Suchergebnisse

The article shows the process of the industrial development of Sarepta district (now the southern part of Volgograd) at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. By the end of the 19th century the Sarepta district comprised 17 production entities. The majority of them were small workshops that manufactured various household goods and had from 5 to 10 workers. Besides, Sarepta had a larger industrial enterprise – the Mustard Factory of the Glitsch – which was known throughout Russia for the high quality of its produce. Agriculture played a minor role in Sarepta district. The population of Sarepta district amounted to about 1800 people in 1894. It comprised landowners, small industrialists, and their hired workers. The late 19th and early 20th centuries saw a rapid industrial development of the area. The first stage of the process was the building of the Tsaritsyn- Tikhoretskaya railway line. It connected the Kuban wheat-growing region with central areas of Russia. A 13-kilometres long section of the railway line passed through Sarepta district. Near Sarepta a station, a locomotive depot, and repair workshops were built in 1895-98. In 1901 the railway line and station were supplemented with a large cargo port on the Volga near Sarepta. The creation of the large transport hub sharply raised the economic significance of Sarepta district. Social and demographic characteristics of the area also changed dramatically. Due to the inflow of workers to the station and port, the district population nearly doubled and the ratio of proletariat raised sharply.

Currently the development of agriculture in Russia is prioritized due to the need to ensure food security. The Krasnodar region has considerable experience in agriculture in the preceding period.

The article discusses the process of creating the material and technical base in the Kuban, and the reasons for insufficiently effective use of technology in 1960-1980. The main attention is paid to changes in the logistics that have influenced the production and processing of agricultural products.

In this period covering four five-year plans, there had been a significant transformation in strengthening the material-technical base of agriculture, as well as observed changes in social conditions, created for mechanics and their families.

Measures developed by the March Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee in 1965, contributed to the strengthening of material and technical base of collective and state farms. Comprehensive mechanization of grain production of cereal crops was completed in the eighth plan period. As a result, the cost of labour in the production of a hundredweight of grain in the kolkhozes was reduced.

In the ninth five-year on Kuban the growth of equipment of the collective farms and state farms caused the increase of expenses on its maintenance. Therefore, the issues of radical improvement of machinery and equipment utilization occupied an important place in the decision of problems of agriculture efficiency increase. Significant increases in the cost of one tractor, the grain combine harvester and other agricultural machinery, and the cost of repair led to the fact that farms in the region raise steadily the cost of one conventional hectare of completed work.

Various reasons for insufficiently effective use of technology in the country received coverage in a number of scientific publications, however, the organization of MTB use, maintenance and repair and storage of machinery in agriculture and the supply of collective and state farms in the Kuban region in 1960-1980 have not been studied. Therefore, the aim of this article is to explore them.

The article is devoted to analysis of formation processes of interaction between the state, civil society and business in Russia. As an empirical basis the authors use the results of sociological research conducted by Public Opinion Fund in 2015, scientists of the South-Russian Institute of Management – Branch of Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration in 2012 and 2016. 44 % of respondents in the regions expressed a preference for the social partnership of government, business and civil society. The authors believe that the implementation of the mission of the Social Contract-2030 is possible through the mechanism of public-private partnership (PPP), which is the most promising and effective institution in modern economicpolitical condition of Russia. The strategic goals of the state consist in providing transfer of the country to the path of innovative development, aimed at reducing the export-resource dependence of the country in the context of the mission of Social Contract-2030 and the national security strategy of the country is impossible without formation of a partnership between the state, companies and commercial structures. Each of the members of the partnership provides a contribution to the implementation of the project. The business structure for its part contributes investment funds, human resources, effective business technologies, flexibility and responsiveness in decision-making, innovation and other private initiatives and available resources. The state in turn provides a partnership through their powers with necessary legal and institutional resources that ensure protective measures for the formation of a competitive and low-risk business. The main task of civil society is to help citizens in solving social problems and the implementation of control over the power structures in the fulfillment of social obligations of the state. The question of increasing the efficiency of mechanisms of Social contract-2030 implementation between the state, society, and business implies transparency of activities of public authorities and effective management of results.

In the early 1990s first Cossack organizations were formed in Russia and the process of Cossack restoration was launched. The role of the government was very important in the organization of the Cossack restoration movement and in forming its bodies. Nevertheless, initially the movement was pushed mostly by aspiration of Cossack descendants, i.e. by primarily social and cultural forces. In the first place those forces searched for a new social identity and the desire to regain the Cossacks' past and, probably, to live it again. The Cossack restoration movement is developing in many regions of Russia. The process is especially rapid in the south of Russia, on the traditional Cossack territories which were part of the Don, Terek, Kuban, and Astrakhan
Cossack Hosts in the early 20th century. New Cossack organizations are formed by people of different professions and social status, Cossack organizations grow fast in number which is indicative of demand for Cossack movement in the Russian society. The principal ideas under the Cossack restoration movement are preservation of the Cossack culture and history, rehabilitation of the Cossacks as a politically persecuted people and its ethnic revival, and presentation of the Cossacks as the most patriotic part of the Russian society. These principal ideas vary in details in different Cossack organizations according to the changed social, territorial, and political conditions. Nevertheless, all the above-mentioned factors collectively led to establishing the Cossacks as a new distinct part of the Russian society and contributed to putting the Cossack restoration movement on a long-term basis in the social and political life in Russia.

In the article the analysis of problems in the field of political management in modern Russia is carried out. Initially, the author considers the possibility of explaining the nature of these problems through the theory of the "Resource curse", but it allows only updating the vulnerable areas of the system of political governance in our country, without identification of their nature. The author highlights such aspects of the current state of the political system of Russia, as ethno-federalism, its risks in modern conditions, state capitalism and examines its manifestations in the economy and politics of the country. From the author's point of view, the analyzed theory of "resource curse" cannot fully explain and solve the multidimensional problems of political management of modern Russia. There are deeper and more systematic characters than a statement about possession of hydrocarbon resources, the sale of which is in the ground budget replenishment. The attention is focused on the fact that one of the weak points in the political management of modern Russia is a decreased credibility and role of the Parliament, as well as the weak institutionalization of small and medium businesses. The factor causing destabilization of social relations and inefficiency of the system of state administration in the Russian Federation is an established model of ethno-federalism - "Matreshka". Such system of administrative and territorial structure of the country decreases the values of the statehood. The author highlights that the article largely reflects the positions of those political scientists who try to go beyond logical, but at the same time limited postulates of liberal theories when searching for a way out from difficult socio-political situation in the country. These concepts are ideologized and cannot escape the temptation of stigmatization of Russia as a country "cursed" by its natural resources. (author's abstract)

The article studies the basic and complicated evolution of different approaches for investigating Russian post-Soviet Islamic transformation. The authors describe the logic and dynamic of scrutinizing such kind of problems as Islamic consciousness and Muslim institutes, relationships between Islam and ethnic political develoments, forms and manifestations of Islamic fundamentalism. In an effort to identify and assess the signs of post-Soviet Islamic revival, the Russian academic community has obviously been driven to despair. Especially since the tragedy of 9/11/2001 as a source of studying Islam as an evasive object. The main goal of this paper is the methodological innovation which consists in multilayered approach. The authors argue that changes of parameters and structure of post-Soviet policy is reflected in the change of format and unities of analysis. The paper examines the character of academic discussion about different understanding of such political phenomena as politization of Islam as well as bordering Islam in terms of multi-level methodology. This methodology could be able to clarify very complicated Islamic features: socio-territorial organization, communication, and the reproduction channels. It alone will help us explain changing Islam as a social and political enigma. In this paper the authors have correctly identified the phenomenon of Muslim regionalization as a situation under which the Islamic leaders concentrate on religious development at the local level. It is not the authors' aim to discuss the forms of Islamic existence and its religious-teaching component. The authors favor the wider approach typical of political science in which there is a component of Islamic studies. This analysis has demonstrated that the multi-layered approach to Islam, which identifies its viable segments, has a considerable heuristic potential. This approach helps to understand the inner dynamics of the Islamic development as a complex social and political phenomenon. This reconfirms the old truth that the deeper the analysis goes into the past the more integral an image of reality it acquires. (author's abstract)

The article is devoted to ideological issues in the Turkish party system in the context of the electoral process. The authors analyze the internal content and principles of ideological platforms of the leading parties in Turkey. The formal analysis of party programs allowed to determine the value of the ideology for the functioning of the parties. Besides, analysis of the results of opinion polls conducted by the Turkish public opinion research centers revealed the functionality of ideology in the context of election campaigns. The object of the study was the ideologies of 4 major political parties of Turkey, which entered National Parliament after elections in November 2015. These are conservative Justice and Development Party, the center-left Republican People's Party, the National Movement Party, the Democratic Party of peoples. Analysis of party programs and other official documents showed that all four parties clearly define their ideological identity and political position. However, despite the clarity of such ideological identification, analysis of the last two election campaigns in Turkey revealed a trend among major parties to refuse from the traditional ideological rhetoric and to practice populist methods of voters attracting. The paper discloses the contents of the political stratification of Turkish society, depending on the ideological preferences of representatives of various social groups. Causative factors of ideological discourse rise are considered in the context of inter-party competition of leading political forces of the Turkish Republic. A comparative analysis shows that the Republican People's Party and the Nationalist Movement Party are both doctrinal with distinct ideological postulates that have a national base. In contrast, the Justice and Development Party, as well as the People's Democratic Party are more pragmatic and charismatic at the same time. (author's abstract)

In Hungary, during 2010-2015 the growing xenophobic attitudes are noticed in the society, and right radical extremist groups gain power. The aim of the article is to identify the most significant factors that encourage xenophobia in Hungary. The types of right organizations and their electoral performance are determined. Our hypothesis is that the activity of right extremist organizations influences the formation of xenophobic social practices in Hungary. By means of factor analysis the author identified the main directions and forms of activity of right radicals, determined the value of socio-economic dynamics of Hungary, characterized the attitudes of society, the law and the ruling elite to the problems of xenophobia and right radicalism. Among the most influential factors we should name: open propaganda of nationalist ideas; constitutional priority to the interests of ethnic Hungarians; parliamentary membership of the Movement "For a Better Hungary"; condoning by the ruling elite, the courts and the police of the right radical activity. The paper presents the trend in the contemporary Hungary: the public demonstrates intolerance to right radicalism in cases of criminal behavior, but for the most part is loyal to its ideologies. Except for oppositional human rights organizations and ethnic communities, a significant part of Hungarian society often shows nearly complete indifference to the issues of xenophobia, racial and ethnic discrimination. The author described five groups of factors that stimulate the reproduction of xenophobic attitudes and practices among various groups of the population: "historical", institutional, socioeconomic, legal and political. The paper uses empirical data of public opinion polls conducted by leading research centers in Hungary, as well as statistical data of public authorities, civil society institutions.

There are various instances of local identity in modern Russia. However, vying with it, regional features of national identity must not contradict. At the same time, ethnic, confessional, symbolic, historical markers are being structured in local regional communities in a number of ways.

The main actors who are totally legitimate for building local identities in political discourse are regional political elites. By the identity politics of political actors, social space is structured and "typified", and own strategies are legitimized. "Leader - electorate" relationship still remains as the key factor which can be used to manipulate public opinion.

The article raises the issue of the current state of the political identity of the population of Volgograd Region. The results of the empirical analysis of the political identity structure are also presented. The authors conclude that the nature of the political identity of Volgograd Region population is determined mostly by its syntagmatic qualities being developed through the mismatch of ideological, electorate and personified levels of the political identity. Furthermore, key features of the political consciousness are inactivity and supineness of the people. Inhabitants prefer not to take part in policy decisions and take no responsibility.

The achievements and the problems on the way of seeking regional political identity originated from the peculiarities of the regional dynamics are also analyzed in the work. Despite the domination of the negative ideologemes in the regional political development, sense and images of historic victories of the country are still the main unifying forces for the separate ways of thinking of Volgograd population.

The article presents the analysis of regional features of populist rhetoric realization as the basis of electorate mobilization. The motivational characteristics of electoral preferences are established, the strategy of populist policy in the Russian Federation is determined. The populist rhetoric defines policy as moral and ethical fight between the people and oligarchy. In electoral political space of modern Russia populism is considered in a negative connotation, it has manipulative impact on public consciousness of Russians, it forms political expectations and electoral preferences. In the analysis of regional electoral process it is necessary to consider a phenomenon of patronclient relations being a factor of electoral preferences which ensures the platform for forming the relations of domination, supremacy and subordination. In Russian electoral political space there are patriarchal, traditional, client-oriented, protest and marginal types of electoral behavior. The patriarchal (Republics of the North Caucasus, Siberia) and traditional (Saint Petersburg, Belgorod region) types create the conditions for populism use as it is easier for populists to win electorate of the senior generation which are committed to traditional values and customs. The political behavior of electorate is characterized by orientation to populist slogans of political leaders which are addressed to the axiological and emotional sphere. Expectations of the median Russian voter stipulate the tendency towards the perception of populism. The populist policy testifies to weakness of democratic institutes and deconsolidation of the public in an assessment of heuristic potential of populism. Populism in modern Russia is not articulated yet, and it does not represent complete ideology or the developed type of subjectivity. This phenomenon is often identified with the national will.

On the basis of recent studies of modern ethno-political processes the author shows the new threats and challenges of uncontrolled migration flows from the Middle East and North Africa. These processes have created a serious threat not only to EU countries but also in other continents. The author analyzes and forecasts the growing conflict potential in the Caspian region, which is particularly applied to Southern Russia. On the basis of a comparative analysis of the old and the modern conflicts, the author makes conclusion about the continuity of data due to the lack of development of negative processes of democratic processes and the low level of tolerance in the regions of the North Caucasus, which is a breeding ground for Islamic radicalism. The only constructive solution to this problem in the present period is the socio-economic stabilization of the society and the revival of the principles of tolerance since the Soviet period, taking into account regional peculiarities of the peoples living in these territories. As a result, it is necessary to provide recommendations and suggestions of scientists, economists and social scientists to expand intellectual scientific potential with a degree of respect for the principles of tolerance. In conclusion it is noted that today for Russia there cannot be a future without policy capable of ensuring harmony in inter-ethnic and religious relations, the cooperation of all constituent peoples. (author's abstract)

Emigration of graduates of the Russian higher education institutions abroad has become the constant phenomenon of modern life. Creation of the social mobility conditions by the higher school emphasizes the problem of preserving ethnocultural identity by emigrants and their positive attitude to Russia. The paper shows the results of the field sociological studies (internet poll and focus group) on the graduates of the Russian higher education institutions who currently live in Germany. The objective of these studies has been to investigate the tendencies of a change of the sociocultural and civil identity of the Russian-speaking youth abroad. The wave-like nature of the dynamics of the ethnocultural identification of the 8-year residence abroad is found, and four different models of the behavior of young migrants concerning the sociocultural adaptation and the preservation of ethnocultural identity are described. Two characteristics are used as the criteria for the models' identification: "success" and "not success" in the adaptation to the sociocultural life in Germany and a strategy of the preservation of enthocultural identity. Based on them, first, the small group of young migrants who experience problems in the intercultural communication and adaptation and who feel their Russianness, home-sickness is separated. Other three different models of behavior are typical for the young Russian-speaking migrants successful from a standpoint of adaptation but they demonstrate diverse forms of the preservation of enthocultural identity. One of these three groups additionally reveals a negative civil identity to Russia. The studies also reveal the negative attitude of the Russian-speaking youth to collective forms of preservation of cultural identity and to the Russian diaspora aged over 50 years old. The forms of the preservation of ethnocultural identity of the youth to a greater extent have individual character with use of modern communicative technologies. The majority of the respondents show a positive relation to Russia, its history and culture. At the same time a part of young migrants state a rejection of the political regime in the Russian Federation and consider a possibility of returning to Russia only after a change of the political regime in the country. (author's abstract)

The article presents the main results of the research of interests and political orientations of student youth which was carried out in 2014 at the Kazan federal university and its branches in the territory of the Republic of Tatarstan. The choice of student youth as a reference group is caused by a number of factors, among which we should name the status of intellectual elite, social and political mobility that allows to consider students as the potential actors of socio-political transformations in the country. The data obtained during poll compared with the results of last research allow defining the dynamics of development of student youth's political sentiment in the region. The study of political attitudes, preferences of students was based on the identification of a number of indicators (degree of interest in politics, the level of personal involvement in political life) and on the study of factors that determine the motivation of political behavior of students. Empirical studies make it possible to rank the problems that dominate the political consciousness of students in the region. These include a high level of corruption in the government, inflation, rising prices, the state of health and education systems and the growing income inequality. Particular attention is accented on the problems associated with the foreign policy aspects, threats, aggression from abroad. The study showed that most young people's interest in politics is limited primarily by informational level, rarely they have desire to express their own position or judgments in political situations. The level of real political participation, socio-political activity of students is low. Obtained results let us notice the increasing trend of demonstration of protest behavior among certain part of the students.

The following article is written on the basis of published and archival sources. O. Igelstrom's reforms, and also the projects for government of the Kazakh Steppe prepared by some Russian officials, officers and ecclesiastics are considered by the author. Their singularities and differences are shown; the conclusion on their influence on the Russian policy in the region is drawn. The main attention is paid to reforms of O. Igelstrom who created the administrative institutions founded on local political tradition in the Small Horde. He intended to use them as instruments for the Russian influence in the Kazakh steppe. Local patrimonial leaders turned into government officials. But this experience was unsuccessful. Traditional Kazakh institutions didn't conform to requirements of the Russian administration. The failure of those reforms provoked search of new models for the organization of Kazakh steppe's administration. The Orenburg official D. Grankin suggested to refuse patrimonial division of the Small horde and to divide it according to the territorial principle. He suggested to include Russian officials and mullahs in all administrative bodies and to strengthen them by military detachments. The chief of the Siberian Lines Ya. Bouver suggested introducing the territorial division in the Middle Horde close to the imperial one. Expansion of the Russian sociocultural codes to the region was the main idea of his project. In the article considerable attention is paid to proposals of the Orenburg mufti M. Khusainov. He suggested to divide the Small Horde into two parts taking into account the patrimonial principle. The khan with sultans and advisers had to be at the head of each part. The deputies elected by notable Kazakhs had to become a sort of representative body in the part. The group of the armed Russian Muslims had to support safety in the Steppe. The Russian participation in internal administration of the Steppe was offered to minimize. Such approach couldn't satisfy the Russian administration. Search of the most optimum model for Kazakh's administration was continued in the 19th century. (author's abstract)

В статье на примере определенного этапа жизни диссидента Александра Есенина-Вольпина исследуется тема ссылки в Караганду в позднесталинский период истории СССР. Рассматривается тема ссылки в азиатскую часть СССР людей, осужденных ранее по статье 58 УК РСФСР, а затем признанных «социально-опасными элементами», которая на фоне изучения множества форм принудительных миграций остается малоисследованной, что связано с индивидуальным характером подобных репрессий, проводимых Особым Совещанием при НКВД-МГБ с 1920-х по 1953 гг. Автор анализирует ссылку А. Есенина-Вольпина в Караганду в 1950-1953 гг., которую рассматривает как форму государственного наказания. В статье представлено описание повседневной жизни ссыльного в отдаленном регионе страны, с присущими ему социокультурными и экономическими особенностями. Автор исходит из теоретических оснований реляционной социологии и отвечает на вопросы, поставленные перед историографией «пространственным поворотом». К кругу проблем, которые поднимаются в статье, относятся межрегиональные связи в позднесталинский период, социальные связи представителей интеллигенции, сосланных в Караганду, социально-экономическая гетерогенность регионов СССР. Статья основана на впервые вводимых в научный оборот письмах и телеграммах советского диссидента А. Есенина-Вольпина и его родственников, отложившихся в архиве Международного Мемориала⁎ в Москве. Автор приходит к выводам об относительно благоприятных экономических условиях жизни в Караганде по сравнению с другими регионами СССР, широких возможностях для преодоления географических ограничений ссылки, обилии социальных связей сосланных в Караганду московских интеллигентов и парадоксальных условиях ссылки, позволявших А. Есенину-Вольпину высказывать мысли, которые в Москве расценивались бы как «контрреволюционная агитация».
The article explores the subject of exile to Karaganda during the late Stalinist period of the USSR history using the example of the dissident Alexander Esenin-Vol'pin. It considers the general subject of exile in the Asian part of the USSR of people convicted previously under article 58 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR and then recognized as "socially dangerous elements." Even considering the broad scope of the study of many forms of forced migration in the USSR, this question still remains poorly researched. This is due to the individual character of such repression, carried out by the Special Council of the NKVD-MGB from the 1920s to 1953. The author analyses the exile of Alexander Esenin-Vol'pin to Karaganda in 1950-53, which he regards as a form of punishment by the state. The article provides a description of the everyday life of an exile in a remote region of the USSR with its socio-cultural and economic peculiarities. The author proceeds from the theoretical foundations of relational sociology and answers the questions that were posed to historiography by the "spatial turn." The problems raised in the article include interregional relations in the late period of Stalinism, social ties of intellectuals exiled to Karaganda, and socio-economic heterogeneity of the USSR regions. The article is based on numerous letters and telegrams of the Soviet dissident Alexander Esenin-Vol'pin and his relatives deposited in the archives of the International Memorial⁎ in Moscow, which are introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. The author draws conclusions about relatively favorable economic conditions in Karaganda if compared to other regions of the USSR, broad opportunities to overcome geographical limitations of exile, abundance of social connections of exiled Moscow intellectuals in Karaganda, and paradoxical conditions of exile, which allowed Esenin-Vol'pin to express the thoughts that would be regarded as "counter-revolutionary propaganda" in Moscow.