Suchergebnisse

At the master thesis Lithuanian textile industry international competitiveness improving aspects are being researched. The meaning of textile industry international competitiveness to modern Lithuania economics is being described. During scientific sources analysis it was found that the industry's international competitiveness depends on factors such as relative or absolute advantages of the state (climate, geographical position, resources and self-sufficiency, etc.), new technologies in the production process, investments, government policy in the international competitiveness of industry . In order to assess the Lithuanian textile industry international competitiveness empirical surveys were disposed, which allowed the identification of the factors most affecting the country's textile industry and its competitiveness. It was also examined the practice of the various countries in textile industry international competitiveness improvement. The examination of the theoretical and practical aspects of the work is presented recommendations Lithuanian textile industry to increase international competitiveness. At the end of the thesis conclusions and suggestions were performed. Structure: introduction; textile industry international competitiveness improvement is modern Lithuanian economics priority; theoretical models, whitch can be used to improve textile industry international competitiveness; empirical researches used to evaluate the international competitiveness of Lithuanian textile industry; recommendations for Lithuanian textile industry international competitiveness improvement; conclusions and suggestions, references. Thesis consist of: 77 p. text without appendixes, 6 pictures, 19 tables, 46 bibliographical entries. Appendixes included.

At the master thesis Lithuanian textile industry international competitiveness improving aspects are being researched. The meaning of textile industry international competitiveness to modern Lithuania economics is being described. During scientific sources analysis it was found that the industry's international competitiveness depends on factors such as relative or absolute advantages of the state (climate, geographical position, resources and self-sufficiency, etc.), new technologies in the production process, investments, government policy in the international competitiveness of industry . In order to assess the Lithuanian textile industry international competitiveness empirical surveys were disposed, which allowed the identification of the factors most affecting the country's textile industry and its competitiveness. It was also examined the practice of the various countries in textile industry international competitiveness improvement. The examination of the theoretical and practical aspects of the work is presented recommendations Lithuanian textile industry to increase international competitiveness. At the end of the thesis conclusions and suggestions were performed. Structure: introduction; textile industry international competitiveness improvement is modern Lithuanian economics priority; theoretical models, whitch can be used to improve textile industry international competitiveness; empirical researches used to evaluate the international competitiveness of Lithuanian textile industry; recommendations for Lithuanian textile industry international competitiveness improvement; conclusions and suggestions, references. Thesis consist of: 77 p. text without appendixes, 6 pictures, 19 tables, 46 bibliographical entries. Appendixes included.

This study analyses the most important international legal status questions concerning Tibet and the Peoples Republic of China prior to 1949 m. invasion and the aftermath. The author takes a brief look at the international legal status of Tibet prior to the formentioned invasion and a diligent study of the most important periods of the historical development of Tibet and its international status, through analysing the most important international treaties, legal doctrine and other documents. Also the author acknowledges the current struggle of Tibet and it's people to regain independance or at least a workable, suitable for tibetans and legitimate autonomous status. The author also tries to take in account the actions and passiveness of international community and United Nations organization concering this issue. In this study it is shown, that the international community doesn't acknowledge the invasion of Tibet as opposing to the international laws and principles, however no real action is taken, therefore leaving the status of Tibet a very delicate matter where all possibilities have to be considered. Author is aiming to define the current situation in the world policy on the matter of Tibet, also the legal and current issues of Tibetan sovereignity, proving that the nation of Tibet is still in full sovereignity and is being occupied only in territorial conflict. Some of the most valid current problems of the legal status of Tobet are also discussed by the author. In particular, the duality of the international legal status of Tibet. Defining the dual and condradictory status of Tibet is one of the main goals of this paper. The delicacy and the complicated manner of the situation (taking in account political and military factors) is suggesting that until there is found a political will to act according to the international law, the status of Tibet has to be considered with utmost awereness and carefulness, because direct actions of separate countries may lead to even more dramatic and serious situations in local or global areas.

This study analyses the most important international legal status questions concerning Tibet and the Peoples Republic of China prior to 1949 m. invasion and the aftermath. The author takes a brief look at the international legal status of Tibet prior to the formentioned invasion and a diligent study of the most important periods of the historical development of Tibet and its international status, through analysing the most important international treaties, legal doctrine and other documents. Also the author acknowledges the current struggle of Tibet and it's people to regain independance or at least a workable, suitable for tibetans and legitimate autonomous status. The author also tries to take in account the actions and passiveness of international community and United Nations organization concering this issue. In this study it is shown, that the international community doesn't acknowledge the invasion of Tibet as opposing to the international laws and principles, however no real action is taken, therefore leaving the status of Tibet a very delicate matter where all possibilities have to be considered. Author is aiming to define the current situation in the world policy on the matter of Tibet, also the legal and current issues of Tibetan sovereignity, proving that the nation of Tibet is still in full sovereignity and is being occupied only in territorial conflict. Some of the most valid current problems of the legal status of Tobet are also discussed by the author. In particular, the duality of the international legal status of Tibet. Defining the dual and condradictory status of Tibet is one of the main goals of this paper. The delicacy and the complicated manner of the situation (taking in account political and military factors) is suggesting that until there is found a political will to act according to the international law, the status of Tibet has to be considered with utmost awereness and carefulness, because direct actions of separate countries may lead to even more dramatic and serious situations in local or global areas.

The master thesis gives the analysis of the ways, benefits and causes of internationalization of higher education and related problems. Global market of higher education surveys is given. Analysis of experience of studies' internationalization in different countries and European Higher Education Area are made. International academic mobility management programme is made with reference to analysis of theories and methodologies of marketing, strategic management and educational science. European Union policy for higher education establishes favourable conditions for internationalization of studies in Lithuanian universities. Quantitative and qualitative methods are used for evaluation of internationality of higher education in Lithuania in the context of European Union members, global competitiveness, and priorities of mobile students. The trends of student mobility are analysed, the relation between economic, social factors and attractiveness of higher education is identified and evaluated in the master thesis. According to identified tendencies, the aimed level of internationality of higher education in Lithuania is measured in the number of foreign students. Directions and opportunities for studies' internationalization and development in Lithuanian universities are identified. After the analysis of the theoretical and practical academic mobility development aspects, the conclusions of the master thesis are presented and suggestions for Lithuanian universities are offered. Structure: introduction, problem part, theoretical part, analytical part, project part, conclusions and suggestions, references.

The master thesis gives the analysis of the ways, benefits and causes of internationalization of higher education and related problems. Global market of higher education surveys is given. Analysis of experience of studies' internationalization in different countries and European Higher Education Area are made. International academic mobility management programme is made with reference to analysis of theories and methodologies of marketing, strategic management and educational science. European Union policy for higher education establishes favourable conditions for internationalization of studies in Lithuanian universities. Quantitative and qualitative methods are used for evaluation of internationality of higher education in Lithuania in the context of European Union members, global competitiveness, and priorities of mobile students. The trends of student mobility are analysed, the relation between economic, social factors and attractiveness of higher education is identified and evaluated in the master thesis. According to identified tendencies, the aimed level of internationality of higher education in Lithuania is measured in the number of foreign students. Directions and opportunities for studies' internationalization and development in Lithuanian universities are identified. After the analysis of the theoretical and practical academic mobility development aspects, the conclusions of the master thesis are presented and suggestions for Lithuanian universities are offered. Structure: introduction, problem part, theoretical part, analytical part, project part, conclusions and suggestions, references.

The paper suggests a conceptual framework for analyzing the relationship between democracy and economic growth based on the international dimension. In essence, democracy positively effects economic growth in a given country when international actors seek to promote democracy in that country by punishing violations of democratic norms with economic sanctions. The paper specifies conditions under which violation of democratic norms gets punished with economic sanctions. First, foreign actors must have an interest in defending democracy in a given country. Second, the costs of defending democracy must not outweigh its benefits. Finally, economic sanctions must be employed as a tool for the defense of democracy. Furthermore, factors that affect the negative impact of economic sanctions on economic growth in the 'target' country are specified in the paper. They are as follows: economic openness of the 'target' country, extent of economic interdependence with sanctioning countries, as well as the structure of the economy and opportunities to diversify economic relations with other foreign actors. Besides, the impact of sanctions on growth depends on the duration of their application. Further, the paper illustrates the logic of the conceptual framework with the empirical example of Latin America. During the Cold War, democracies in the region did not face any economic advantages with regard to international factors. Latin America's Cold War history was highly influenced by the strategic struggle between the US and the Soviet Union. For the US, the main purpose in the region was to carry out the policy of containment of communism. This meant that certain undemocratic but friendly regimes were often supported, while hostile but democratic ones were undermined. The situation changed cardinally after the Cold War ended. When the strategic threat of communism disappeared, the US changed its policy focus from containment of communism to the promotion and defense of democracies. Moreover, Latin America experienced intensive processes of democratization and economic liberalization. This created conditions for the collective system of defense of democracy in the region. Certain factors contributed to the potential impact of economic sanctions in the region in the 1990s. Economic liberalization and higher economic openness made countries more vulnerable to potential sanctions. Furthermore, Latin American countries had high levels of economic interdependence with the US, the EU and other regional democracies, all of which were ready to defend democratic systems. Finally, the disintegration of the Soviet Union and disappearance of non-democracies in the region highly reduced opportunities for economic diversification in the case of economic sanctions. In Latin America in the 1990s, every violation of procedural democratic norms was met with economic sanctions which had negative effect on economic growth in the violating country. These cases were Haiti (1991), Peru (1992) and Guatemala (1993). In the case of Paraguay (1996), the threat of economic sanctions was one of the factors that helped to preserve democratic system in the country. This means that the analysis of the relationship between political regime type and economic growth in Latin America in the 1990s is incomplete and potentially incorrect, if international factors are not taken into account. Finally, the paper gives suggestions for further research, in particular hinting to the possible structural global shift in the democracy-growth relationship in post-Cold War environment. International factors provide a possible explanation why empirically democracies tend to grow faster than autocracies after the end of the Cold War

The paper suggests a conceptual framework for analyzing the relationship between democracy and economic growth based on the international dimension. In essence, democracy positively effects economic growth in a given country when international actors seek to promote democracy in that country by punishing violations of democratic norms with economic sanctions. The paper specifies conditions under which violation of democratic norms gets punished with economic sanctions. First, foreign actors must have an interest in defending democracy in a given country. Second, the costs of defending democracy must not outweigh its benefits. Finally, economic sanctions must be employed as a tool for the defense of democracy. Furthermore, factors that affect the negative impact of economic sanctions on economic growth in the 'target' country are specified in the paper. They are as follows: economic openness of the 'target' country, extent of economic interdependence with sanctioning countries, as well as the structure of the economy and opportunities to diversify economic relations with other foreign actors. Besides, the impact of sanctions on growth depends on the duration of their application. Further, the paper illustrates the logic of the conceptual framework with the empirical example of Latin America. During the Cold War, democracies in the region did not face any economic advantages with regard to international factors. Latin America's Cold War history was highly influenced by the strategic struggle between the US and the Soviet Union. For the US, the main purpose in the region was to carry out the policy of containment of communism. This meant that certain undemocratic but friendly regimes were often supported, while hostile but democratic ones were undermined. The situation changed cardinally after the Cold War ended. When the strategic threat of communism disappeared, the US changed its policy focus from containment of communism to the promotion and defense of democracies. Moreover, Latin America experienced intensive processes of democratization and economic liberalization. This created conditions for the collective system of defense of democracy in the region. Certain factors contributed to the potential impact of economic sanctions in the region in the 1990s. Economic liberalization and higher economic openness made countries more vulnerable to potential sanctions. Furthermore, Latin American countries had high levels of economic interdependence with the US, the EU and other regional democracies, all of which were ready to defend democratic systems. Finally, the disintegration of the Soviet Union and disappearance of non-democracies in the region highly reduced opportunities for economic diversification in the case of economic sanctions. In Latin America in the 1990s, every violation of procedural democratic norms was met with economic sanctions which had negative effect on economic growth in the violating country. These cases were Haiti (1991), Peru (1992) and Guatemala (1993). In the case of Paraguay (1996), the threat of economic sanctions was one of the factors that helped to preserve democratic system in the country. This means that the analysis of the relationship between political regime type and economic growth in Latin America in the 1990s is incomplete and potentially incorrect, if international factors are not taken into account. Finally, the paper gives suggestions for further research, in particular hinting to the possible structural global shift in the democracy-growth relationship in post-Cold War environment. International factors provide a possible explanation why empirically democracies tend to grow faster than autocracies after the end of the Cold War

After the end of the Cold war the unipolar international system was established and during recent decade it was transformated from strickt unipolarity (1990-2000) to modified unipolarity (2001-2010). Exceptional and multidimensional power with the global reach of the USA was the reason for naming structure of international system as strict unipolar till terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 in the USA. After September 11th the USA started to act less unilaterally than before temporary changing the unilateralism to multilateralism for collective actions against terrorism in Afghanistan. The multilateral response to September 11th terrorist attacks became the first stage of transformation of strict unipolarity based on Article 5 of Washington Treaty. Years of 2001-2003 could be named as the beginning of modified unipolarity: sole superpower acted multilaterally in war against terrorism and at the same time it promoted the enlargement of its influence with NATO enlargement to the post soviet area. Formation of transformed unipolar structure allows speaking about the necessity of defining a new type of unipolarity – modified unipolarity which is theoretically balancing on the dividing lines of unipolarity, multipolarity and nonpolarity concepts. This article consists of broad definition of modified unipolarity, theoretical analysis of polarity and its transformation, also, some preliminary conclusions and insights are made concerning possible transformation of modified unipolarity in the foreseen future.

After the end of the Cold war the unipolar international system was established and during recent decade it was transformated from strickt unipolarity (1990-2000) to modified unipolarity (2001-2010). Exceptional and multidimensional power with the global reach of the USA was the reason for naming structure of international system as strict unipolar till terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 in the USA. After September 11th the USA started to act less unilaterally than before temporary changing the unilateralism to multilateralism for collective actions against terrorism in Afghanistan. The multilateral response to September 11th terrorist attacks became the first stage of transformation of strict unipolarity based on Article 5 of Washington Treaty. Years of 2001-2003 could be named as the beginning of modified unipolarity: sole superpower acted multilaterally in war against terrorism and at the same time it promoted the enlargement of its influence with NATO enlargement to the post soviet area. Formation of transformed unipolar structure allows speaking about the necessity of defining a new type of unipolarity – modified unipolarity which is theoretically balancing on the dividing lines of unipolarity, multipolarity and nonpolarity concepts. This article consists of broad definition of modified unipolarity, theoretical analysis of polarity and its transformation, also, some preliminary conclusions and insights are made concerning possible transformation of modified unipolarity in the foreseen future.

In the beginning of the 21st century different features of the transformation of the contemporary international system could be studied. Among these features changes in nature of threats, actions of main actors of international system concerning changing security environment, appearance of new centers of power and military confrontation between the USA and Russia could be distinguished. Impact of polarity of the international system towards international security was one of the most popular topics of international relations in the second half of the 20th century. Concept of polarity as certain distribution of power in international system became very popular due to Realism school of international relations. Many different studies were made concerning this topic in the Cold War period, but after the end of the Cold War topics of international system and polarity in the international system seemed as unimportant and lost its significance. The new importance of polarity conception was brought by the emergence of new types of threats to international security and by unequal distribution of power in the international system that created unipolar structure with one superpower and several smaller centers of power in the beginning of the 21st century. In this article few presumptions and conclusions concerning the transformation of the contemporary polar structure of international systems were made. First presumption is that contemporary international system is transforming from strict unipolarity with one exceptionally strong superpower to modified unipolarity with one superpower and several emerging centers of power.[.].

In the beginning of the 21st century different features of the transformation of the contemporary international system could be studied. Among these features changes in nature of threats, actions of main actors of international system concerning changing security environment, appearance of new centers of power and military confrontation between the USA and Russia could be distinguished. Impact of polarity of the international system towards international security was one of the most popular topics of international relations in the second half of the 20th century. Concept of polarity as certain distribution of power in international system became very popular due to Realism school of international relations. Many different studies were made concerning this topic in the Cold War period, but after the end of the Cold War topics of international system and polarity in the international system seemed as unimportant and lost its significance. The new importance of polarity conception was brought by the emergence of new types of threats to international security and by unequal distribution of power in the international system that created unipolar structure with one superpower and several smaller centers of power in the beginning of the 21st century. In this article few presumptions and conclusions concerning the transformation of the contemporary polar structure of international systems were made. First presumption is that contemporary international system is transforming from strict unipolarity with one exceptionally strong superpower to modified unipolarity with one superpower and several emerging centers of power.[.].