Mednarodno sodelovanje držav članic Evropske unije je izrednega pomena za učinkovito delovanje Unije. Predvsem pa je ključnega pomena za kakovost življenja ljudi znotraj držav članic. Eno izmed pomembnejših področij sodelovanja, ki zagotavlja kakovost življenja in varnost državljanov, je sodelovanje med policijami držav. Dotično sodelovanje ni samo pomembno, ampak že kar nujno glede na globalne razsežnosti kriminalitete. Države članice priznavajo varnost svojih državljanov kot eno od glavnih vrednot in pravic. Z namenom zaščite te pravice in omejevanja kriminalitete je Evropska unija sprejela razne instrumente, ukrepe in pravne okvire na področju mednarodnega policijskega sodelovanja. Pomembno je tudi delovanje raznih agencij Evropske unije, katerih namen je krepitev in usmerjanje sodelovanja med policijami držav članic. Primeri tovrstnih agencij so na primer Europol, Interpol, Sirene, Frontex, odbor COSI, SEPA, CEPOL itd. V nalogi je predstavljena tudi vloga in delovanje Slovenije v omenjenih agencijah ter njene aktivnosti na področju policijskega sodelovanja. To poteka na različne načine in na raznih področjih. Načine, oblike in področja sodelovanja sem poskušala predstaviti na primeru policijskega sodelovanja med Slovenijo in Italijo. ; The international cooperation of the Member States of the European Union is of utmost importance for the effective functioning of the Union. Above all, it is crucial for the quality of life of people within Member States. One of the most important areas of cooperation that guarantees the quality of life and the safety of citizens is the cooperation between the police of the countries. The cooperation in question is not only important, but rather necessary, given the global dimension of criminality. Member States recognize the safety of their citizens as one of the main values and rights. In order to protect this right and to limit criminality, the European Union has adopted various instruments, measures and legal frameworks in the field of international police cooperation. It is also important that the various European Union agencies work to strengthen and direct cooperation between the police of the Member States. Examples of such agencies include Europol, Interpol, Sirene, Frontex, COSI, SEPA, CEPOL, etc. The paper also presents the role of Slovenia in these agencies and its activities in the area of police cooperation. This is done in a variety of ways and in various fields. I tried to present ways, forms and areas of cooperation in the case of police cooperation between Slovenia and Italy.
Doseganje ciljev trajnostnega razvoja (Sustainable Development Goals – SDG) bo zahtevalo več sredstev, kot jih imajo države trenutno na voljo, kar predstavlja izziv predvsem v državah, ki imajo sicer hitro, a hkrati ne vključujočo se gospodarsko rast. Gospodarska rast namreč ne pomeni nujno razvoja, kljub temu pa vpliva na to, koliko uradne razvojne pomoči (Official Development Assistance – ODA) mednarodne skupnosti bo država prejemnica prejela. Nekatere gospodarsko hitro razvijajoče se države tako na eni strani dobivajo vse manj ODA, hkrati pa ostajajo dom najrevnejšim predelom sveta. Ta pojav kliče po novih oblikah in načinih financiranja ter novih pristopih. Prostor se odpira zasebnemu kapitalu na čelu z zasebno filantropijo, ki je, predvsem v državah v razvoju, močno v porastu. Filantropija se na eni strani pojavi kot akter, ki ima velik potencial, da v veliki meri zapolni (in že zapolnjuje) vrzel pri dosegi SDG, na drugi strani pa ni zavezana slediti splošnim sprejetim smernicam trajnostnega razvoja (od držav). To filantropiji omogoča, da svoje delovanje usmerja na podlagi lastnih interesov, ki pa bodisi sovpadajo bodisi nasprotujejo skupnim ciljem trajnostnega razvoja. Regulacija na tem področju je šibka, pogosto se soočamo s pomanjkanjem razumevanjem delovanja filantropskih organizacij kot tudi s pomanjkanjem informacij o njihovih finančnih tokovih. Hkrati pa se je treba zavedati, da je z naraščajočim se zasebnim premoženjem v mednarodnem razvojnem sodelovanju in potrebo po dosegi SDG bolj kot kadarkoli prej pomembno razumeti obseg, potencial in vpliv filantropskih organizacij tako pri dosegi SDG kot v tradicionalnih odnosih v mednarodni skupnosti. ; Reaching Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) demands more resources than are currently available to many states. This is a particular problem in developing countries, which are experiencing fast but not inclusive economic growth. Even though economic growth does not necessarily bring development, it remains a standard which defines how much international Official Development Assistance (ODA) a country receives. As a consequence, some countries with rapid economic growth are receiving less and less ODA, while still including some of the poorest parts of the world. This calls for new approaches and sources of financing to aid in development, and opens the door to private capital, including private philanthropy, which is especially important in developing countries. While philanthropy is seen as having a lot of potential with regard to pursuing SDG, it is not obliged to follow the same guidelines for sustainable development that have been adopted by state organizations. This enables philanthropic projects to act in their own interests, which may or may not coincide with the SDG agreed for a particular place. Moreover, regulation in this field is weak, and it is often unclear how specific philanthropic organizations operate. These facts, together with the growing amount of private wealth directed towards international development and the need to reach SGD, mean that it is more important than ever to understand the scope, potential and influence of philanthropic organizations in terms of both SDG and the changes we are seeing in traditional relations among members of the international community.
Vse od snovanja Ustanovne listine Organizacije združenih narodov (OZN) je bilo sodelovanje med OZN in regionalnimi organizacijami predmet različnih razprav. Razprava med univerzalizmom in regionalizmom je bila, vsaj za nekaj časa, rešena v obliki VII. in VIII. poglavja Ustanovne listine OZN. Rezultat tega je bila primarna vloga Varnostnega sveta pri odzivih na vprašanja mednarodnega miru in varnosti. A razvoj dogodkov na tem področju zahteva vedno večjo vključenost regionalnih organizacij. Magistrsko delo je bilo osredotočeno na potencial, ki ga ima mehanizem hibridnih mirovnih misij na nadaljnje sodelovanje med OZN in regionalnimi organizacijami. Glavni prispevek magistrskega dela leži v analizi razmerja med OZN in Afriško unijo (AU) pri hibridni misiji Organizacije združenih narodov in Afriške unije v Darfurju (United Nations - African Union Hybrid Operation in Darfur – UNAMID), ki predstavlja prvo hibridno misijo v zgodovini. V več kot desetih letih svojega delovanja je imela mnogo težav, ki sta jih organizaciji večinoma premagali. Tako lahko skozi analizo uspeha misije sklepamo o potencialu tega tipa misije za nadaljnje sodelovanje med OZN in regionalnimi organizacijami. Zaradi togosti mehanizmov OZN hibridne misije predstavljajo najboljšo možnost sodelovanja – vse dokler OZN ne ustvari mehanizmov, ki bi predstavljali večjo komplementarnost sodelovanja med OZN in regionalnimi organizacijami. ; Since the drafting of the United Nations (UN) Charter, co-operation between the UN and regional organizations in the field of international peace and security has been subject to intense debates. The debate between universalism and regionalism was, for the time being, resolved in the form of Chapters VII. and VIII. of the UN Charter. This compromise resulted in the Security Council being at the forefront of responses in matters of international peace in security for some five decades. But recent developments in the field of international peace and security have exposed the need for greater involvement of regional organizations. This master thesis is focused on the potential of a hybrid type of peace operations for future co-operation between the UN and regional organizations. The value of the research lies in its analysis of the relationship between the African Union and the UN in the United Nations - African Union Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID), the first-ever hybrid peace operation. In more than ten years of its deployment, UNAMID has been plagued by problems that both organizations have had to overcome. In that regard, through the analysis of the success of UNAMID, we can draw conclusions regarding the potential that this type of peace operation has on the future co-operation between the UN and regional organizations. Until the UN develops better complementarity mechanisms for co-operation with regional organizations, hybrid missions represent the best way of co-operation.
Magistrsko delo v ospredje postavlja razvojno tematiko, ki predstavlja enega izmed najpomembnejših področij Organizacije združenih narodov. Zametki oblikovanja organizacije segajo že v čas druge svetovne vojne, ustanovljena pa je bila po koncu vojne z namenom ohranjati mir in varnost v svetu. Čeprav je organizacija najbolj prepoznavna po mirovnih operacijah, pa največji delež sredstev nameni ekonomskemu in socialnemu razvoju. Razvojna desetletja, ki jih je organizacija postopno oblikovala in uresničevala, so prinesla velik premik v razumevanju koncepta razvoja (od strogo ekonomskega do multidisciplinarnega). Ta desetletja so nasledili Milenijski razvojni cilji. Bili so prvi merljivi cilji – s kazalniki je bilo mogoče meriti in ocenjevati njihov napredek. Leta 2015 so jih nasledili Cilji trajnostnega razvoja. Ne razvojna desetletja ne Milenijski razvojni cilji niso uspeli v celoti uresničiti zastavljenih ciljev. Vzroki za to so različni, magistrsko delo pa ponuja še dodaten vidik razumevanja delovanja Organizacije združenih narodov in njene nezmožnosti uresničevanja zastavljenih ciljev. Izmerjeno elektromagnetno polje organizacije pokaže, da organizacija zaradi nepretočnosti energij ni zmožna delovati skladno z zastavljenimi načeli in cilji, zapisanimi v Ustanovni listini. Ta problem pa je mogoče rešiti le s transformacijo zavesti ljudi in s srčno (ne le razumsko) zavezanostjo k uresničevanju ciljev. ; The Master's thesis focuses on the topic of development which represents one of the most important areas of the United Nations. The organization was formally established after the Second World War with the aim to preserve peace and security in the world, but its conception had already began during the war. Although the organization is best known for peacekeeping operations, it devotes the largest share of resources to economic and social development. The development decades, that the organization gradually developed and realised, were a major contribution to the understanding of the concept of development (from a strictly economic to multidisciplinary). These decades were followed by the Millennium Development Goals. They were the first measurable goals – with the help of indicators it was possible to measure and assess their progress. In 2015 they were replaced by the Sustainable Development Goals. Neither the development decades nor the Millennium Development Goals were able to fully realize the set goals. There are various reasons for this, but this Master's thesis offers an additional aspect of understanding the functioning of the United Nations and its inability to meet the set goals. The measured electromagnetic field of the organization shows that it is unable to function in accordance with the principles and goals written in the Charter due to a lack of energy flow. This problem can only be solved by transforming the people's consciousness and by a heartful (not only rational) commitment to the attainment of goals.
Magistrsko delo raziskuje dejavnike uspešnosti mednarodnih režimov, ki jih preverjam na primeru preprečevanja tihotapljenja ljudi v času migrantske krize. Ta režim je bil med leti 2015 in 2018 na največji preizkušnji v svoji zgodovini, saj je zaradi migrantske krize število migrantov, ki so nezakonito prečkali meje Evropske unije preraslo njene zmogljivosti. Ljudje so se v želji po osnovnih človekovih pravicah začeli množično zatekati k nezakonitim in mnogokrat smrtno nevarnim načinom migriranja. Režim proti tihotapljenju migrantov je prejemal vse več kritik, vendar ga niso razvijali z namenom regulacije problema tako velikih razsežnosti. Zaradi pomanjkanja interesa je njegov namen povečanje državnega nadzora nad migracijami in meddržavnega sodelovanja. Režim je namreč lahko najuspešnejši takrat, ko vsi akterji upoštevajo vse njegove sestavine: norme, načela, pravila in pravila odločanja. V delu preverjam upoštevanje teh sestavin na primeru štirih mednarodnih organizacij: Organizacija za varnost in sodelovanje v Evropi, Evropski policijski urad, Mednarodna organizacija kriminalistične policije in Urad Združenih narodov za droge in kriminal ter petih držav: Nemčija, Madžarska, Grčija, Francija in Slovenija. Trenutne politike, usmerjene k povečevanju povpraševanja po tihotapskih storitvah, je treba preoblikovati tako, da bodo identificirani dejavniki uspešnosti zaobjeli tudi izvorne države, ki bodo lahko začele prispevati svoj delež. ; This master's thesis explores the factors of effectiveness of international regimes that I test on the case of smuggling of migrants during the migrant crisis. This regime had its greatest trial in its history between the years 2015 and 2018 why because the migrant crisis increased the number of migrants that could legally cross the borders of the European Union. People, in the desire for basic human rights, began to massively resort to illegal and many times deadly ways of smuggling. The regime against the smuggling of migrants has begun to receive increasing criticism. However, it was not established with the aim to regulate the smuggling problem of such large proportions. Due to the lack of states' interest, its aim was to increase state control over migration and interstate cooperation. The regime can be most effective when all actors are concerned with all its components: norms, principles, rules and rules of decision-making. In the thesis I test the upkeeping of these components on four international organizations: Organization for security and cooperation in Europe, European union agency for law enforcement cooperation, International criminal police organization and United nations office on drugs and crime, and five countries: Germany, Hungary, Greece, France and Slovenia. Current policies are formed to increase the demand for smuggling services and need to be transformed in order for identified factors of effectiveness to capture countries of origin and make them contribute their share as well.
Po terorističnih napadih Al Kaide v Združenih državah Amerike septembra 2001 se je dojemanje varnostni in groženj mednarodne skupnosti povsem spremenilo. Varnostni svet Organizacije združenih narodov je že dan po terorističnih napadih sprejel Resolucijo 1368 (2001), ki opredeli napade kot oborožen napad na Združene države Amerike in kot ogrožanje mednarodnega miru in mednarodne varnosti. Nepredvidljivo in spremenjeno varnostno okolje v svetu je zahtevalo takojšen odziv. Mednarodna skupnost kot vir ogrožanja identificira Afganistan. Še isto leto so z mandatom Organizacije združenih narodov vzpostavljene Mednarodne sile za pomoč v Afganistanu, katerih vodenje leta 2003 prevzame zveza Nato. Misijo, ki se je zaključila konec 2014, v letu 2015 nadomesti nebojna svetovalna Misija Odločna podpora in se izvaja še danes. Odziv na sodobne grožnje države rešujejo v medsebojnih zavezništvih ter delovanju v mednarodnih operacijah in misijah. Članstvo Republike Slovenije v zvezi Nato je prineslo obveznost izpolnjevanja zavez, ki so bile podane v pristopnem obdobju ter kasneje članstvu. Kot polnopravna članica poleg tega sodeluje v procesu oblikovanja in izvajanja varnostnih in obrambno političnih smernic. Republika Slovenija svoje obveznosti v Zavezništvu izpolnjuje tudi s sodelovanjem v mednarodnih operacijah in misijah, kot so Nato-vodene mednarodne operacije in misije v Afganistanu, kjer sodeluje od leta 2004. Vloga obveščevalno varnostnih služb pred napotitvijo, v času delovanja ter po zaključku delovanja slovenskih pripadnikov v Nato-vodenih operacijah je izjemno pomembna in ena od najbolj učinkovitih oblik zaščite lastnih sil. Ob upoštevanju omejenih resursov je mednarodno sodelovanje Republike Slovenije ključno pri zagotavljanju tovrstne podpore v Afganistanu. ; After the Al Qaeda terrorist attacks in the United States of America in September 2001, the perception of the security and threats of the international community has completely changed. A day after the terrorist attacks, the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 1368 (2001) defining attacks as an armed attack on the United States and as a threat to the international peace and international security. An unpredictable and changed security environment demanded an immediate response in the world. The international community identifies Afghanistan as a source of threat. In the same year, under the United Nations mandate, the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan was established and transformed in NATO-led mission in 2003. The mission that concluded at the end of 2014 was replaced today's ongoing by non-combat advisory Resolute Support Mission in the beginning of 2015. When responding to the modern threats countries develops mutual alliances and work together in international operations in missions. With membership in NATO, the Republic of Slovenia assumed responsibility for fulfilling the commitments made during the accession period in later on as a member of Alliance. As an Ally is involved in the process of designing and implementing security and defence policy guidelines. The Republic of Slovenia also fulfils its commitments in the Alliance by participating in international operations on missions such as NATO-led international operations in the mission in Afghanistan, where it has been participating since 2004. The role of intelligence security services before the deployment, during the operation and after the deployment is extremely important and is one of the most effective forms of force protection. Taking into account limited resources, the international cooperation is crucial for the Republic of Slovenia in providing such support in Afghanistan.
Spremembe v mednarodni skupnosti po koncu hladne vojne so mednarodne institucije, ki delujejo na področju zagotavljanja miru in varnosti, postavile pred nove izzive, ki so izpostavili pomanjkljivost obstoječh norm, mehanizmov in konceptualnega aparata za naslavljanje novih varnostnih groženj. Mednarodne institucije se težko spopadajo z modernimi varnostnimi grožnjami, med katere spadajo tudi etnični konflikti, hkrati pa je proces prepoznavanja varnostnih groženj kompleksen. Magistrska naloga skozi študijo primera delovanja Varnostnega sveta in Organizacije za varnost in sodelovanje v Evropi v ukrajinskem konfliktu preučuje, kako pojmovanje varnosti mednarodnih institucij vpliva na upravljanje (etničnih) konfliktov. Naloga pokaže, da sodobno pojmovanje varnosti presega dojemanje države kot edinega relevatnega referenčnega objekta varnosti in da je varnost intersubjektivna kategorija, ki odpira vprašanje glede procesa prepoznavanja (novih) varnostnih groženj. Posledično pojmovanje varnosti vpliva na diskurz in delovanje akterjev. Na primeru Varnostnega sveta tako vidimo, da se države članice zavedajo pomena vzpostavljene prakse delovanja, ki izhaja iz pojmovanja varnosti dotične institucije, ter njenega vpliva na odločanje v Varnostnem svetu. OVSE pa kljub prepoznavanju kršitev določenih prvin varnosti v praksi te kršitve težko naslavlja. Naloga pokaže tudi, kako specializirano znanje posameznih institucij vpliva na diskurz držav v teh institucijah ter da pojmovanje varnosti v posameznih institucijah ni statično, temveč rezultat nenehnih (re)interpretacij. ; Changes in the international community after the end of the Cold War have led international institutions working in the field of peace and security to face new challenges that have highlighted the disadvantage of existing norms, mechanisms and conceptual apparatus for addressing new security threats. International institutions are struggling to deal with modern security threats, including ethnic conflicts, while the process of identifying security threats is complex. The master's thesis examines how the concept of security of international institutions influences the management of (ethnic) conflicts through a study of the functioning of the Security Council and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe in the Ukrainian conflict. Thesis demonstrates that modern concept surpasses the perception of the state as the only relevant referent object of security and that security is an intersubjective category that raises the issue of the process of identifying (new) security threats. As a consequence the concept of security affects the discourse and the functioning of the actors. In the case of the Security Council, we can see that Member States are aware of the importance of the established practice, which stems from the concept of security of the institution, and its impact on decision-making in the Security Council. Despite the recognition of violations of certain elements of security in practice, the OSCE has difficulty addressing this violation. The thesis also shows how the specialized knowledge of individual institutions influences the discourse of states in these institutions, and that the concept of security in individual institutions is not static, but the result of continuous (re)interpretations.
Razvoj družbe je nujen in za dosego razvoja je treba največ pozornosti nameniti ravno razvoju ljudi. Če konceptu razvoja ljudi dodamo mednarodno perspektivo, dobimo celosten pogled na trenutno stanje v družbi. Ravno mednarodna perspektiva razvoja ljudi in celotna obravnava tematike sta botrovali k izvedbi analize razvoja ljudi v izbranih državah. Z metodo analize so bili pridobljeni vsi potrebni podatki, ki so celotno analizo zaokrožili. Prek analize pridobljenih podatkov so bile države razvrščene v tri skupine. Pri tem so vse razvite in tranzicijske države zajete v vzorec, v primeru razvijajočih se pa so bile države izbrane tako, da so zajeti predstavniki vseh delov Afrike, Azije ter Latinske in Karibske Amerike. Rezultati analize so precej nedvoumni. Izkazalo se je, da samo indeks razvoja ljudi in politična stabilnost države ne zagotavljata močne medsebojne povezave. Pomembno vlogo igrajo tudi pretresi iz začetka 90. let 20. stol. in t. i. svetovni policisti razvitih držav, kar vnaša določeno mero neravnovesja. Na drugi strani pa je bilo pričakovati padec moči povezanosti med razvojem ljudi in izobraževalnim indeksom od razvitih k razvijajočim se. Izkaže se, da je moč povezave največja v tranzicijskih državah, sledijo razvite in na koncu razvijajoče se države. Ugotovitve analize imajo širše učinke za družbeno okolje. Razvoj omogoča oblikovanje razvite družbe in uveljavitev človeku dostojnega življenja. Na osnovi tega bo v prihodnosti mogoče prilagoditi programe razvoja ljudi predvsem v tranzicijskih državah in ostalih delih sveta, ki so precej nestabilni in brez zunanje pomoči. Dejstvo pa je, da so nekatere razvijajoče se države lahko zgled kakovosti primarnih razvojnih programov. ; Development of the country is necessary and for achieving it the biggest focus must be on human development. If we add international perspective to human development, we get a fairly comprehensive view of the current situation in society. It was precisely the addition of an international perspective to the human development and the overall treatment of the topic that contributed to the design of the analysis of human resource development in selected countries. Using the analysis method all necessary data were obtained, which rounded the analysis into a whole. By analysing the data obtained, the countries were classified into three groups. In this, all developed and transition countries are included into the sample, and in the case of developing countries, the countries have been selected to include representatives of all parts of Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean. The results of the analysis are quite unequivocal. It turned out that only human development index and the political stability of the country do not guarantee a strong interconnection. Shouts from the early 90s of the 20th century and the role of so-called world-wide police officers of developed countries also play an important role, which introduces a certain amount of imbalance. On the other hand, the drop in the strength of the relation between the human development index and educational index from the developed to the developing was expected. It turns out that the power of connections is greatest in transition countries, followed by the developed and ultimately developing countries. The findings of the analysis have broader effects on the social environment. Development enables the creation of developed society the promotion of a decent man's life. On this basis, in the future, human development programs can be adjusted in the transitional countries and other parts of the world, which are rather unstable and without external assistance. It is true that some developing countries can serve as an example of the quality of primary development programs.
Pri izpolnjevanju svoje primarne naloge ohranjanja mednarodnega miru in varnosti, ki mu jo nalaga Ustanovna listina Organizacije združenih narodov, Varnostni svet Združenih narodov deluje predvsem v okviru II. in III. stebra odgovornosti zaščititi. Nabor ukrepov, ki jih pri tem uporablja, je kljub temu, da je Varnostni svet edini organ, ki lahko zakonito po VII. poglavju Ustanovne listine odobri izjemo od splošne prepovedi uporabe sile, bistveno širši od gole uporabe sile, ki je bila brez privolitve države doslej odobrena le enkrat, leta 2011 v Libiji. Hipoteza naloge je, da potencial, ki ga odgovornost zaščititi ponuja pri reševanju kompleksnih kriznih situacij, ki lahko vodijo k množičnim grozodejstvom, ni docela izkoriščen zaradi nepopolnega uveljavljanja, ki je predvsem posledica blokade Varnostnega sveta zaradi uporabe veta stalnih članic. Izziv so tudi različne razlage njegovih resolucij, ki so že večkrat privedle do očitkov, da izvajalci resolucij slednje izrabljajo z namenom menjave režima v posameznih državah. Zaradi hudih posledic neaktivnosti z vetom blokiranega Varnostnega sveta, kar se kaže zlasti v primeru Sirije, so se kot alternativne možnosti delovanja mednarodne skupnosti v situacijah, kjer je uporabljiva odgovornost zaščititi, pojavile delovanje preko Generalne skupščine Združenih narodov na podlagi resolucije ˝Združeni za mir˝, regionalnih organizacij (denimo po vzoru Afriške unije) ter intervencija ad hoc koalicij. Ker nobena od navedenih možnosti ne ponuja primerne alternative odločitvi Varnostnega sveta, sta se v okviru odgovornosti neuporabe veta oblikovali dve pobudi za reformo odločanja v Varnostnem svetu, ki predlagata vzdržanje stalnih članic od uporabe veta v primerih štirih grozodejstev, vendar je njuna uspešnost vprašljiva, saj zaenkrat nobena od njiju nima podpore vseh petih stalnih članic. ; Authorized by the Charter of the United Nations, the United Nation Security Council fulfills its primary task of maintaining international peace and security by acting primarily within Pillars II and III of the Responsibility to Protect. Despite the fact, that the Security Council is the only body entitled to legally authorize an exception to the general prohibition of the use of force, this is only one of many measures it can adopt. In fact, the use of force against the will of a state has only been carried out once, in 2011 in Libya. The hypothesis of the present thesis is that the potential that the Responsibility to Protect offers in addressing crisis situations that could lead to mass atrocities is not fully utilized due to a blockage imposed by a veto from a permanent member state. The rising reproaches that those carrying out the resolutions exceed their mandates by changing the regimes in some states also represent a great challenge. This is caused by different interpretations of the language of the resolutions. Due to major consequences of the Security Council's inactiveness, as seen primarily in Syria, some suggestions of alternative actions that could be taken by the international community include acting through the United Nations General Assembly and its ˝Uniting for Peace˝ resolution, regional organizations (following the example of the African Union) and intervention by ad hoc coalitions. Since none of the mentioned possibilities represent a suitable alternative to a decision of the Security Council, two petitions in light of the Responsibility not to Veto have arisen. They suggest the permanent members abstain from the use of veto in the cases of four mass atrocities. Their success, however, is questionable, since neither has so far obtained the support from all five permanent members.
Termin samoodločbe je zapisan v ustanovitvenih dokumentih večine državnih ustav ter mednarodnega prava, prav tako pa predstavlja sredstvo za legitimizacijo države ter nadnacionalnega reda. Točna definicija in njeni parametri pa so v resnici stvar debate, ne glede na to ali izhajajo iz logike notranjosti državniškega sistema ali iz logike njegove zunanjosti. Magistrsko delo najprej sledi "klasičnemu" pojmu samoodločbe v njegovi zgodovinski partikularnosti znotraj mednarodnega sistema, pri čemer poudari veliko napetost med samoodločbo in državno suverenostjo. Nakar se obrne h kritični politični teoriji, da bi izkopalo definicijo samoodločbe, pri kateri popusti poseben odnos samoodločbe z državnim sistemom in pojmom suverenosti. Takšno pojmovanje samoodločbe je za potrebe naloge poimenovano "rizomatično" in se nato uporabi pri analizi štirih primerov z namenom, da se pokaže, kako lahko tak pojem samoodločbe uporabimo za razumevanje možnosti, ki jih vzpostavljajo najnovejša politična gibanja. Temeljni argument magistrskega dela je, da ko jih razumemo v okvirju državnega sistema kot sedanjo ali prihodnjo "aktivno" pravico, se dejanja samoodločbe zreducirajo na normativni determinizem zgodovinsko kontingentnih odnosov sil, saj se bodisi ujamejo v pogoje obstoječih dejavnikov znotraj konstituiranega sistema bodisi njihovo uresničitev pogojuje učinkovitost sile, ki jo lahko izvršujejo, da bi izničili funkcije sistema, ki slonijo na obstoječih pravilih. Ko pa jo razumemo onkraj zaprte logike državnega sistema, lahko samoodločba pomeni izražanje neomejene konstituirajoče oblasti in kolektivne imaginacije, ki sprosti nove vektorje možnosti človeških političnih odnosov. ; The notion of 'self-determination' is enshrined in the founding documents of international law and most state constitutions as a means of legitimating the current state and supranational order. However, its precise definition and parameters are the subject of debate—both when understood from within the logic of the state system and from outside it. This thesis situates the "classic" notion of self-determination within its particular historical position inside the international system, highlighting its deep tension with the norm of state sovereignty, before turning to critical political theory to unearth a definition of self-determination wherein its particular relationship to the state system and the total notion of sovereignty is relaxed. This conception of self-determination is, for the purposes of this thesis, termed 'rhizomatic,' and applied to four case studies to demonstrate how it might be used to understand the possibilities created by recent political movements. The primary argument of this thesis is that, when understood inside the state system as a present or future 'active' right, acts of determination reduce to the normative determinism of historically contingent relations of force because they are either resolved on the terms of existing actors within the constituted system or by the effectiveness of force they can exert to deny the system's function based on its previous rules. However, when understood beyond the closed logic of the state system, self-determination can be taken to mean manifestations of boundless constitutive power and collective imagination that unleash new vectors of possibility for human political relations.
Predmet raziskave so poslovna pogajanja s skandinavskimi partnerji. Predstavili smo faze procesa poslovnih pogajanj, pogajalske pristope, v smislu strategije, tehnik in taktik pogajanj, predstavili tudi kulturo, kot pomemben dejavnik uspešnosti pogajanj ter podrobneje predstavili vse štiri skandinavske države. Študija je nastala v okviru raziskave poslovnih pogajanj s skandinavskimi partnerji v srednje velikem slovenskem podjetju X, ki uspešno posluje na mednarodnih trgih, tudi na skandinavskih. Z rezultati smo poudarili pomembnost procesa priprav na poslovna pogajanja, ki predstavljajo 90% uspeha na pogajanjih ter poznavanje in razumevanje kulturnih razlik v poslovnem svetu. Nepoznavanje navad in običajev tujih poslovnih partnerjev lahko povzroči nesporazume, nelagodje, napačno usmerjenost in napačno interpretacijo sporočil, ki negativno vplivajo na rezultate pogajanj. Kultura posameznikov pa vpliva tudi na pogajalski slog oziroma način, kako se mednarodni pogajalci iz različni okolij obnašajo med pogajanji. Skandinavski slog pogajanj ne izstopa premočno, a ima vseeno posebnosti, katerih poznavanje pri pogajanjih prinese veliko prednost. ; The subject of the survey is business negotiations with Scandinavian partners. We presented phases of the process of business negotiations, negotiation approaches, in terms of strategy, techniques and tactics, culture as an important factor for negotiations success and all four Scandinavian countries. The study is based on analysis of business negotiations with Scandinavian partners in the medium-sized Slovenian company X, working internationally, with significant share on Scandinavian market. The results of survey highlighted the importance of preparation for business negotiations, presenting 90% of the success in the negotiations, as well as the knowledge and understanding of cultural differences in the business world. Ignoring habits and customs of foreign business partners can lead to misunderstandings, discomfort, misconception and misinterpretation of messages, which can have a negative impact on the results of the negotiations. The culture of individuals also influences the negotiating style or the way in which international negotiators from different environments behave during the negotiation process. The Scandinavian style of negotiation does not stand out too much, but it still has some special features and recognition of those, can bring great advantage.
V magistrskem delu obravnavam vlogo tiskovnih agencij v javni sferi v procesu poročanja o izstopu Velike Britanije iz Evropske unije oziroma brexitu. Vloga agencij je, da zagotavljajo zanesljive informacije, ki jih nato mediji posredujejo svojim občinstvom, kar omogoči oblikovanje javnega mnenja. Proučujem vpliv dejavnikov velikosti tiskovne agencije in njenega bruseljskega dopisništva, velikosti države izvora agencije ter relevantnosti brexita za državo izvora in njene državljane na izpolnjevanje vloge tiskovne agencije v javni sferi. Analiza pogovorov z bruseljskima dopisnikoma Slovenske tiskovne agencije (STA) in britanske tiskovne agencije z mednarodno razsežnostjo Reuters ter uradnikom Evropske unije kaže, da vsi trije dejavniki vplivajo predvsem na dostopnost informacij. To pa vsaj do določene mere vpliva tudi na izpolnjevanje vloge tiskovnih agencij v javni sferi, saj lahko novinarji z boljšim dostopom svojim naslovnikom zagotavljajo več in bolj zanesljive informacije. Oba dopisnika sicer trdita, da ustrezno izpolnjujeta to vlogo. V raziskavi sem ugotovil tudi, da s tem, ko novinarja o Uniji ne poročata samo z nacionalnega vidika, ampak tudi z evropskega, prispevata k vzpostavljanju evropske javne sfere. ; This master's thesis examines the role of news agencies in the public sphere when reporting about Great Britain leaving the European Union (Brexit). Their role is to provide reliable information to the media which pass it to their audiences, what enables forming of the public opinion. I study the impact of factors of size of the news agency and its Brussels' bureau, size of the country of origin of the agency and the relevance of Brexit for the country of origin and its citizens on fulfilling news wire's role in the public sphere. The analysis of interviews with Brussels' correspondents of Slovene Press Agency (STA) and British Press Agency with international comprehensiveness Reuters and with an EU official shows that all the three factors impact the journalist's access to the information. To some extent this also impacts the fulfilling of news agencies' role in the public sphere. Namely, journalists with better access to the sources can provide more information that is also more trustworthy to their recipients. Correspondents of STA and Reuters both carry out this role, in their opinion. I have also found out that they both report about the EU from the European perspective and not just from the national perspective, which means that they contribute to the forming of the European public sphere.
V magistrskem delu smo raziskali dejavnike poslovnih pogajanj med partnerji iz Slovenije v odnosu s partnerji iz držav razpadle Jugoslavije. Opisani so dejavniki in karakteristike poslovnih pogajanj v splošnem pomenu, kot tudi vpliv dejavnikov kulture, ki se odražajo v sklopu mednarodnih poslovnih odnosov in pogajanj. Kulturna dejstva so temelj, na katerem slonijo poslovni odnosi, kadar se v procesu srečujejo poslovni partnerji iz različnih držav, kar pomeni, da moramo biti pozorni na razlike v komunikacijskem procesu, spoštovanju tuje kulture in njihovih navad, ponekod celo religije. Razlike med našimi in tujimi dejavniki kulture, oz. vsaj poznavanje in spoštovanje le-teh, so ključ za graditev in ohranjanje dolgoročnih poslovnih odnosov. Razlike so pravzaprav prisotne povsod, ne le na globalni ravni poslovanja, najdemo jih že tudi na lokalni ravni, saj so si podjetja, njihove usmeritve in cilji, drugačni. Potrebno se je prilagoditi drugim, če želimo doseči nekaj, kar nam predstavlja korist. Soočanje in osvajanje medkulturnih razlik nam pomaga pri razumevanju medkulturnih dimenzij, pri čemer se je potrebno zavedati, da se bomo tega učili skozi celotno življenje. Kultura je namreč širok spekter pojmov, družbenih norm in vrednot, da bi jih lahko popolnoma prevzeli in se z njimi popolnoma poistovetili. V magistrskem delu so zaradi tega razloga predstavljeni le določeni dejavniki in definicije. Teoretični del ob definicijah in opredelitvah poslovnih pogajanj in mednarodnih pogajanj vsebuje še predstavitev držav nekdanje Jugoslavije, v raziskovalnem delu pa smo povzeli še dejanske izkušnje respondentov poglobljenega intervjuja, ter pridobili pomembne informacije in smernice, ki bodo koristno predstavljene za druge poslovneže, ki že aktivno sodelujejo ali pa imajo namen v prihodnosti sodelovati s poslovnimi partnerji v raziskovani regiji. V sklepnem delu so povzete glavne ugotovitve, in sicer lahko zapišemo, da je za uspešna poslovna pogajanja z državami, ki so nekoč sestavljale mogočno Jugoslavijo, potrebno poznavanje oz. bolje rečeno spoštovanje njihove religije, ki je ponekod zelo izrazita, dejavnik, ki pa zagotavlja pristne in dolgoročne odnose z njimi, pa je faktor človečnosti. Odnosi namreč temeljijo na poznavanju ljudi na osebni in poslovni ravni, ki ju je potrebno usklajeno vzdrževati (tudi v času, kadar nismo v proaktivnem sodelovanju s partnerjem, je potrebno ohranjanje odnosa v obliki osebnega stika in poslovnih daril). Prav tako smo ugotovili tudi, da se način pogajanj iz držav nekdanje Jugoslavije ne razlikuje več močno od evropskega, saj aktivno stremijo evropskim standardom. ; In this work, we examined the factors of business negotiations between partners from Slovenia in relation to partners that came from the stats of former Yugoslavija. The factors and characteristics of business negotiations in the general sense are described, as well as the influence of cultural factors, which are reflected in the framework of international business relations and negotiations. Cultural facts are the foundation upon which business relations are based, when business partners from different countries meet in the process, and that means that we must pay attention to the differences in the communication process, respect for foreign culture and their habits, and sometimes even religion. Differences between our and foreign factors of culture, at least knowing and respecting them, are the key to building and maintaining long-term business relationships. The differences are actually present everywhere, not only at the global level of business, but also at the local level, as companies, their policies and goals are different. It is necessary to adapt to others if we are to achieve something that benefits us. Facing and conquering intercultural differences helps us to understand intercultural dimensions, and we must be aware that we will learn this throughout our lives. Culture is a wide range of concepts, social norms and values, so that they can be completely taken over and fully identified with them. For this reason, in this work only certain factors and definitions are presented. Theoretical part of this work contains the definitions of negotiations and the international negotiations. There is also the presentation of countries that form ex Yugoslavija, while while in the empirical part of this work we summarized the actual experiences of the employees, that have been conducted in the in-depth interview, and obtained important information and guidelines that will be usefully presented to other business people who are already actively involved or have the intention to cooperate with business partners in the research region in the future. The concluding part summarizes the main findings. We can say, that for successful negotiation in the countries of former Yugoslavija, you need to know ther religion and respect it, and that is the factor that will guarantee long term relationships with them. Most of all, they need you to be a person, a good man. Personal relations are more important than making business, relationships are based on knowledge of people on a personal and business level, which need to be maintained in a coordinated manner (even when we are not in proactive cooperation with a partner, it is necessary to maintain a relationship, to contact or to visit them, to bring them gifts). We can also conclude that the way of negotiations in the countries of the former Yugoslavia does not differ much more strongly than the European one, since they actively strive for European standards.
Magistrsko delo obravnava vpliv migracij na vzpon podpore ekstremističnim političnim strankam v EU. Toksična kombinacija evroskepticizma, dolgega obdobja gospodarske stagnacije in najhujše migrantske krize od konca druge svetovne vojne je vodila do povečanja nestrpnosti državljanov EU do migrantov, percepcije ogroženosti lastne države in EU, s tem pa tudi do raztezanja vzpona desnih ekstremističnih političnih strank po celotni celini. Raziskovalni cilj predstavlja analiza povezanosti njihovega vzpona v EU s predpostavljenim najmočnejšim pojasnjevalnim dejavnikom, tj. stopnja liberalizacije oziroma odprtosti migracijske politike posameznih držav, od česar je odvisno število sprejetih migrantov. Pri tem sem uporabila metode analize primarnih in sekundarnih virov, vključujoč uradne statistike, ter javnomnenjske in mednarodne primerjalne raziskave prepričanj in delovanja posameznikov. Na njihovi podlagi potrjujem porast migrantskega staleža in desnih ekstremističnih tendenc v EU ter hkrati tudi obstoj korelacije. Z izjemo Malte, Portugalske, Romunije, Slovenije, Hrvaške, Španije ter Irske, v katerih desne ekstremistične politične stranke niso prepoznane. Vpliv migracij na volilne rezultate se zaradi individualnih nacionalnih značilnosti posameznih držav članic EU izraža različno, zato posledično zavračam možnost predpostavljenih jasnih linearnih vzporednic. ; The master thesis addresses the issue of migration's impact on the rise of support for extremist political parties in the EU. The toxic combination of Euroscepticism, the long period of economic stagnation and the worst migrant crisis since the end of the Second World War has led to an increase of EU citizens' intolerance against migrants, the perception of the threat to their own country and the EU, as well as the extension of the rise of right-wing extremist political parties throughout the continent. The research objective is to analyse the correlation of their rise in the EU with the presumed strongest explanatory factor, i.e. the degree of liberalization or openness of the migration policy in individual countries, on which depends the number of migrants accepted. In doing so, methods of analysing primary and secondary sources, including official statistics, opinion polls and international comparative research on the beliefs and actions of individuals, were used. On their basis, I confirm the growth of the migrant stock and the right extremist tendencies in the EU, and at the same time the existence of a correlation. With the exception of Malta, Portugal, Romania, Slovenia, Croatia, Spain and Ireland, where the right-wing extremist political parties are not recognized. The impact of migration on election results is reflected differently due to individual national characteristics of EU Member States, consequently I reject the possibility of assuming clear linear parallels.
Varstvo materinstva je bistvenega pomena za zdravje in dobro počutje žensk ter njihovih otrok. Ključnega pomena je ženskam zagotoviti dostojno delo in enakost spolov, saj jim omogoča združitev reproduktivne in produktivne funkcije ter prepreči neenako obravnavanje pri zaposlovanju. Magistrsko diplomsko delo obravnava diskriminacijo nosečnic na delovnem mestu na nadnacionalni in nacionalni ravni. Uvodu v drugem poglavju sledi opis pojma in oblike diskriminacije nosečnic na delovnem mestu, v tretjem poglavju pa so na kratko opisani dokumenti, ki urejajo diskriminacijo nosečnic na mednarodni ravni. Ker pa je bistvo naloge primerjalnopravni vidik diskriminacije nosečnic na delovnem mestu, ki se bo nanašal na primerjavo med državami članicami Evropske unije, je v četrtem poglavju opisana diskriminacija nosečnic na ravni Evropske unije, dve najpomembnejši direktivi na tem področju in sodna praksa Sodišča EU. V petem poglavju je bolj podrobno opisana diskriminacija nosečnic na delovnem mestu v Sloveniji, relevantna zakonodaja, postopki v primeru diskriminacije, primeri pred Zagovornikom načela enakosti in nekaj primerov iz sodne prakse slovenskih sodišč. Šesto poglavje je namenjeno primerjavi diskriminacije nosečnic na delovnem mestu v različnih državah članicah Evropske unije, v katerem so primerjane Belgija, Nemčija, Poljska, Romunija, Španija in Švedska. V sedmem poglavju sledijo moji zaključki in ugotovitve, kako kljub zelo veliki zaščiti nosečih delavk v zakonodaji še vedno prihaja do številnih diskriminacij, zakaj je temu tako in kako bi lahko stanje izboljšali. ; Maternity protection is essential for the health and well-being of women and their children. It is crucial to ensure that women have access to decent work and gender equality, to enable them to combine their reproductive and productive functions and to prevent unequal treatment in employment. Master thesis deals with discrimination of pregnant women in the workplace at supranational and national level. The introduction is followed by the second chapter which describes the term and forms of discrimination against pregnant women in the workplace, while the third section briefly describes the documents governing discrimination against pregnant women on the international level. However, since the essence of the thesis is the comparative legal aspect of discrimination against pregnant women in the workplace, which will refer to the comparison between the Member States of the European Union, Chapter 4 describes the discrimination of pregnant women at European Union level, the two most important directives in this field and the case-law of the European Court of Justice. Chapter 5 in more detail describes the discrimination against pregnant women in the workplace in Slovenia, relevant legislation, procedures in case of discrimination, cases before the Advocate of the principle of equality, and some examples from the Slovenian case-law. Chapter 6 is intended to compare the discrimination against pregnant women in the workplace in different Member States of the European Union, comparing Belgium, Germany, Poland, Romania, Spain and Sweden. In Chapter 7 my conclusions are presented and the conclusions on how, despite the very high protection of pregnant worker in legislation, there are still many disparities, why is this the case and how the situation could be improved.