This article offers a critical review of the few existing scholarly attempts to conceptualize & theorize the study of peacekeeping operations. It reveals that even though the study of peacekeeping operations is burgeoning, most of the available literature is idiosyncratic & atheoretical. Although some authors have recently utilized various concepts from international relations theory for analysis of peacekeeping operations, the potentially diverse international peacekeeping theories are yet to be fully integrated into international relations theory. After inspecting future research agendas outlined by the leading experts in the field, the author critiques the recent calls for a "macrotheory" of international peacekeeping. Adapted from the source document.
This article summarizes the main contemporary theoretical approaches to international institutions as well as significant theories of institutions, which build upon those approaches. In line with the existing overviews, I focus on realism, neoliberalism & constructivism. All three approaches differ in regard to both the origin & impact of institutions. Whereas, the basic realist perspective regards state interests & power to be the main source of the institution's origin; the basic perspective of neoliberalism emphasizes the structure of state interests & collective action problems, which result from it. Many constructivists presume that so-called general institutions determine the origin of specific institutions. According to realists, the impact of institutions is dependent on state interests & power; institutions only regulate state behavior in a limited way. The neoliberal conception of institutions infers that: institutions significantly regulate state behavior since they help states resolve collective action problems. According to constructivists: institutions even constitute state identities & interests. Adapted from the source document.
Contemporarily human rights are ranked among the most crucial foreign policy priorities in many countries. At the same time numerous states are forced to consider the human rights agenda under growing international pressure. The substance of foreign policy in the field of human rights, its intensity & instruments vary in many different aspects. The paper focuses on foreign policy in the field of human rights analysis. Its aim is to comprehend & extend prevailing methods in order to obtain an analytical scheme applicable to almost every country. To fulfill this aim it includes several steps, the most important of which are: examining the essence of analyzing foreign policy in the field of human rights as a specific part of the foreign policy agenda, introduction & elaboration of the so called Mower's apparatus, interpretation of foreign policy in the field of human rights using different levels of analysis & developing methods of its evaluation. In the end the paper summarizes the current state of research & makes some recommendations for the future. Adapted from the source document.
The study deals with the so far mostly unaccented problem of the conflict in Northeastern Sudan. In contrast to the Darfur crisis, the conflict in NE Sudan is in progress without attracting any greater amount of international attention. In the text, I examine the development of the general marginalization of the inhabitants of the region in the context of the Sudanese politics since independence until the present time. The main issues of the study are the ethnicization & economization of the conflict & its international consequences. These consequences are still only latent, but the lack of conflict management might contribute to the spread of tensions abroad, as was the case with Darfur. I then argue that the passivity of the international society, as in the case of Darfur, makes certain that there is no chance for the NE Sudan conflict to be quickly resolved. As a conclusion, I suggest a solution to the crisis in the form of a broader engagement of regional organizations & states, especially IGAD (Inter-Governmental Agency for Development). Adapted from the source document.
This article deals with the Czech discipline of International Relations addressing its recent historical evolution as well as its current state. It relies on the concepts of field, capital, doxa & habitus developed by the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. It argues that the discipline was founded in the late 1950s as a part of the political field, entering the field of science as late as the 1990s. Therefore, the main dichotomies of the field were defined politically for most of the time, e.g. reformist communists vs. orthodox communists or anti-communists vs. communists. Nowadays, the dichotomy refers to the role of theory, which splits empirical & descriptive research from theoretically oriented research. This analysis also takes into account the professional trajectory of the author & his embedded position within the discipline. References. Adapted from the source document.
The application of Elias's Theory of civilization, in the field of international relations, is the theoretical concept of civilian power. In this analysis, I concluded that there are several attributes that allow the use of military force by civilian power. These attributes consist of: (1) using military force as a last resort for dealing with conflicts, and only when all other means have failed; (2) playing an active role in seeking non-militant ways of crisis resolution and military conflict prevention; (3) conducting only military operations that conform to international law and (4) that intend to support and defend human rights while (5) minimizing destruction and casualties, not only on its own side but also on the side of its enemy and finally, (6) having military operations (with the exception of self defense) take place in a multinational framework, which would not be used as a tool for unilateral policies. Adapted from the source document.
This article attempts to portray basic aspects of Czech-Cambodian relations from the 16th century until the present day, 2006. It deals with the first reports of Czech missionaries in the 17th & 18th century as well as globetrotters, students, diplomats & specialists from the 19th & 20th century. Diplomatic relations between both countries were established in 1956. Mutual cooperation in the fields of economy, culture & education developed dynamically for the next 14 years, only to be violently interrupted by the Lon Nol's coup d'etat in 1970 followed by the genocidal regime of Khmer Rouge from 1975 to 1979. When the Cambodian United National Salvation Front assisted by Vietnamese troops overthrew Khmers Rouges, the communist government of Czechoslovakia & the leftist regime in Phnom Penh continued to maintain an active relationship. After the fall of communism in Czechoslovakia in 1989, mutual economic & trade cooperation fell considerably. Recently, Czechs & Cambodians try to reestablish these past ties of cooperation. The Czech program for developmental aid was favorably received by Cambodia & presently, future joint commercial projects are being discussed. Adapted from the source document.
During the last few years we have observed great changes in the oil market along with the growing tendency to use oil as a means for international politics. There is a need for analyzing this situation. In this study the author shows how the "oil weapon," functions as a mechanism which may influence foreign policies of the USA & European countries. The text lists the basic circumstances & conditions that turn oil as a commodity into a successful mean for economic war. It also shows possible restrictions & obstructions of such use of oil. Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.
Relationship between European Union & The People's Republic of China declared in 2003 as the "strategic partnership" attracts attention as a new & remarkable phenomenon within post-bipolar international framework. This article reviews essentials & motives of both partners' mutual & deepening relations by pointing at their growing economic interdependence, upgrading political relations, & further developing their cultural, science & technology, academic, environmental etc. cooperation. However, while critically analyzing EU-China basic agenda of the strategic partnership & its real outcomes, this article points at poor Chinese human rights record, persistence of EU arms embargo, mutual trade disputes, Chinese failure at obtaining the EU's Market Economy Status, as well as insufficient intellectual property & trade mark protection in China. This study concludes with finding an attaining the real EU-China strategic partnership questionable, considering that as a mere term of official-level politeness, lacking behind expectations & potential. Adapted from the source document.
This article seeks to identify the factors that influence the success of negotiations on the origin of regional regimes. To this end, it deals with two cases, namely with the establishing of the single market of the European Economic Community & with the establishing of the Common Market of the South (Mercado Comun del Sur, Mercosur). Both case studies clearly confirm the impact of state interests & the related activity of the most interested states on the success of negotiations. In addition, the article also shows that the success of negotiations can also be determined in some cases by the existence & activity of a hegemon & institutional agents. The key strategy used in attempts to initiate or reinforce regional cooperation in various parts of the world should therefore include an effort to engage a hegemon (if it exists) & establish institutional agents directed at providing the necessary expertise & independent mediation. Adapted from the source document.
A review essay on books by (1) Daniel H. Deudney, Bounding Power: Republican Security theory from the Polis to the Global Village, 1st edition (Princeton: Princeton U Press, 2006); & (2) Robert Kagan, Dangerous Nation: America's Place in the World from Its Earliest Days to the Dawn of the Twentieth Century, 1st edition (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2006).
During both occasions of the 1st anniversary of the German Grand Coalition government CDU/CSU & SPD (2005/2006) & of the 10th anniversary of the Czech-German Declaration on reconciliation (1997) the author analysis the recent German foreign policy, especially the role of past burdens in the bilateral relations. Gradually, although they faced many complications, both a legal & political solution was found, & instilled, creating a prevision for, & to a certain degree institutionalizing "the culture of historical controversy." The rhetoric of historical guilt & responsibility slowly disappears in Germany's relationships to the states of Central & East Central Europe, it relates also to the reconciliation rituals. On the other hand the new German government (with the CDU-chancellorship) has accepted all declarations & treaties made by preceding governments, including those which deal with property issues between the F.R.G. & Poland/Czech Republics respectively. The main dash is not drawn between any single political camps; rather nowadays, it is drawn right across the German society & their political elites. Especially the topic of World War II & its victims has become a conventional subject & one of public historical memory. This appeared shortly after the new government was appointed into office, as well as the idea that the moral-historical dimension of the Czech-German, Polish-German (and any other neighbors to Germany) relations will not disappear, but instead achieve a new quality. Only the role of moderator will be given to the governments & to the political sphere. Parallel to the departure of the last generation of contemporaries, the theme will be changed, & there will be only one of many reference frameworks in German relations to its neighbor states & their societies. This will, however, not be a linear process: relapsing is not excluded & it will depend on the responsibility & maturity of the political elites as well as the quality of the Czech-German "community of interests" (including the constituting role of European Security & Energy policies), as to how they will be managed. Adapted from the source document.
The purpose of this article is to provide basic an empirical research framework for the new phenomena of interregionalism. First, the paper explores the history of regional integration & cooperation, & the subsequent emergence of interregional relations. The second part outlines the main theoretical concepts of this research as region, interregional relations, its structure & system. Furthermore, it explores the main incentives & impetus for regions to take part in interregional cooperation. The last section offers essential theoretical explanations, particularly within the field of international political economy. Adapted from the source document.
The paper analyses the motivation behind the Czech Foreign Policy's decision to support the "measures" of the "EU-14" towards Austria in 2000, which was an exception among EU-accessions candidate states. This paper offers two hypotheses explaining the Czech decision to follow the EU-14 measures: defense of European values or international norms vs. the assertion of the national interest. The hypotheses have been constructed with the help of two approaches: the constructivist distinction between "logic of appropriateness" & the "logic of consequentiality" in the state behavior, & the liberal-intergovernmental model of maximizing benefit, i.e. improving the state's negotiation position. The analysis of arguments which were used by the Czech political elite showed that the normative argument & the argument regarding "national interest" were both used in different variations by both advocates & opponents of the "sanctions." Through an analysis of empirical material the author came to the conclusion that detection of motives in foreign policy decisions requires consideration of both of the aforementioned approaches. Obviously, a comparative survey including further research materials could eventually support this conclusion. References. Adapted from the source document.
As a result of stability in the field of international relations & the absence of acute security threats in many countries & regions of the world (this applies to the EU as well), & as a consequence of the influence of globalization in particular, the importance of the economic dimension of foreign policy is more accentuated at the beginning of the 21st century. Therefore, commercial diplomacy is more important as well, & at the same time, the character of its functions changes, which is the main object of research in this study. In the first part, a brief historical survey of functions of commercial diplomacy, from their very beginnings to their present shape, is drafted. In the second chapter, the term commercial diplomacy is defined, & related terms are described as well. In the third part, the following basic functions of commercial diplomacy (as implemented in contemporary practice) are analyzed: trade promotion & development, investment promotion, economic-information functions, political-legislative functions, development aid assistance & state promotion. The fourth part of this work is focused on the issue of transnational companies (TNCs), whose number rose dramatically in the last few decades, & at present, this subject is considered to be one of the most important factors influencing the character of commercial diplomacy both currently & in the future. The author concludes that commercial diplomacy will be focused particularly on small & medium sized enterprises in the future. At the same time, the complexity of functions of commercial diplomacy will rise, particularly as a result of a diffusion of the economic & political dimensions of foreign policy. Adapted from the source document.