The methodology used is qualitative, and a specific bibliography is reviewed in order to examine the current discussions in the discipline, the confrontations within feminisms in IR, as well as their contributions. Moreover, we will look at the revision that Latin American and Caribbean decolonial feminism has instigated, considering the importance of intersectionality for expanding disciplinary boundaries. The text is articulated around the following questions: What debates run through the contemporary disciplinary field? What do the approaches of feminisms, within this framework, question and propose? What methodologies and notions do they introduce in IR studies? Which contributions are made by Latin American and Caribbean feminism? Thus, specific methodological and epistemological issues illuminated by feminisms in IR, such as the body politics,the micropolitics approach, and the focus on everyday practices,are given particular consideration. Solomon & Steele (2016) affirm that it "is only now — with increasing shifts to the micro — that academic IR has begun to (re)discover the lives and people of global politics, and to breathe life back into a field that grand theory mostly neglected". Every life of any person around the world should be recognized; there is no international system or society without the actions and practices of ordinary people. In this regard, feminisms have been key introductions into the field of IR, along with poststructuralism and postcolonialism, which are regular research instruments in disciplines like anthropology or sociology. For instance, ethnographic studies or participant observation are techniques that support the turns and innovations mentioned above. This framework is fundamental to make gender differences visible from an intersectional perspective. Postcolonial/decolonial feminism concentrates their studies on that difference, especially considering its links with other inequalities and concrete oppressions: e.g. in relation to race, ethnicity, religion, class, and nationality. In Latin America and the Caribbean, this perspective takes on an added relevance, and gives rise in this text to the problematization of its entanglement with human rights; the relationship between women, work and racialization; inequalities and violence; together with their links with global neoliberalism. In this respect, the article gives a comprehensive account of the main issues tackled by feminisms in the region, such as women's positions during the colonization period, and the multiple forms of violence related to their role. For instance, there is the importance of state responsibility in femicides, and the internal colonization and the neglect of diversity in national (plurinational) societies. These are performed by academia and social movements, particularly so in Western (white) feminist perspectives. The text is divided into three sections. Firstly, the framework of current IR debates is established, the differences between feminisms in IR and their classifications are described, and the theoretical contributions that these approaches have made to the discipline through methodological instruments such as micropolitics, corporeality and the practices of everyday life are elaborated. In the words of Enloe (2007, p.100) "Feminism is a multidimensional yet coherent worldview. Feminism is an achieved mosaic of understandings, yet it is still unfolding. […] feminism is a complex set of understandings about how power operates, how power is legitimized and how power is perpetuated". Regardless of which perspective within feminism is being highlighted, some fundamental common issues will appear: neoliberalism and patriarchy are two of them, but also violence against women, gender identities and rights, exploitation, public and private spheres distinctions, etc. Then, the particularities of decolonial feminisms in Latin America and the Caribbean, along with their intersectional look at the field, are discussed: the question of subalternity, difference and neoliberalism, the concrete forms they acquire in the Global South and in the region. Moreover, the relevance of the link between neoliberalism and patriarchy is brought into consideration as a research topic shared by different feminist perspectives. In this respect, we name some authors form the region that propose feminist genealogic studies (Ciriza, 2015; Parra, 2021). As Marchand (2013, p.64) explains, the opportunities of a young middle-class woman with a university education are greater than those of a 65-year-old indigenous man with little formal education and a peasant life. While obviously not in a dominant position in society and the labour market, the young woman still has a privileged position with respect to the indigenous. These differences are invisible in the rational mainstream, and also in liberal -and some socialist or poststructuralist- feminisms. Some particular research is mentioned to show how the body politics, micropolitical approaches, and the practice turn are effectively used in IR studies, with innovative techniques oriented towards ethnographic studies and participated action. For instance, the examination of global women (and gender diversities), migration and mobility are illuminated by focusing in particular case: women from Guerrero in Texas (Muñoz y Mendoza, 2018). Also, the incidences of sexual violence in the conflict in Guatemala is brought to light through the voices of the Maya women survivors and thanks to the research of Fulchiron (2016). This research emphasises the use of the femininized body as a war instrument. In addition, this paper mentions the contribution that Latin American and Caribbean feminisms have made to the field of human rights, especially through the participation in international organizations such as OAS and UN. (Barrancos, 2021; Chiarotti Boero, 2021) Considering all the above mentioned, we state that critical and intersectional feminisms allow us to think IR as a diverse field, with true planetary scope, and capable of recovering the importance of the well-being and daily lives of people. Finally, the conclusions are presented with possible relevant lines for future research (ecofeminism and the Latin American approaches to it). Dissident contributions in IR, in general, call into question the mainstream, giving rise in recent years to alternative, peripheral and silenced voices through postcolonial studies (decoloniality) and the feminisms, amongst others. These voices of difference generate discussion beyond hegemonic perspectives, producing key contributions for the continued interrogation of the discipline. These voices, for instance from Latin America and the Caribbean, draw on their own worldviews, along with traditional and popular knowledge. This assists in the promotion of new approaches and value situated, plural, intersectional and corporeized knowledges. ; El artículo se propone describir y analizar los debates en la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales (RRII), focalizando en los aportes que los feminismos hacen al campo como corriente disidente, y en especial, en sus vertientes postcoloniales/decoloniales. Con una metodología cualitativa, se revisa bibliografía específica que permite dar cuenta de las discusiones actuales en la disciplina, las confrontaciones al interior de los feminismos en RRII y sus contribuciones, y, en ese plano, se repasan los aportes propios del feminismo decolonial latinoamericano y caribeño, considerando el señalamiento sobre la interseccionalidad realizada por este. Así, se examinan cuestiones metodológicas y epistemológicas concretas como la cuestión del cuerpo, los estudios desde la micropolítica y el foco en las prácticas cotidianas de las personas, iluminadas por los feminismos en las RRII. Ese marco es fundamental para visibilizar las diferencias de género desde una perspectiva interseccional, que desde el feminismo postcolonial/decolonial se concentra en sus vínculos con otras desigualdades y opresiones (raza, origen, clase social, entre otras). En América Latina y el Caribe esta mirada adquiere una relevancia distintiva y da lugar en este escrito a la problematización de sus vínculos con los derechos humanos, con las desigualdades y las violencias, y sus articulaciones con el neoliberalismo transnacionalizado. El texto se divide en tres apartados: primero, en el marco de los debates actuales del campo de estudio, se revisan los aportes de los feminismos en las RRII y se describen las diferencias al interior de estos. En particular, se indican como contribuciones teórico-metodológicas de los enfoques feministas a las RRII aquellos estudios basados en la micropolítica, la corporeidad y las prácticas de la vida cotidiana. Luego, se tratan las particularidades de los feminismos decoloniales en América Latina y el Caribe y su mirada interseccional en el campo: la cuestión de la subalternidad, la diferencia, la inequidad y el neoliberalismo, las formas concretas que adquieren en el Sur Global y en la región. Por último, se presentan las conclusiones con posibles líneas relevantes para futuras investigaciones. Los aportes disidentes en las RRII, en general, ponen en cuestión la corriente principal, dando lugar en los últimos años a voces alternativas, periféricas y silenciadas a través de los estudios postcoloniales (decolonialidad) y los feminismos, entre otros. Son esas voces de la diferencia las que presentan discusión a las perspectivas hegemónicas, produciendo contribuciones claves para continuar pensando la disciplina; en América Latina y el Caribe esto se realiza desde cosmovisiones propias, que buscan amalgamar saberes tradicionales y populares, propiciar nuevos enfoques y valorizar un conocimiento situado, interseccional, plural y corporeizado.
In a moment where credibility and citizen support towards international organisations are suffering, it is necessary that these organisations make efforts in communicating the importance they have in the lives of the citizens as well as the achievements their actions represent in both the national and international levels. Some examples of the citizen disaffection are the rise or even the victory of parties and candidacies that challenge the benefits and the importance or organisations like the UN or the European Union. Trump, the brexit or the fact that Marine Le Pen made it to the second round of the French presidential elections, make it clear that there is a hostile environment for multilateralism.Communication must represent a key element for achieving the objective of showing the benefits and usefulness of international organisations. Therefore, we will analyse the current communication strategies of the UN and the EU in order to highlight the positive and improvable aspects of such strategies.The objective of this study is to focus on the constructivist approach of international organisations, where the management of intangible assets is key in order to change norms at the service of the common good. For that, it is vital to use soft power, which has communication as a key tool. Today, there are mechanisms that enable the direct interaction with the citizens, so a good investment in this sense can generate very positive results that return credibility to international institutions. ; En un momento en el que la credibilidad y el apoyo ciudadano a las organizaciones internacionales se resiente, es necesario que estas inviertan sus esfuerzos en comunicar la importancia que tienen en la vida de los ciudadanos y los logros que sus acciones representan a nivel nacional e internacional. Ejemplos de este desapego ciudadano son el auge o incluso la victoria de partidos y candidaturas que ponen en tela de juicio la utilidad y el sentido de organizaciones como la ONU o la Unión Europea. Trump, el brexit o el hecho de que Marine Le Pen pasara a la segunda vuelta de las elecciones presidenciales en Francia evidencian un entorno hostil para el multilateralismo.La comunicación ha de constituir un elemento clave para lograr el objetivo de mostrar la utilidad y la necesidad de las organizaciones internacionales. Se analizarán, por tanto, las estrategias comunicativas actuales tanto de la ONU como de la UE para señalar aspectos positivos y aspectos mejorables de dichas estrategias.El objetivo de este estudio es profundizar en la visión constructivista de las organizaciones internacionales, donde la gestión de los intangibles resulta clave para cambiar normas al servicio del bien común. Para ello, resulta imprescindible acudir al poder blando, que tiene como una de las herramientas fundamentales la comunicación. Hoy en día hay mecanismos que posibilitan la interacción directa con los ciudadanos, por lo que una buena inversión en este sentido puede generar resultados muy positivos que devuelvan la credibilidad a las instituciones internacionales.
The object of research is the trust problem in the relations of the East and the West. The author in detail analyzes the phenomenon of trust, its principles and distinctive signs. Special attention is paid to conditions of formation of trust as on micro (between individuals) and at the macro level (between societies). The author connects the trust problem with a categorization "friend-or-foe", considered in the civilization aspect of the subject. Thus, the author in the research used the case study method and content analysis. The novelty of research consists in approach to understanding intensity between civilizations of the East and the West through a problem of the possibility of confidential relations between them. The author comes to a conclusion that in the modern international relations there is a paradoxical situation: the trust measure between the countries decreases, in volume time as it is possible to cope with new calls and threats only through consolidation of the world community on the basis of mutual trust.
The object of research is the trust problem in the relations of the East and the West. The author in detail analyzes the phenomenon of trust, its principles and distinctive signs. Special attention is paid to conditions of formation of trust as on micro (between individuals) and at the macro level (between societies). The author connects the trust problem with a categorization "friend-or-foe", considered in the civilization aspect of the subject. Thus, the author in the research used the case study method and content analysis. The novelty of research consists in approach to understanding intensity between civilizations of the East and the West through a problem of the possibility of confidential relations between them. The author comes to a conclusion that in the modern international relations there is a paradoxical situation: the trust measure between the countries decreases, in volume time as it is possible to cope with new calls and threats only through consolidation of the world community on the basis of mutual trust.
The paper exposes some reflections on International Terrorism within the framework of the principles of Western Democracies with the aim of understanding its impact and challenges in the future. It concludes that Terrorism creates a new International Stage in the 21st Century posing new Dynamics for Politics, and for Safety in the states. ; El artículo plantea algunas reflexiones en torno al terrorismo internacional en el marco de los principios de las democracias occidentales a fin de comprender su repercusión y los retos del fenómeno a futuro. Se concluye que el terrorismo genera un nuevo escenario internacional en el siglo XXI planteando nuevas dinámicas de la política y de la seguridad en los Estados.
