Suchergebnisse

This article discusses the recent debate between Jürgen Habermas and Wolfgang Streeck on the relationship between capitalism and democracy in Europe. The article recounts Streeck's analysis of the financial crisis, the transformation of the tax state into the debt state, and the development of the EU towards an international consolidation state, which informs Streeck's call for a retreat from Europe to the nation-state as the last line of defense against neoliberal capitalism. The article proceeds to sketch Habermas's criticism of Streeck's argument, and it illustrates how Habermas' proposal for a reconstitution of the EU as a supranational democracy is motivated by foundational concerns in his critical theory of society. Finally, the article argues that the debate results in an unresolved dilemma: while only a democratized EU can reestablish the supremacy of politics over globalized markets, the EU is more likely to become further entrenched as an international consolidation state.

Abstract This paper aims to reflect about the contradictions of international cooperation for development in Haiti that can be summarized in two perspectives: the North-South cooperation (NSC) and South-South cooperation (SSC). The dynamics of relationships can mix them (N-SSC). We identified governmental and nongovernmental particularly in health, linked to the OECD, the ALBA-TCP and UNASUR as empirical sources for reflection. The OECD privileges the perspective of NSC: commitment of developed nations with undeveloped. It operates mainly through NGOs. The ALBA-TCP and UNASUR have followed the perspective of SSC: commitment and solidarity among nations alike. They emphasize the horizontal partnership based on solidarity, respect for national sovereignty and peculiarities of each country. The resumption of the categories imperialism and internationalism may contribute to the understanding and analysis the contradictions in the international development agenda, illustrated by how these different actor in Haiti organize their actions. While the first one indicates bonding mechanisms geopolitical hierarchy, the latter suggests possibilities for overcoming these mechanisms. Key-words: International cooperation; Haiti; Imperialism; Internationalism; Organizational studies. Resumo Este artigo objetiva refletir sobre contradições da cooperação internacional para o desenvolvimento no Haiti, resumidas em duas perspectivas: cooperação Norte-Sul (CNS) e cooperação Sul-Sul (CSS). A dinâmica das relações pode misturá-las (CN-SS). Identificamos atores governamentais e não governamentais, na área da saúde, vinculados à OCDE, à ALBA-TCP e à UNASUL como fontes empíricas para a reflexão. A OCDE se orienta, predominantemente pela CNS, ou seja, pelo compromisso de assistência que os países desenvolvidos oferecem aos subdesenvolvidos. Opera principalmente através de ONGs. Nas ações da ALBA-TCP e da Unasul predominam a perspectiva da CSS: comprometimento solidário entre nações iguais. Enfatizam a parceria horizontal baseada na solidariedade, no respeito à soberania e peculiaridades de cada país. A retomada das categorias imperialismo e internacionalismo contribui para compreensão e análise das contradições na agenda internacional do desenvolvimento, ilustradas pelas formas mediante as quais esses diferentes atores organizam suas ações no Haiti. Enquanto as dos países da OCDE denotam mecanismos geopolíticos hierárquicos, as ações dos países vinculados à ALBA-TCP e da UNASUR sugerem possibilidades de superação desses mecanismos, buscando a cooperação genuína e autodeterminada. Palavras-chave: Cooperação internacional; Haiti; Imperialismo; Internationalismo; Estudos oganizacionais. Resumen En este artículo se reflexiona sobre las contradicciones de la cooperación internacional para el desarrollo en Haití, resumidas en dos puntos de vista: cooperación Norte-Sur (CNS) y cooperación Sur-Sur (CSS). La dinámica de las relaciones pueden mezclarlos (CN-SS). Identificamos los actores gubernamentales y no gubernamentales, en la salud, de la OCDE, del ALBA-TCP y UNASUR como fuentes empíricas para la reflexión. La OCDE se orienta principalmente por la CNS, es decir, ofrecen asistencia a los países sudesarrollados. Opera principalmente a través de ONGs; en las acciones del ALBA-TCP y UNASUR predominan la perspectiva de CSS: el compromiso solidario entre naciones iguales. La énfasis és en la colaboración horizontal basada en la solidaridad, el respeto a la soberanía y las peculiaridades de cada país. La reanudación de las categorías imperialismo y internacionalismo contribuye a la comprensión y el análisis de las contradicciones en la agenda de desarrollo internacional, ilustrada por las formas en que los diferentes actores organizan sus acciones en Haití. Mientras que los países de la OCDE indican mecanismos geopolíticos jerárquicas, las acciones de los países vinculados al ALBA- TCP y UNASUR sugieren posibilidades para la superación de estos mecanismos, buscando la cooperación genuina y autodeterminada. Palabras-clave: Cooperación internacional; Haití, Imperialismo; Internationalismo; Estudios oganizacionales.

This article explores the development of international relations (IR) in Indonesia with special focus on the changing trends in its theoretical perspectives. It argues that the academic works examined reflect the ways in which Indonesia's IR scholars perceive and theorize the nature of the dynamics of external political environments and their connections to the state's foreign relations. The argument is elaborated in two related parts. The first section discusses the theoretical perspectives that developed during the Cold War period, which focuses on the propensity toward historical realism and regionalism. The second part of the discussion examines recent developments in which Cold War perspectives have been reconsidered, and in many respects modified into three new categories of theoretical thinking, namely reform, resistance, and eclecticism. The changing theoretical trends reveal that Indonesia's IR scholarship is open and innovative. The conclusion comments on the development of the Indonesia's IR.

The IFRS can be applied in the multi national company (MNC) and listing firms across the country but it does not mean it can replace the national accounting standards that have been owned by respective countries. The accounting standardization is not an easy job because each country has different political, social, and economic background. This study is to reveal the reason and who is behind IFRS adoption in Indonesia. This qualitative research is a case study based on cases representing institutions in Indonesia: DSAK, DPN IAI, BAPEPAM-LK, the finance ministry and the ministry of state own enterprises (BUMN). Data were collected by interviews and using readily available documents and processed with thematic analysis. The result shows the adoption of IFRS decisions is driven by international interests. Indonesia's membership in several international organizations, such as IFAC (International Federation on Accountant), IOSCO, and the G-20, has resulted in the approval of global accounting standards in Indonesia. Each organization has done a variety ways to ensure that its members adopt IFRS. IFRS should be based more on Indonesia accounting needs and should not be only based on a desire particularly coercion from others. In-depth analysis based on the reality of each particular business should be conducted before a decision to adopt IFRS is taken.

This study considers the political aspects of the Joko Widodo government's megaproject to build an integrated marine logistic system known as the tol laut. Expanding the existing literature which gives details about the contextual obstacles faced by and the prospects for the Indonesian government to pursue its infrastructure ambitions, the study argues that notwithstanding the relevance of the tol laut for advancing the Indonesian economy, it is inevitably entangled with dynamic internal and external environments which can unfavourably distort the construction processes. This is the way of understanding the political economy of Indonesia's development issues which allows for the juxtaposition of domestic political and international relations factors as its framework of analysis. The discussion is divided into four sections. Section one explains the conceptual and methodological foundation of the study. Section two outlines the importance of the tol laut to Indonesian national economic development. Section three looks at how the current domestic political settings pose structural hurdles to Widodo's tol laut, and section four observes the effect of international relations of powerful regional actors and Jakarta's diplomatic capacity to the on-going tol laut. The concluding section summarizes the findings of the study.

The IFRS can be applied in the multi national company (MNC) and listing firms across the country but it does not mean it can replace the national accounting standards that have been owned by respective countries. The accounting standardization is not an easy job because each country has different political, social, and economic background. This study is to reveal the reason and who is behind IFRS adoption in Indonesia. This qualitative research is a case study based on cases representing institutions in Indonesia: DSAK, DPN IAI, BAPEPAM-LK, the finance ministry and the ministry of state own enterprises (BUMN). Data were collected by interviews and using readily available documents and processed with thematic analysis. The result shows the adoption of IFRS decisions is driven by international interests. Indonesia's membership in several international organizations, such as IFAC (International Federation on Accountant), IOSCO, and the G-20, has resulted in the approval of global accounting standards in Indonesia. Each organization has done a variety ways to ensure that its members adopt IFRS. IFRS should be based more on Indonesia accounting needs and should not be only based on a desire particularly coercion from others. In-depth analysis based on the reality of each particular business should be conducted before a decision to adopt IFRS is taken.

Realism has been the dominant conceptual approach to studying Indonesian foreign policy. This article, however, considers realist analyses to be insucient since their emphasis on the struggle for power and security in the system of states has led to the neglect of the importance of perspectives which focus on order. To ll the gap it then intends to apply the English School perspective which focuses on the concept of international society to trace the nature and function of Indonesian foreign policy. Two cases are examined, including the Asian African Conference and Association of South East Asian Nations, to demonstrate the relevance of international society for policy ideas and action. The central argument is that the Indonesian elite worldview indicates that the creation and maintenance of order in international societies are ones which are prominent objectives legitimizing the conduct of Indonesia's external relations.

Objective: To understand/reveal the experiences of undergraduate students of the Nursing School of the Universidade de São Paulo in international academic mobility. Method: A cross-sectional, descriptive study with a qualitative approach conducted between February and July 2017. Data were collected using a semi-structured interview and submitted to content analysis. Results: Twenty-two (22) students participated in the study. Five analytical categories emerged from the analysis of the interviews: Interinstitutional Relationships Dimension, Personal Dimension, Professional Dimension, Academic Dimension and Cultural Dimension. Conclusion: There are many advantages that international mobility can bring to vocational training. Greater governmental and institutional investment is considered necessary, but with mutual planning and monitoring by the institutions in order for it to contribute to the development of Nursing and the Country. ; Objective: To understand/reveal the experiences of undergraduate students of the Nursing School of the Universidade de São Paulo in international academic mobility. Method: A cross-sectional, descriptive study with a qualitative approach conducted between February and July 2017. Data were collected using a semi-structured interview and submitted to content analysis. Results: Twenty-two (22) students participated in the study. Five analytical categories emerged from the analysis of the interviews: Interinstitutional Relationships Dimension, Personal Dimension, Professional Dimension, Academic Dimension and Cultural Dimension. Conclusion: There are many advantages that international mobility can bring to vocational training. Greater governmental and institutional investment is considered necessary, but with mutual planning and monitoring by the institutions in order for it to contribute to the development of Nursing and the Country.

Today, Europe is living a new decisive time as it has been in its past after World War II, in search of unity in diversity in the name of a peace project to safeguard future. If, on the one hand, Europe expresses aspirations for profound changes in its external environment, in the domestic context, it ends up colliding with aspects linked to sovereignty and human rights; on the other hand, in European foreign policy, the model reveals the search to legitimize its action. Precisely, the objective and the motivation of this study seek, through the qualitative methodology in Political Science, to analyse and understand the current context of the European Union in the international system. In fact, it is identified that this new hierarchy of powers, in the reaffirmation of the Westphalian system, where economic power comes, is bound to consolidate the democratic development between the old and new times of international relations in the destiny of Europe. From the results obtained during the analysis, in order to face again the unpredictability of the world scenario, it is a reality that Europe must promote the re-encounter of an alternative role, in other words, to assume its initial project of European edification in the name of equality of circumstances and rights of its affirmation in the global arena.

The IV International Workshop on Oil and Gas Depletion, that is held at Gulbenkian Foundation in Lisbon on the 19th and 20th May, 2005, is the fourth annual meeting promoted by ASPO, the Association for the Study of Peak Oil and Gas, with the organizing support of Geophysics Centre of Évora. Previous meetings were held at the University of Uppsala in 2002, Institut Français du Pétrole, Paris in 2003, and Bundesanstatt fur Geowissenschaften und Roshtoffe, Berlin in 2004. In this fourth annual edition, the core topics chosen for our works are: • Reality in Oil Exporting Countries: The Supply Limits • Impacts of Depletion in Oil Importing Countries: The Demand Pressure • How-Much Regular Oil and Non-Conventional Oil: Utopia versus Reality • The Case for Political Action: The Depletion Protocol • The World Past Peak Oil Age From Uppsala to Lisbon, the public perception of the serious threat impending on humankind as a result of the growing scarcity of fossil fuels has increased. And national and international authorities have slowly but perceptibly admitted and changed their discourse on the problematic availability of the energy required to run the world economy. But political consequences have not yet been addressed straightforwardly – when political action is ever increasingly urgent for putting in place the economical and social changes and technological infrastructure required for preserving wellbeing if not survival itself. For this reason, in this fourth edition of ASPO's annual meetings we called upon members of the political community to share their views on how political action might be taken at the required international level. As the starting point of this debate we have the Depletion Protocol - first proposed by Colin Campbell 10 years ago at a conference in London. It has surfaced in various guises since, named the Uppsala Protocol in 2002, on the occasion of the First International ASPO's Workshop, later also referred to as the Rimini Protocol. The organizers of this Workshop welcome all participants and thank all speakers who kindly accepted to contribute to this event and those participants who also offered their contributions. They thank Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation and Partex – Oil and Gas, for generously hosting this event and offering the valuable sponsorship which makes it possible. Thanks are also due to the staff of the Geophysics Centre of Évora and University of Évora who, along the past few months, has worked in preparation of the conditions to hold this event now and who, together with the staff of Gulbenkian Foundation, are making it through. The Organizing Committee May 2005

The Nordic countries have long been renowned for their contribution to international peace and security. This contribution – occasionally viewed by both Nordic and non-Nordic policy-makers and academics as a particular model for facilitating peace and development in international affairs – is based on a combination of active contributions to peaceful conflict resolution, a high level of development aid and a continuous commitment to strengthening international society. However, recently Scandinavians have been making headlines for reasons that seem to contrast with their well-established brand as humane internationalist peacemakers. This article identifies the characteristics of the Nordic model for international peace and security and discusses how and why it has changed.

Dinamis komitmen Masyarakat Internasional dalam isu kontrol atas pemanasan global telah dikembangkan sejak tahun 1919 sampai sekarang. Dari daftar perjanjian - perjanjian internasional yang ada, dapat dilihat seberapa kuat komitmen komunitas global dalam isu-isu lingkungan, pemanasan global serta perubahan iklim. Sayangnya, dapat disimpulkan, bahwa perjanjian-perjanjian internasional begitu terfragmentasi dan oleh karena itu, sulit untuk dilaksanakan membandingkan dengan instrumen hukum lingkungan internasional pada umumnya. Namun, kemauan politik dari negara nasional adalah inti untuk membuat agenda internasional. Hal ini dikarenakan niat yang baik dari suatu pemerintahan dapat membawa hal yang baik bagi negara maupun rakyatnya, khususnya lagi dalam pengendalian global warming.Sehingga dalam hal ini negara juga mempunyai peranan dalam mewujudkan kelestarian lingkungan bagi rakyatnya, hal ini juga secara tidak langsung merupakan bagian dari kewajiban negara untuk menjaga stabilitas dan kelangsungan hidup rakyat dan kelestarian sumber daya alam yang di kandung negara tersebut, demi kesejahteraan dan kemakmuran seluruh rakyat.

This work analyzes the Agenda 2030 in its main potentiality to lead public policies and private actions towards a more sustainable path. At the same time it acknowledges its dependency on measurements and finance mechanisms for the Sustainable Development Goals implementation. The main argument is that public expectations face difficulties to be translated in public actions, due to, among other factors, the lack of measurement and finance mechanisms. With this purpose it starts describing what is the Agenda 2030, and how this United Nations lead international declaration is structured to be monitored and implemented by States and others multi stakeholders. Secondly it analyses the importance of the measurements to address critical social environmental challenges and to allow comparison between the achievements of each member state. Third it remarks the role-played by international financial institutions, by international investment and by the private sector in general. Forth, the article highlights the drawbacks the methodology of goals can represent when used to overcome collective challenges marked by moral issues and diffuse impacts, being highly dependent on measurements and finance tools. The methodology chosen was the descriptive and normative, the techniques used were documentary, legislative and bibliographic research.

The study aims to uncover the actor and political interests behind the adoption of International Financial Reporting Standard (IFRS) in Indonesia. Using the accounting ecology framework developed by Gernon and Wallace (1995), this study examines the reason of why Indonesia adopts IFRS. The study finds that the adoption of IFRS in Indonesia is driven by international interests. Indonesia's membership in IFAC, IOSCO, and the G-20 has resulted in Indonesia approved the use of global accounting standards.

The study aims to uncover the actor and political interests behind the adoption of International Financial Reporting Standard (IFRS) in Indonesia. Using the accounting ecology framework developed by Gernon and Wallace (1995), this study examines the reason of why Indonesia adopts IFRS. The study finds that the adoption of IFRS in Indonesia is driven by international interests. Indonesia's membership in IFAC, IOSCO, and the G-20 has resulted in Indonesia approved the use of global accounting standards.