Suchergebnisse

U radu se razmatraju promene koje su nastale poslednjih decenija u obrazovnoj politici Rusije, a koje se tiču razvijanja informatizacije obrazovne sredine. Prelazak na novi postsovjetski model sistema visokog obrazovanja, zasnovan na evropskim standardima, doveo je do promena u odnosu nastavnik–student, što se odnosi i na veću samostalnost u radu studenata i smanjenje angažovanja nastavnika i vremena koje je određeno za komunikaciju studenata sa nastavnicima. Značajan deo u sistemu ocenjivanja znanja sprovodi se putem testiranja. Ukazuje se na negativne posledice ovih promena koje se reflektuju na kvalitet budućih stručnjaka, s obzirom da interakciju u komunikaciji sa nastavnicima zamenjuju kompjuteri, odnosno formalno popunjavanje zadataka bez adekvatne refleksije. Uspon informatizacije obrazovne sredine u Rusiji preti značajnim nestankom celog niza profesija, kao i povećanjem broja nazaposlenih. Imajući u vidu značaj koji digitalne tehnologije imaju na razvoj ekonomije i privrede zemlјe, njenu odbrambenu sposobnost i političke procese, ukazuje se na potrebu za usklađivanjem obrazovanja sa potrebama na tržištu rada, kao i na potrebu da se obrazuju novi profili stručnjaka koji će biti sposobni da upravlјaju kompleksnom savremenom tehnikom, uređajima i robotima kako bi država sačuvala svoje pozicije na svetskom nivou. Naglašava se nedostatak interakcije i saradnje između strukovnih univerziteta sa poslodavcima i naučnim institucijama, što dovodi do smanjenja kvaliteta obrazovnih procesa, koji se najpre odnose na praktičnu osposoblјenost stručnjaka. Na osnovu analize problema u informaciono-obrazovnoj sredini koji su prikazani u ovom radu možemo da zaklјučimo da je neophodno razmotriti načine primene informaciono-komunikacione tehnologije u funkciji unapređivanja obrazovnog sistema. Naime, savremena obrazovna sredina mora da obuhvata sistem organizaciono-metodičkih, softverskih i drugih tehničkih sredstava za čuvanje, obradu i prenošenje informacija koja obezbeđuju brži pristup materijalima, među kojima je i stručna literatura. Takva sredina je pogodna za interaktivnu komunikaciju nastavnika sa studentima i time doprinosi efikasnijem učenju i pobolјšanju uvida nastavnika u samostalan rad studenta. Informaciono-obrazovna sredina se izgrađuje kao integrisani multikomponentni sistem pomoću koga se može napraviti selekcija na različitim nivoima. Razumevanje odlučujuće uloge informacija u evolucijskim procesima prirode i društva dovodi do otkrića potpuno nove, informacione slike sveta koja se značajno razlikuje od tradicionalnog tehnokratskog pristupa koji dominira u nauci. ; The work deliberates the changes that occurred in Russian educational policy in the last decades, concerning development of informatization of educational environment. Transition to the new post-soviet model of high education based on European standards led to changes in the teacherstudent relationship. These changes involve a greater independence in work for students and reduced engagement of a teacher and the amount of time intended for communication between students and teachers. A major part of knowledge assessment is performed via tests. It points to negative consequences of these changes that are reflected in the quality of future experts, as the interaction in communication with teachers is replaced by computers i.e. formal fulfilment of tasks without adequate reflection. The rise of informatization in Russian educational environment may jeopardise a significant number of professions and increase number of unemployed. Having in mind the significance of digital technologies for the development of the country's economy and industry, its defence capability and political processes, it points to the need for harmonization of education with the labour market needs as well as the necessity to educate new profiles of experts who will be capable of managing complex modern technical solutions, devices and robots so as to enable the country to preserve its global position. It stresses the lack of interaction and cooperation between vocational universities and employers and scientific institutions, which leads to decline in quality of educational processes, primarily regarding the know-how of experts. Upon analysing the problems in information-educational environment as presented in this paper, we can conclude that it is necessary to look into the ways of implementing the information and communications technologies for the sake of improving the educational system. Namely, modern educational environment has to include the system of organizational and methodical, software and other technical methods for storing, processing and transmitting the information which provide faster approach to resources, professional literature included. Such environment is suitable for interactive communication between teachers and students and contributes to a more efficient learning and a better teacher's insight into the student's independent work. Information-educational environment needs to be formed as an integrated multicomponent system, acting as a means for making selection at different levels. Comprehension of decisive role of information in evolution processes of the nature and society leads to discovery of a completely new, informational concept of the world, which differs a great deal from the traditional technocratic approach prevailing in science. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

Standardi kompetencija direktora ustanova obrazovanja i vaspitanja u Srbiji (2013), kao i zakonska regulativa koja se odnosi na direktore, propisuju kompleksne i raznovrsne uloge i zadatke. Novija istraživanja u oblasti obrazovnog liderstva pokazuju da su direktori veoma opterećeni, zbog čega im je posebno teško da uspostave ravnotežu između dve najvažnije uloge: pedagoškog lidera i menadžera škole. Cilj ovog rada je da utvrdimo da li je pomenuti problem, na koji direktori ukazuju, nov ili je postojao i u prošlosti. S tim u vezi, analizirale smo radove o direktorima škola koji su objavljeni u časopisu Nastava i vaspitanje u periodu od početka izlaženja časopisa (1951. godine) do osamdesetih godina 20. veka. U tekstovima smo tragale za opisima uloga direktora, za sadržajem zadataka putem kojih se ove uloge ostvaruju, kao i za iskazima autora koji potencijalno ukazuju na problem balansa između dve najvažnije uloge. Na osnovu analize sadržaja 14 tekstova utvrdile smo da su autori značajno više pažnje posvetili razmatranju pedagoško-instruktivne uloge direktora, nego razmatranju uloge direktora kao menadžera škole. Pedagoško-instruktivnu ulogu opisuju kroz sledeće zadatke: planiranje i programiranje nastavnog procesa, posete časovima, praćenje rada nastavnika i pružanje neophodne pomoći posebno mlađim nastavnicima, praćenje učeničkog znanja i napredovanja, planiranje i organizacija individualnog i kolektivnog stručnog usavršavanja nastavnika, stvaranje uslova za efikasnu saradnju sa školskim pedagogom i tako dalje. Na osnovu istraživanja i iskustava iz školske prakse autori su ukazivali na to da je pedagoška uloga direktora zapostavljena, zbog njihove opterećenosti poslovima koji pripadaju menadžerskoj ulozi. Pored toga, ukazivali su i na nedostatak istraživanja u oblasti pedagoškog liderstva, kao i na potrebu za organizovanjem seminara koji bi se programski zasnivali na stvarnim interesovanjima i potrebama direktora škola. Dakle, rezultati naše analize upućuju na relativno dug vremenski period postojanja sličnih problema u oblasti obrazovnog liderstva u Srbiji, što bi trebalo da predstavlja dodatni podsticaj za istraživače i kreatore obrazovnih politika u pronalaženju adekvatnih strategija podrške direktorima škola u balansiranju ključnih uloga. U radu se diskutuje o rešenjima – kao što su distributivno liderstvo, mentorstvo i facilitacija prilikom uvođenja novih direktora u posao – koja su se u drugim obrazovnim sistemima pokazala kao efektivna za unapređivanje kvaliteta rada škole. ; Standards of competencies for principals of educational institutions in Serbia (2013), as well as the legislation related to principals, stipulate complex and diverse roles and tasks. Recent research in the field of educational leadership shows that principals are overburdened, and therefore have difficulties in balancing out the two most important roles: of educational leader and school manager. The objective of this paper is to determine whether this problem, signalled by the principals, is new or has existed in the past as well. In this regard, we analysed the articles on principals published in the journal Teaching and education from the beginning of its publication (1951) till 1980s. In the articles, we searched for descriptions of the principals' roles, the content of their professional tasks, as well as for authors' statements that potentially point to the problem of balancing the two most important roles. Based on the content analysis of 14 articles, we found that the authors paid much more attention to educational and instructive role of the principal than to the principal's role of a school manager. They describe the educational and instructive role through the following tasks: planning and programming of the teaching process, visits to classes, monitoring the work of teachers and providing necessary assistance particularly to younger teachers, monitoring of students' knowledge and progress, planning and organization of individual and collective in-service teacher trainings, creating conditions for efficient cooperation with a school counsellor and so on. Based on the research and experience from the school practice, the authors indicated that the educational role of principals was neglected due to burden of tasks belonging to managerial role. In addition, they pointed to the lack of research in the field of educational leadership, as well as to the need for organizing seminars which would be topically based on real interests and needs of principals. Therefore, the results of our analysis point to a relatively long period of similar problems in the field of educational leadership in Serbia, which is supposed to provide additional motivation to researchers and educational policy makers for finding adequate strategies for supporting the principals in balancing their key roles. The paper discusses solutions - such as distributed leadership, mentoring, and facilitation in introducing new principals into job - that have proven effective in other education systems in improving quality of school's operation. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

Namen dela je predvsem proučiti oblikovanje, delovanje, vlogo in pomen Demosa kot instrumenta in akterja nacionalne emancipacije in demokratične tranzicije na Slovenskem. Pred osrednjim delom analize so opredeljeni ključni pojmi in koncepti: definicija nacionalizma ter glavni teoretični pristopi k nacionalizmu, opredelitev demokracije in demokratizacije. Za celovito razumevanje vloge in pomena posameznih političnih akterjev, kakršen je bil konec osemdesetih in v začetku devetdesetih Demos, je potrebno dobro poznati zgodovinske okoliščine. Najprej sem v poglavju o zgodovinskih mejnikih oblikovanja slovenske nacionalne identitete poskušala dokazati, da pomembni procesi v osemdesetih in devetdesetih letih niso vznikli sami od sebe, ampak imajo dolgo zgodovinsko podlago. V nadaljevanju obravnavam širjenje političnega prostora, obdobje liberalizacije in razcveta civilne družbe ter ključne procese in dogodke na poti v pluralno družbo. Procesi liberalizacije so soustvarjali tudi politično okolje, v katerem je začela nastajati politična opozicija. Konec osemdesetih let, tik pred nastankom Demosa, sta se izoblikovala dva konsistentna in nekompatibilna narodno-politična programa, ki sta simbolizirala politično polarizacijo. Nove, alternativne 'zveze' so se začele povezovati v pričakovanju demokratičnih volitev in soočenja s skupino družbenopolitičnih organizacij z Zvezo komunistov na čelu. Osrednji del disertacije predstavlja obravnava Demosa, akterja demokratizacije. Znotraj tega obdobja namenjam posebno pozornost najvidnejši osebnosti združene demokratične opozicije Jožetu Pučniku, analiziram predvolilne programe, rezultate volitev, ter oblikovanje novih oblastnih organov. V tem kontekstu analiziram tudi njihovo sodelovanje s Predsedstvom republike Slovenije. V nadaljevanju orišem vlogo Demosa v osamosvojitvenih procesih. Demos je v svojih glavnih namerah uspel, kljub temu, da ga niso ustrezno podpirali mediji, ni imel ustrezne zaslombe v gospodarstvu, pa tudi ne v državni upravi in, razen slovenske vojske in do neke mere policije, v represivnih organih oblasti. Kljub temu je uresničil glavne cilje, za uspešno izpeljano tranzicijo oziroma bolj popolno in konsolidirano demokratizacijo pa mu je zmanjkalo tako časa kot politične moči. Proces uvedbe demokracije, kot drugi od Demosovih ciljev, je bil uresničen v institucionalnem smislu, z vzpostavitvijo temeljnih demokratičnih struktur. Istočasno pa je bil Demos ključni dejavnik ne le pri oblikovanju splošnega soglasja o nujnosti osamosvojitve slovenskega naroda, ki se izraža v visokem rezultatu slovenskega plebiscita 23. decembra 1990, ampak je bil tudi glavni akter in instrument nacionalne osamosvojitve, obrambe slovenske samostojnosti v vojni za Slovenijo ter mednarodnega priznanja. ; The purpose of the thesis is primarily to examine the creation, operations, role and importance of Demos – Democratic Opposition of Slovenia as an instrument and actor of national emancipation and democratic transition in Slovenia. Prior to the central part of the analysis key terms and concepts are identified: definition of nationalism and the main theoretical approaches to nationalism, definition of democracy and democratization. For comprehensive understanding of the role and importance of individual political actors, like Demos was in the late eighties and early nineties, we should also be familiar with historical circumstances. At first I tried to stress that the main events and processes in the eighties and nineties had not emerged by themselves but were results of long historical development. Next I discuss broadening of political space, a period of liberalization and flourishing of civil society and also key processes and events on the way to a pluralistic society. The liberalization processes co-created also the political environment, in which the political opposition started to take shape. At the end of the eighties, just before the establishment of Demos, two consistent and incompatible national-political programmes were formed which symbolized the political polarization. New, alternative 'unions' began to link pending democratic elections and confrontations with a group of the so-called socio-political organizations with the Communists Party at the head. The central part of the thesis is the analysis of Demos, the actor of democratization. Within this period I pay particular attention to Jože Pučnik, the most prominent personality of the united democratic opposition, I analyse election programs, results of elections and the creation of new public authorities. In this context, I analyse also their cooperation with the Presidency of the Republic of Slovenia and outline the role of Demos in the independence processes. Demos succeeded in its main intentions, despite the fact that it had not adequate support of the media, no support of the economy nor in the public service and, with the exception of the Slovenian Army and to some extent police forces, the repressive authorities. Despite all these Demos accomplished its main objectives, however, for a successful transition or a more complete and consolidated democratization it ran out of time and political power. The process of introducing democracy was realized in a formal sense, with the establishment of basic democratic structures. At the same time Demos was a key factor in the creation of the general consensus on the necessity of the Slovenian independency which is shown in the high score of the plebiscite on 23rd Dec 1990. Demos was also the key actor and an instrument of the national independence process, the defence of the Slovenian territory in the war for Slovenia as well as in the process of the international recognition of the new Slovenian sovereign state.

Magistrsko delo obravnava problematiko poslovnih pogajanj v podjetju Metal Ravne, d.o.o., natančneje pogajanja med domačimi in ruskimi poslovnimi partnerji. Pogajanja so pomembna sestavina poslovnega delovanja in posebna dejavnost menedžerjev v organizacijah. So večsmeren proces sporazumevanja za usklajevanje interesov, v katerem več udeležencev vpliva medsebojno pri nastajanju skupnih odločitev. Dobra pogajanja morajo usklajevati interese in hkrati obvladovati nasprotja med udeleženci organizacije, ki so lahko notranji ali zunanji. Nasprotja v pogajanjih so gonilo napredka, usklajeni interesi kot rezultat pogajanj pa pogoj za uspešnost organizacije. Nasprotno pa se neusklajeni interesi lahko izrodijo v škodljive spore, ki nikomur ne koristijo. Dober pogajalec se ne rodi, ampak so dosego stopnje dobrega pogajalca potrebne večletne izkušnje. Izkušenost pa posledično prinese tudi izkušnje v načinu priprave za pogajanje, načinu komuniciranja in v pripravi strategije. Vse to je potrebno, saj zaradi vedno večjega odpiranja tujim trgom in povezovanja držav, poslovna pogajanja potekajo med pogajalci iz različnih kulturnih okolij, s specifičnim sistemom vrednot in pričakovanj. Te razlike v stališčih, prepričanju in percepciji so skupaj z mnogimi drugimi značilnostmi kulture temeljnega pomena za dobra mednarodna pogajanja in imajo velik vpliv na sam potek pogajanj. Poznavanje kulture nasprotne strani pomeni določeno prednost v pogajanjih, saj se z dobro pripravo na sama pogajanja skrajša čas pogajanj in hkrati pripomore k sklenitvi sporazuma, ki je za obe pogajalski strani najbolj zaželjen. Priprave na pogajanja s tujimi poslovnimi partnerji igrajo pomembno vlogo, kajti pri sami pripravi pogajanj izkušen pogajalec dobro spozna kulturo pogajalskega partnerja, strategijo pozna, stil, nebesedno komunikacijo in ostale dejavnike, ki vplivajo na potek in rezultat pogajanj. Neizkušeni pogajalci pogosto delajo omenjene napake, popolnoma ignorirajo kulturne razlike nasprotne strani itn. V magistrski nalogi smo želeli na konkretnem primeru pokazati, kakšne so razlike med slovenskimi in ruskimi pogajalci, kakšna je razlika v pogajalskem stilu in slogu, pogajalski strategiji, poslovnih običajih in poslovnem bontonu. Leta 2007 je namreč rusko podjetje KOKS postalo večinski lastnik Metala Ravne kot tudi večinski lastnik Slovenske industrije jekla. Kot večinski lastniki podjetja Metal Rusi odločajo o vlaganju v investicije. In prav to področje je temeljno pri pogajalski dejavnosti podjetja. Ob obravnavi problematike v podjetju Metal smo ugotovili, da so pogajanja podjetja Metal z ruskimi partnerji še v povojih. ; Master's thesis deals with the issue of business negotiations in the company Metal Ravne, d.o.o., concentrating on negotiations between the Slovenian and Russian business partners. Negotiations are an important element of business activity and a specific activity of managers in organisations. They are a multi-way process of communication for a coordination of different interests, in which several participants interact in the formation of joint decisions. Successful negotiations coordinate interests and manage conflicts between participants, which may be internal or external. Conflicts in negotiations are the driving power of progress while adjusted interests as a result of negotiations are the precondition for a successful organisation. On the other side, unadjusted interests may deteriorate into detrimental misunderstandings and disputes which is of no use to anyone. A negotiator is not born. It takes many years of experience to develop the skills necessary to become a successful negotiator. This eventually also brings experience in the way how we prepare ourseself best for negotiations, in the way how we communicate and how we prepare our strategy. All this is necessary as - due to an increasing opening of foreign markets and bonding among countries - business negotiations run between negotiatiors from a different cultural background, each with a specific system of values and expectations. These differences in attitudes, beliefs and perceptions, along with many other characteristics of culture, are essential for successful international negotiations and they have a major influence on the negotiation process itself. Knowing the culture of the opposite negotiating partner represents a certain advantage since good preparations for the negotiation itself reduce the time of negotiations, simultaneously contributing to the conclusion of the agreement most desired by both negotiating partners. Preparations for negotiations with foreign business partners play an important role since – already before negotiations - an experienced negotiator learns the culture of the opposite negotiating partner, his strategy, style, non-verbal communication and other factors which have influence on the course and on the outcome of negotiations. Inexperienced negotiators often make mistakes, completely ignoring cultural differences of the opposite partner and similar. This Master's thesis concentrates on revealing differences between the Slovenian and Russian negotiators, on differences in their negotiation style, strategies, business practices and business etiquette. In 2007, the Russian company KOKS became the majority owner of Metal Ravne, d.o.o. and also the majority owner of the Slovenian Steel Group, d.d. In this capacity, the Russians now make decisions on investments. And this is exactly the area which is essential in the negotiatiation business of the company. When analysing this issue in the company Metal Ravne, d.o.o., it was established that negotiations between Metal Ravne, d.o.o. and the Russian partners are still in the early stages of development

Temporary or permanent, local or international, voluntary or forced, legal or illegal, registered or unregistered migrations of individuals, whole communities or individual groups are an important factor in constructing and modifying (modern) societies. The extent of international migrations is truly immense. At the time of the preparation of this publication more than 200 million people have been involved in migrations in a single year according to the United Nations. Furthermore, three times more wish to migrate, mostly from sub-Saharan Africa towards some of the most economically developed areas of the world according to the estimates by the Gallup Institute (Esipova, 2011). Some authors, although aware that it is not a new phenomenon, talk about the era of migration (Castles, Miller, 2009) or the globalization of migration (Friedman, 2004). The global dimensions of migration are definitely influenced also by the increasingly visible features of modern societies like constantly changing conditions, instability, fluidity, uncertainty etc. (Beck, 2009; Bauman, 2002).The extent, direction, type of migrations and their consequences are affected by many social and natural factors in the areas of emigration and immigration. In addition, researchers from many scientific disciplines who study migrations have raised a wide range of research questions (Boyle, 2009, 96), use a variety of methodological approaches and look for different interpretations in various spatial, temporal and contextual frameworks. The migrations are a complex, multi-layered, variable, contextual process that takes place at several levels. Because of this, research on migrations has become an increasingly interdisciplinary field, since the topics and problems are so complex that they cannot be grasped solely and exclusively from the perspective of a single discipline or theory. Therefore, we are witnessing a profusion of different "faces of migration", which is reflected and at the same time also contributed to by this thematic issue of the journal Ars & Humanitas.While mobility or migration are not new phenomena, as people have moved and migrated throughout the history of mankind, only recently, in the last few decades, has theoretical and research focus on them intensified considerably. In the last two decades a number of research projects, university programs and courses, research institutes, scientific conferences, seminars, magazines, books and other publications, involving research, academia as well as politics and various civil society organizations have emerged. This shows the recent exceptional interest in the issue of migration, both in terms of knowledge of the processes involved, their mapping in the history of mankind, as well as the theoretical development of migration studies and daily management of this politically sensitive issue.Migration affects many entities on many different levels: the individuals, their families and entire communities at the local level in the emigrant societies as well as in the receiving societies. The migration is changing not only the lives of individuals but whole communities and societies, as well as social relations; it is also shifting the cultural patterns and bringing important social transformations (Castles 2010). This of course raises a number of questions, problems and issues ranging from human rights violations to literary achievements. Some of these are addressed by the authors in this thematic issue.The title "Many faces of migration", connecting contributions in this special issue, is borrowed from the already mentioned Gallup Institute's report on global migration (Esipova, 2011). The guiding principle in the selection of the contributions has been their diversity, reflected also in the list of disciplines represented by the authors: sociology, geography, ethnology and cultural anthropology, history, art history, modern Mediterranean studies, gender studies and media studies. Such an approach necessarily leads not only to a diverse, but at least seemingly also incompatible, perhaps even opposing views "on a given topic. However, we did not want to silence the voices of "other" disciplines, but within the reviewing procedures actually invited scientists from the fields represented by the contributors to this volume. The wealth of the selected contributions lies therefore not only in their coherence and complementarity, but also in the diversity of views, stories and interpretations.The paper of Zora Žbontar deals with the attitudes towards foreigners in ancient Greece, where the hospitality to strangers was considered so worthy a virtue that everyone was expected to "demonstrate hospitality and protection to any foreigner who has knocked on their door". The contrast between the hospitality of ancient Greece and the modern emergence of xenophobia and ways of dealing with migration issues in economically developed countries is especially challenging. "In an open gesture of hospitality to strangers the ancient Greeks showed their civilization".Although the aforementioned research by the United Nations and Gallup Institute support some traditional stereotypes of the main global flows of migrants, and the areas about which the potential migrants "dream", Bojan Baskar stresses the coexistence of different migratory desires, migration flows and their interpretations. In his paper he specifically focuses on overcoming and relativising stereotypes as well as theories of immobile and non-enterprising (Alpine) mountain populations and migrations.The different strategies of the crossing borders adopted by migrant women are studied by Mirjana Morokvasic. She marks them as true social innovators, inventing different ways of transnational life resulting in a bottom-up contribution to the integrative processes across Europe. Some of their innovations go as far as to shift diverse real and symbolic boundaries of belonging to a nation, gender, profession.Elaine Burroughs and Zoë O'Reilly highlight the close relations between the otherwise well-established terminology used in statistics and science to label immigrants in Ireland and elsewhere in EU, and the negative representations of certain types of migrants in politics and the public. The discussion focusses particularly on asylum seekers and illegal immigrants who come from outside the EU. The use of language can quickly become a political means of exclusion, therefore the authors propose the development and use of more considerate and balanced migration terminology.Damir Josipovič proposes a change of the focal point for identifying and interpreting the well-studied migrations in the former Yugoslavia. The author suggests changing the dualistic view of these migrations to an integrated, holistic view. Instead of a simplified understanding of these migrations as either international or domestic, voluntary or forced, he proposes a concept of pseudo-voluntary migrations.Maja Korać-Sanderson's contribution highlights an interesting phenomenon in the shift in the traditional patterns of gender roles. The conclusions are derived from the study of the family life of Chinese traders in transitional Serbia. While many studies suggest that child care in recent decades in immigrant societies is generally performed by immigrants, her study reveals that in Serbia, the Chinese merchants entrust the care of their children mostly to local middle class women. The author finds this switch of roles in the "division of labour" in the child care favourable for both parties involved.Francesco Della Puppa focuses on a specific part of the mosaic of contemporary migrations in the Mediterranean: the Bangladeshi immigrant community in the highly industrialized North East of Italy. The results of his in-depth qualitative study reveal the factors that shape this segment of the Bangladeshi diaspora, the experiences of migrants and the effects of migration on their social and biographical trajectories.John A. Schembri and Maria Attard present a snippet of a more typical Mediterranean migration process - immigration to Malta. The authors highlight the reduction in migration between Malta and the United Kingdom, while there is an increase in immigration to Malta from the rest of Europe and sub-Saharan Africa. Amongst the various impacts of immigration to Malta the extraordinary concentration of immigrant populations is emphasized, since the population density of Malta far exceeds that of nearly all other European countries.Miha Kozorog studies the link between migration and constructing their places of their origin. On the basis of Ardener's theory the author expresses "remoteness" of the emigratory Slavia Friulana in terms of topology, in relation to other places, rather than in topography. "Remoteness" is formed in relation to the "outside world", to those who speak of "remote areas" from the privileged centres. The example of an artistic event, which organizers aim "to open a place like this to the outside world", "to encourage the production of more cosmopolitan place", shows only the temporary effect of such event on the reduction of the "remoteness".Jani Kozina presents a study of the basic temporal and spatial characteristics of migration "of people in creative occupations" in Slovenia. The definition of this specific segment of the population and approach to study its migrations are principally based on the work of Richard Florida. The author observes that people with creative occupations in Slovenia are very immobile and in this respect quite similar to other professional groups in Slovenia, but also to the people in creative professions in the Southern and Eastern Europe, which are considered to be among the least mobile in Europe. Detailed analyses show that the people in creative occupations from the more developed regions generally migrate more intensely and are also more willing to relocate.Mojca Pajnik and Veronika Bajt study the experiences of migrant women with the access to the labour market in Slovenia. Existing laws and policies push the migrants into a position where, if they want to get to work, have to accept less demanding work. In doing so, the migrant women are targets of stereotyped reactions and practices of discrimination on the basis of sex, age, attributed ethnic and religious affiliation, or some other circumstances, particularly the fact of being migrants. At the same time the latter results in the absence of any protection from the state.Migration studies often assume that the target countries are "modern" and countries of origin "traditional". Anıl Al- Rebholz argues that such a dichotomous conceptualization of modern and traditional further promotes stereotypical, essentialist and homogenizing images of Muslim women in the "western world". On the basis of biographical narratives of young Kurdish and Moroccan women as well as the relationships between mothers and daughters, the author illustrates a variety of strategies of empowerment of young women in the context of transnational migration.A specific face of migration is highlighted in the text of Svenka Savić, namely the face of artistic migration between Slovenia and Serbia after the Second World War. The author explains how more than thirty artists from Slovenia, with their pioneering work in three ensembles (opera, ballet and theatre), significantly contributed to the development of the performing arts in the Serbian National Theatre in Novi Sad.We believe that in the present thematic issue we have succeeded in capturing an important part of the modern European research dynamic in the field of migration. In addition to well-known scholars in this field several young authors at the beginning their research careers have been shortlisted for the publication. We are glad of their success as it bodes a vibrancy of this research area in the future. At the same time, we were pleased to receive responses to the invitation from representatives of so many disciplines, and that the number of papers received significantly exceeded the maximum volume of the journal. Recognising and understanding of the many faces of migration are important steps towards the comprehensive knowledge needed to successfully meet the challenges of migration issues today and even more so in the future. It is therefore of utmost importance that researchers find ways of transferring their academic knowledge into practice – to all levels of education, the media, the wider public and, of course, the decision makers in local, national and international institutions. The call also applies to all authors in this issue of the journal. ; Začasne ali stalne, lokalne ali mednarodne, prostovoljne ali prisilne, legalne ali ilegalne, registrirane ali neregistrirane migracije posameznic in posameznikov, celih družbenih skupnosti ali posameznih skupin predstavljajo pomemben dejavnik v konstruiranju in spreminjanju (sodobnih) družb. Razsežnosti mednarodnih migracij so resnično ogromne, saj je bilo vanje v času nastajanja te publikacije po ocenah Združenih narodov v enem letu vključenih več kot 200 milijonov ljudi. Po ocenah Gallupovega inštituta pa se jih še trikrat toliko želi preseliti, največ iz podsaharske Afrike ter proti nekaterim gospodarsko najbolj razvitim območjem sveta (Esipova, 2011). Nekateri avtorji zato, čeprav ob zavedanju, da ne gre za nov fenomen, govorijo o dobi migracij (Castles, Miller, 2009) ali o globalizaciji migracij (Friedman, 2004). Zagotovo je na globalne razsežnosti migracij vplivalo tudi to, da so vse bolj vidne značilnosti sodobnih družb nenehno spreminjanje razmer, nestabilnost, fluidnost, negotovost ipd. (Beck, 2009; Bauman, 2002).Na obseg, smeri in vrste migracij ter na njihove posledice vplivajo številni družbeni in naravni dejavniki, tako na območjih odseljevanja kot tudi na območjih priselitev. Poleg tega si raziskovalke in raziskovalci iz številnih znanstvenih disciplin, ki proučujejo migracije, v raziskavah zastavljajo »neverjetno raznovrstna« vprašanja (Boyle, 2009, 96), uporabljajo različne metodološke pristope in iščejo različne interpretacije, in sicer v različnih prostorskih, časovnih in vsebinskih okvirih. Vse bolj prihaja do izraza, da so migracije kompleksen, večplasten, spremenljiv in kontekstualen proces, ki poteka na več ravneh. Prav zaradi tega spoznanja je raziskovanje migracij postajalo vse bolj interdisciplinarno polje, saj so teme in problemi tako kompleksni, da jih ni mogoče zagrabiti zgolj in izključno iz perspektive ene same znanosti ali teorije. Zato smo priča pravemu bogastvu »obrazov migracij«, ki ga odraža ter obenem k njemu tudi prispeva pričujoča tematska številka revije Ars & Humanitas.Čeprav mobilnost oziroma migracije niso nov pojav, saj so se ljudje selili in preseljevali skozi celotno zgodovino človeštva, pa se šele v zadnjem času, v zadnjih nekaj desetletjih, z njimi resno teoretsko in raziskovalno ukvarjamo. V zadnjih dveh desetletjih so se pojavili številni raziskovalni projekti, univerzitetni programi in predmeti, raziskovalni inštituti, znanstvene konference, posveti, revije, knjige in druge publikacije, pri katerih sodelujejo tako raziskovalna in akademska sfera kot tudi politika in različne civilnodružbene organizacije. To priča o v zadnjem času izjemnem zanimanju za vprašanje migracij, tako kar zadeva poznavanje samih procesov in njihovo mapiranje v zgodovini človeštva kot tudi teoretski razvoj migracijskih študij in vsakodnevno urejanje tega politično občutljivega vprašanja.Migracije zadevajo številne subjekte na številnih ravneh: posameznice in posameznike, njihove družine ter celotne skupnosti tako na lokalni ravni v družbi emigracije kakor tudi na vseh teh ravneh v imigrantski družbi. Z migracijami se spreminjajo ne samo življenja posameznikov in posameznic, ampak se spreminjajo celotne skupnosti oziroma družbe in družbeni odnosi, zamikajo se kulturni vzorci, prihaja do pomembnih družbenih transformacij (Castles, 2010). Ob tem se seveda odpirajo številne teme, problemi in vprašanja, ki se gibljejo v širokem razponu od kršenja človekovih pravic do literarnih presežkov. Nekaterih od njih se dotikajo tudi prispevki v pričujoči tematski številki.Povezovalni naslov prispevkov v tej tematski številki revije, »Številni obrazi migracij«, smo si sposodili iz že omenjenega poročila Gallupovega inštituta o globalnih selitvah (Esipova, 2011). Temeljno vsebinsko vodilo pri izbiri prispevkov je bila raznovrstnost, kar nakazuje tudi pregled znanstvenih disciplin, iz katerih prihajajo avtorji: sociologija, geografija, etnologija in kulturna antropologija, zgodovina, umetnostna zgodovina, sodobne sredozemske študije, študiji spola in medijski študiji. Tak pristop nujno pripelje ne le do raznolikih, ampak tudi do vsaj navidezno neskladnih, morda celo nasprotnih pogledov na obravnavane tematike. Vendar nismo želeli utišati glasov iz »drugih« znanstvenih disciplin, temveč smo raje v recenzentske postopke povabili znanstvenike s področij, s katerih so tudi avtorji. Bogastvo zbranih prispevkov torej ni v njihovi medsebojni skladnosti in potrjevanju, temveč prav v mnogoterosti pogledov, zgodb in interpretacij.Prispevek Zore Žbontar obravnava odnos do tujcev v antični Grčiji, kjer je bilo gostoljubje do tujcev tako častivredna vrlina, da je vsak moral »izkazati gostoljubje in zaščititi kateregakoli tujca, ki je potrkal na vrata«. Zlasti je izzivalen kontrast med gostoljubjem v antični Grčiji in sodobnim pojavljanjem ksenofobije ter načini soočanja z migracijsko problematiko v gospodarsko razvitih državah. »Antični Grki so v odprti gesti gostoljubja do tujcev prepoznali svojo civiliziranost.«Čeprav omenjene raziskave Združenih narodov in Gallupovega inštituta podpirajo nekatere uveljavljene stereotipe o glavnih globalnih tokovih migrantov ter o območjih, o katerih »sanjajo« potencialni migranti, Bojan Baskar opozarja na sočasen obstoj tudi drugačnih migracijskih želja, tokov migracij in njihovih interpretacij. Posebej se osredotoči na preseganje in relativizacijo stereotipov in teorij o nemobilnem in nepodjetnem (alpskem) hribovskem prebivalstvu in migracijah.O tem, kako različne strategije pri prehajanju, prestopanju in prečkanju meja razvijejo migrantke, piše Mirjana Morokvasic. Označi jih kot prave socialne inovatorke, ki izumijo različne načine transnacionalnega življenja in tako od spodaj navzgor prispevajo k integrativnim procesom po vsej Evropi. V svoji inovativnosti gredo nekatere tako daleč, da premikajo različne, tako realne kot simbolne meje pripadanja naciji, spolu in poklicu.Elaine Burroughs in Zoë O'Reilly izpostavita tesno povezanost med sicer uveljavljeno terminologijo, s katero v statistiki in tudi znanosti označujejo imigrante na Irskem in širše v EU, ter negativnimi reprezentacijami nekaterih tipov migrantov v politiki in javnosti. Razpravo navežeta zlasti na iskalce azila in nezakonite priseljence, ki pridejo iz držav zunaj EU. Raba jezika lahko hitro postane politični način izključevanja, zato predlagata razvoj in uporabo obzirnejše in pravičnejše migracijske terminologije.Za spremembo izhodišča opredeljevanja in interpretacije sicer dobro proučenih selitev v nekdanji Jugoslaviji se zavzame Damir Josipovič. Predlaga zamenjavo dualističnega pogleda na te migracije s celostnim. Namesto njihovega poenostavljenega razumevanja kot mednarodnih in notranjih ali prostovoljnih in prisilnih migracij pa se zavzema za koncept psevdoprostovoljnih migracij.Na zanimiv fenomen zamikanja ustaljenih vzorcev spolnih vlog opozori tekst Maje Korać-Sanderson, katere zaključki izhajajo iz študije družinskega življenja kitajskih trgovcev v tranzicijski Srbiji. Medtem ko številne študije ugotavljajo, da skrbstveno delo v zadnjih desetletjih v imigrantskih družbah v glavnem opravljajo migrantke, njena študija ugotavlja, da v Srbiji kitajske trgovke skrb za svoje otroke večinoma zaupajo lokalnim ženskam srednjega razreda. Ta obrat vlog pri »delitvi dela« v skrbstveni sferi, ugotavlja avtorica, je v prid obema vpletenima stranema.Specifičen del mozaika sodobnih migracij v Sredozemlju, bangladeške skupnosti imigrantov na visoko industrializiranem severovzhodu Italije, razkriva Francesco Della Puppa. Izsledki poglobljenega kvalitativnega proučevanja odstirajo dejavnike, ki oblikujejo ta segment bangladeške diaspore, izkušnje migrantov ter učinke selitve na njihove družbene in biografske trajektorije.Izsek iz bolj tipičnih sredozemskih migracijskih procesov na primeru priseljevanja na Malto predstavita John A. Schembri in Maria Attard. Ugotavljata zmanjševanje števila selitev med Malto in Veliko Britanijo ob hkratnem povečevanju priseljevanja iz ostalih držav Evrope in podsaharske Afrike. Med učinki priseljevanja na Malto izpostavita izredno zgoščenost priseljenega prebivalstva, ki presega gostote celotnih prebivalstev v nekaterih evropskih državah.Miha Kozorog obravnava povezavo med migracijami in konstruiranjem krajev, iz katerih te migracije izvirajo. S pomočjo Ardenerjeve teorije »odročnost« izrazito emigracijske Benečije izrazi ne toliko v topografskem kot v topološkem smislu, v razmerju do drugih krajev. »Odročnost« nastaja v razmerju z »zunanjim svetom«, s tistimi, ki govorijo o »odročnih krajih« iz privilegiranih središč. Na primeru umetniškega dogodka, s katerim želijo organizatorji »odpreti tak kraj zunanjemu svetu« in »spodbuditi produkcijo bolj svetovljanskega kraja«, pokaže zgolj začasnost učinka tega dogodka na zmanjšanje »odročnosti«.O temeljnih časovnih in prostorskih značilnostih selitev »prebivalcev z ustvarjalnim poklicem« v Sloveniji piše Jani Kozina. Pri opredeljevanju tega specifičnega dela prebivalstva in pristopa k proučevanju njegovega migriranja se opre zlasti na dela Richarda Floride. Ugotavlja, da so prebivalci z ustvarjalnim poklicem v Sloveniji prostorsko zelo nemobilni in po tem kriteriju precej podobni ostalim poklicnim skupinam v Sloveniji, obenem pa tudi prebivalcem z ustvarjalnimi poklici v južni in vzhodni Evropi, za katere velja, da so med najmanj mobilnimi v Evropi. Podrobnejše analize pokažejo, da se ustvarjalci bolj razvitih regij načeloma intenzivneje selijo in so tudi v večji meri pripravljeni na selitev.O izkušnjah migrantk pri dostopu do trga delovne sile v Sloveniji govori članek Mojce Pajnik in Veronike Bajt. Obstoječa zakonodaja in posamezne politike namreč migrantke potiskajo v položaj, ko, če hočejo priti do zaposlitve, pristajajo na manj zahtevna dela. Pri tem so tarče stereotipnih reakcij in praks diskriminiranja tako na podlagi spola kot tudi starosti, pripisane etnične in religiozne pripadnosti ali kakšne druge okoliščine, še posebej dejstva, da so migrantke. Obenem pa prav zadnje vpliva na to, da s strani države niso deležne nikakršne zaščite.Migracijske študije pogosto domnevajo, da so ciljne države »moderne«, države izvora pa »tradicionalne«. Razprava Anıl Al-Rebholz ugotavlja, da takšna dihotomija pojmovanja modernega in tradicionalnega dodatno spodbuja stereotipne, esencialistične in homogenizirajoče predstave o muslimanskih ženskah v »zahodnem svetu«. Na podlagi biografskih pripovedi mlade Maročanke in Kurdinje ter razmerij med materami in hčerami prikaže raznolike strategije opolnomočenja mladih žensk v transnacionalnem migracijskem kontekstu.Specifični obraz migracij prinaša tekst Svenke Savić, namreč obraz umetniških migracij med Slovenijo in Srbijo po drugi svetovni vojni. Avtorica v njem ugotavlja, da je v treh ansamblih (opernem, gledališkem in baletnem) več kot trideset umetnic in umetnikov iz Slovenije s svojim pionirskim delom pomembno zaznamovalo razvoj gledališke umetnosti v Srbskem narodnem gledališču v Novem Sadu.Verjamemo, da nam je uspelo v pričujočo tematsko številko ujeti pomemben del sodobnega evropskega raziskovalskega utripa s področja migracij. Poleg uveljavljenih znanstvenikov s tega področja se je v ožji izbor prispevkov uvrstilo tudi več mladih avtoric in avtorjev, ki začenjajo raziskovalne kariere. Njihov uspeh nas veseli, saj obeta živahnost tega raziskovalnega področja tudi v bodoče. Obenem nas veseli, da so se vabilu odzvali predstavniki tako številnih znanstvenih disciplin ter da je število prispevkov, ki smo jih prejeli, znatno presegalo največji možni obseg revije. Spoznavanje in razumevanje številnih obrazov migracij sta pomembna koraka proti celovitemu znanju, potrebnemu za uspešno soočanje z izzivi migracijske problematike danes in, kot kaže, še posebej v prihodnosti. Zato je izjemnega pomena, da raziskovalci najdemo načine prenosa svojih znanstvenih spoznanj v prakso – na vse ravni izobraževanja, v medije, širše strokovne javnosti ter seveda tudi odločevalcem v lokalnih, državnih in mednarodnih ustanovah. Poziv velja tudi vsem avtorjem prispevkov v tej številke revije.

У теорији постоји сагласност да тероризам представља политички мотивисано насиље и да у том смислу представља један од облика насилне политичке борбе. Специфична разлика тероризма у односу на друге облике политичког насиља је примарна усмереност ка стварању, одржавању и експлоатацији страха ради застрашивања противника и јачања подршке међу присталицама. Суштинска одступања од теоријских и правних критеријума при одређивању тероризма постоје у пракси Савета безбедности. Општа оцена деловања Савета безбедности приликом доношења резолуција о тероризму јесте да прати владајући политички дискурс у коме су најпре државе биле одговорне за тероризам, да би потом "слабе", "неодговорне" и "репресивне" државе биле одговорне за омогућавање деловања међународних терористичких организација на својој територији. Савет безбедности усвајао је резолуције у којима је терористичке акте одређивао спрам природе акта, али и спрам извршиоца чиме су сви акти претходно одређене терористичке организације квалификовани као терористички акти. Истраживањем је утврђено и да је приликом усвајања појединих резолуција политичка сврсисходност утицала да се истоврсна понашања не квалификују увек као терористички акти. На основу изведених закључака утврђено је да сложеност борбе против тероризма представља последицу првенства политичке сврсисходности при квалификовању акта насиља као терористичког акта, а не због тешкоћа у дефинисању тероризма. Промене у концепцији тероризма у резолуцијама Савета безбедности и њихова усклађеност са владајућим јавним дискурсом одвијају се истовремено са настојањем САД и других западних држава да преобликују међународну заједницу и успоставе нови светски поредак. У таквим околностима тероризам почиње да егзистира као офанзивно политичко средство хибридног ратовања, при чему се негативна конотација тероризма експлоатише на два начина. Прво, тероризам постаје политичка оцена нечијег деловања без обзира на природу тако означене активности. Друго, тероризам се употребљава као насилно политичко средство које, у зависности од интереса онога ко цени одређено понашање, неће у свакој ситуацији бити означено као тероризам, већ понекад и као легитиман облик политичке акције. Офанзивни карактер одлуке истовремено води занемаривању научних критеријума у корист политичке сврсисходности при квалификацији неког понашања као терористичког акта. Доминација политичког критеријума при квалификовању терористичког акта утиче на инструментализацију тероризма и његово претварање у ефикасно средство хибридног ратовања. Садржај хибридног ратовања није последица неограниченог избора средстава односно оружја нити њихове софистицираности, већ способности безбедносног менаџмента да у свакој конкретној ситуацији независно од организационог нивоа примени такву комбинацију различитих, али међусобно компатибилних појединачних начина ратовања којом се остварује синергијски ефекат ради реализације претходно постављеног циља. Управо због тога тероризам као облик сложеног политичког насиља постаје предмет експлоатације у сврху хибридног ратовања. На основу резултата истраживања описана су три модела експлотације тероризма у сврху хибридног ратовања. Први модел експлоатације тероризма изведен је из политичке праксе САД да државе за које САД сматрају да користе тероризам као политичко средство ставе на Листу спонзора тероризма. Имајући у виду политички и сваки други утицај који САД имају, овакава пракса и њене последице формално или неформално су прихваћене широм света. Основне последице стављања на Листу спонзора тероризма су санкције, дискредитација у међународној јавности и легитимисање мера против таквих држава, док се у исто време таквом праксом врши притисак на државе које нису на Листи да ускладе своју политику са интересима великих сила. Други модел експлоатације тероризма у сврху хибридног ратовања манифестује се кроз организовање, финансирање, опремање, обуку и усмеравање сурогат снага против влада држава са којима није остварена компатибилност интереса, при чему су сурогат снаге представљене у јавном дискурсу као борци за слободу. Предмет експлоатације у Другом моделу јесте насиље које испуњава теоријске критеријуме да буде означено као тероризам, али је због политичке сврсисходности квалификовано као борба за слободу, отпор против угњетавања и сл. Експлоатација насиља у Другом моделу врши се у циљу промене носилаца политичке власти, стварање аутономних регија односно држава које би биле кооперативне са политиком државе која примењује Други модел или као део шире стратегије управљања безбедносним процесима. Трећи модел експлоатације тероризма у сврху хибридног ратовања подразумева организовање и управљање сурогат снагама које су квалификоване као терористичке организације или се врши инфилтрација појединаца у изворне и самосталне народне побуне ради преузимања руководећих места и управљања њиховим деловањем у складу са интересима државе која предузима Трећи модел. Предмет експлоатације у Трећем моделу јесте насиље које је квалификовано као тероризам, при чему је циљ експлоатације вишеструк: 1. Путем насиља и страха који настаје као последица вршења терористичких аката управља се безбедносном ситуацијом у држави која је мета агресије или у региону који је потребно политички и територијално контролисати, са или без физичког присуства оружаних снага државе која примењује Трећи модел; 2. Стварање страха код одређеног или унапред неодређеног броја држава од потенцијалних напада терористичких организација ради вршења латентног политичког притиска на државе да буде кооперативне, и 3. Стварање разлога за војну интервенцију ради присуства и политичке контроле одређене државе или региона. На основу претходно изнетих резултата истраживања изведен је закључак да први корак у спречавању експлоатације тероризма против наше државе представља отклањање или смањивање потенцијала за друштвене сукобе који настаје услед стварања или продубљивања друштвених противречности. Из тог разлога извршена је анализа нормативно – политичког и институционалног оквира у релевантним областима друштвеног живота. Истраживањем је утврђено да у Републици Србији постоји добар основ за ангажовање и интегрисање свих ресурса друштвене моћи на плану остваривања националне безбедности, али и да постоји потреба да се актуелни политички и безбедносни институционални оквир усклади са таквим могућностима. Као резултат истраживања предложене су три групе мера чија примена треба за резултат да има: отклањање и смањивање опасности од стварања потенцијала за друштвене сукобе; успостављање ефикасног и интегрисаног институционалног оквира за супротстављање политичком насиљу које евентуално проистекне из постојећих противречности и отклањање и смањивање штетних последица таквог политичког насиља. ; U teoriji postoji saglasnost da terorizam predstavlja politički motivisano nasilje i da u tom smislu predstavlja jedan od oblika nasilne političke borbe. Specifična razlika terorizma u odnosu na druge oblike političkog nasilja je primarna usmerenost ka stvaranju, održavanju i eksploataciji straha radi zastrašivanja protivnika i jačanja podrške među pristalicama. Suštinska odstupanja od teorijskih i pravnih kriterijuma pri određivanju terorizma postoje u praksi Saveta bezbednosti. Opšta ocena delovanja Saveta bezbednosti prilikom donošenja rezolucija o terorizmu jeste da prati vladajući politički diskurs u kome su najpre države bile odgovorne za terorizam, da bi potom "slabe", "neodgovorne" i "represivne" države bile odgovorne za omogućavanje delovanja međunarodnih terorističkih organizacija na svojoj teritoriji. Savet bezbednosti usvajao je rezolucije u kojima je terorističke akte određivao spram prirode akta, ali i spram izvršioca čime su svi akti prethodno određene terorističke organizacije kvalifikovani kao teroristički akti. Istraživanjem je utvrđeno i da je prilikom usvajanja pojedinih rezolucija politička svrsishodnost uticala da se istovrsna ponašanja ne kvalifikuju uvek kao teroristički akti. Na osnovu izvedenih zaključaka utvrđeno je da složenost borbe protiv terorizma predstavlja posledicu prvenstva političke svrsishodnosti pri kvalifikovanju akta nasilja kao terorističkog akta, a ne zbog teškoća u definisanju terorizma. Promene u koncepciji terorizma u rezolucijama Saveta bezbednosti i njihova usklađenost sa vladajućim javnim diskursom odvijaju se istovremeno sa nastojanjem SAD i drugih zapadnih država da preoblikuju međunarodnu zajednicu i uspostave novi svetski poredak. U takvim okolnostima terorizam počinje da egzistira kao ofanzivno političko sredstvo hibridnog ratovanja, pri čemu se negativna konotacija terorizma eksploatiše na dva načina. Prvo, terorizam postaje politička ocena nečijeg delovanja bez obzira na prirodu tako označene aktivnosti. Drugo, terorizam se upotrebljava kao nasilno političko sredstvo koje, u zavisnosti od interesa onoga ko ceni određeno ponašanje, neće u svakoj situaciji biti označeno kao terorizam, već ponekad i kao legitiman oblik političke akcije. Ofanzivni karakter odluke istovremeno vodi zanemarivanju naučnih kriterijuma u korist političke svrsishodnosti pri kvalifikaciji nekog ponašanja kao terorističkog akta. Dominacija političkog kriterijuma pri kvalifikovanju terorističkog akta utiče na instrumentalizaciju terorizma i njegovo pretvaranje u efikasno sredstvo hibridnog ratovanja. Sadržaj hibridnog ratovanja nije posledica neograničenog izbora sredstava odnosno oružja niti njihove sofisticiranosti, već sposobnosti bezbednosnog menadžmenta da u svakoj konkretnoj situaciji nezavisno od organizacionog nivoa primeni takvu kombinaciju različitih, ali međusobno kompatibilnih pojedinačnih načina ratovanja kojom se ostvaruje sinergijski efekat radi realizacije prethodno postavljenog cilja. Upravo zbog toga terorizam kao oblik složenog političkog nasilja postaje predmet eksploatacije u svrhu hibridnog ratovanja. Na osnovu rezultata istraživanja opisana su tri modela eksplotacije terorizma u svrhu hibridnog ratovanja. Prvi model eksploatacije terorizma izveden je iz političke prakse SAD da države za koje SAD smatraju da koriste terorizam kao političko sredstvo stave na Listu sponzora terorizma. Imajući u vidu politički i svaki drugi uticaj koji SAD imaju, ovakava praksa i njene posledice formalno ili neformalno su prihvaćene širom sveta. Osnovne posledice stavljanja na Listu sponzora terorizma su sankcije, diskreditacija u međunarodnoj javnosti i legitimisanje mera protiv takvih država, dok se u isto vreme takvom praksom vrši pritisak na države koje nisu na Listi da usklade svoju politiku sa interesima velikih sila. Drugi model eksploatacije terorizma u svrhu hibridnog ratovanja manifestuje se kroz organizovanje, finansiranje, opremanje, obuku i usmeravanje surogat snaga protiv vlada država sa kojima nije ostvarena kompatibilnost interesa, pri čemu su surogat snage predstavljene u javnom diskursu kao borci za slobodu. Predmet eksploatacije u Drugom modelu jeste nasilje koje ispunjava teorijske kriterijume da bude označeno kao terorizam, ali je zbog političke svrsishodnosti kvalifikovano kao borba za slobodu, otpor protiv ugnjetavanja i sl. Eksploatacija nasilja u Drugom modelu vrši se u cilju promene nosilaca političke vlasti, stvaranje autonomnih regija odnosno država koje bi bile kooperativne sa politikom države koja primenjuje Drugi model ili kao deo šire strategije upravljanja bezbednosnim procesima. Treći model eksploatacije terorizma u svrhu hibridnog ratovanja podrazumeva organizovanje i upravljanje surogat snagama koje su kvalifikovane kao terorističke organizacije ili se vrši infiltracija pojedinaca u izvorne i samostalne narodne pobune radi preuzimanja rukovodećih mesta i upravljanja njihovim delovanjem u skladu sa interesima države koja preduzima Treći model. Predmet eksploatacije u Trećem modelu jeste nasilje koje je kvalifikovano kao terorizam, pri čemu je cilj eksploatacije višestruk: 1. Putem nasilja i straha koji nastaje kao posledica vršenja terorističkih akata upravlja se bezbednosnom situacijom u državi koja je meta agresije ili u regionu koji je potrebno politički i teritorijalno kontrolisati, sa ili bez fizičkog prisustva oružanih snaga države koja primenjuje Treći model; 2. Stvaranje straha kod određenog ili unapred neodređenog broja država od potencijalnih napada terorističkih organizacija radi vršenja latentnog političkog pritiska na države da bude kooperativne, i 3. Stvaranje razloga za vojnu intervenciju radi prisustva i političke kontrole određene države ili regiona. Na osnovu prethodno iznetih rezultata istraživanja izveden je zaključak da prvi korak u sprečavanju eksploatacije terorizma protiv naše države predstavlja otklanjanje ili smanjivanje potencijala za društvene sukobe koji nastaje usled stvaranja ili produbljivanja društvenih protivrečnosti. Iz tog razloga izvršena je analiza normativno – političkog i institucionalnog okvira u relevantnim oblastima društvenog života. Istraživanjem je utvrđeno da u Republici Srbiji postoji dobar osnov za angažovanje i integrisanje svih resursa društvene moći na planu ostvarivanja nacionalne bezbednosti, ali i da postoji potreba da se aktuelni politički i bezbednosni institucionalni okvir uskladi sa takvim mogućnostima. Kao rezultat istraživanja predložene su tri grupe mera čija primena treba za rezultat da ima: otklanjanje i smanjivanje opasnosti od stvaranja potencijala za društvene sukobe; uspostavljanje efikasnog i integrisanog institucionalnog okvira za suprotstavljanje političkom nasilju koje eventualno proistekne iz postojećih protivrečnosti i otklanjanje i smanjivanje štetnih posledica takvog političkog nasilja. ; There is a consensus in security studies that terrorism is a politically motivated violence and, therefore, it represents one of the forms of violent political struggle. What distinguishes terrorism from other forms of political violence is its primary focus on creating, maintaining and exploiting fear in order to intimidate opponents and strengthen support among allies. Fundamental deviations from theoretical and legal criteria in determination of terrorism are identified in the pratice of the Security Council. The general assessment of the Security Council's actions related to terrorism is that the Council has been following the prevailing political discourse in which, initially, states in their entirety were responsible for terrorism, and later the blame was put on "weak", "irresponsible" and "repressive" states for enabling international terrorist organizations to operate on their territories. The Security Council passed resolutions in which it classified terrorist acts according to the nature of the act but also to the nature of the perpetrator, which resulted in treating all acts of a previously designated terrorist organization as terrorist acts. The research also determined that during the adoption of certain resolutions, political expediency influenced the fact that similar behaviors do not always qualify as terrorist acts. Based on the previously derived conclusions, it could be said that the complexity of fight against terrorism is a consequence of the primacy of the political criterion in designation of an act of violence as a terrorist act, and not because of the difficulties in defining the notion of terrorism. Changes in the concept of terrorism in the Security Council Resolutions and their harmonization with the prevailing public discourse coincides with the efforts of the United States and other Western countries to reshape the international community and establish a new world order. In such circumstances, terrorism becomes an offensive political tool of hybrid warfare, with the negative connotation of terrorism being exploited in two ways. First, terrorism has become a political assessment of one's actions, regardless of the nature of the such activities. Second, terrorism has become a violent political tool which, depending on the interests of those in the position to evaluate certain behaviors, will not be labeled as terrorism in each situation, but rather as a legitimate form of political action at times. Offensive character of the decision leads to the neglect of scientific criteria in favor of political expediency in the process of terrorist act designation. Dominance of the political criterion in designation of a terrorist act influences the instrumentalisation of terrorism and its transformation into an effective means of hybrid warfare. Content of hybrid warfare is not a consequence of an unlimited variety of weapons used, nor their sophistication, but the ability of security management to apply such combinations of different, yet mutually compatible types of warfare in order to achieve a previously determined aim. These are reasons why terrorism, as a form of complex political violence, is exploited in hybrid warfare. Based on the results of the research, three models of exploitation of terrorism for the purposes of hybrid warfare are described. The First Model of exploitation is derived from the political practice of the United States to put countries on the U.S list of state sponsors of terrorism. In accordance with the political and any other influence that the United States has, this practice and its consequences are formally or informally accepted around the world. The main consequences of being placed on the List are sanctions, discredit on the international level and legitimization of measures against such states, while at the same time putting pressure on countries that are not on the List to harmonize their policies with the interests of great powers. The Second Model of exploitation of terrorism for the purpose of hybrid warfare consists of organizing, financing, equipping, training and directing surrogate forces against the governments of countries with whom compatibility of interests has not been achieved, where surrogate forces are presented in the public discourse as freedom fighters. The subject of exploitation in the Second Model is violence that meets the theoretical criteria to be designated as terrorism. However, due to its political expediency it is qualified as a fight for freedom, resistance against oppression etc. The exploitation of violence used in the second model is done with the intention of shifting political power in order to create autonomous regions or states that would be cooperative with the policy of the state that applies the Second Model or as a part of a broader strategy for managing security processes. The Third Model of exploitation of terrorism for the purposes of hybrid warfare implies organization and managing of surrogate forces that are qualified as terrorist organizations or infiltrating individuals into original and independent popular uprisings in order to take leadership positions and manage their actions in accordance with the interests of the state which apply the Third Model. The subject of exploitation in the Third Model is violence that is qualified as terrorism, with multiple goals: 1. Violence and fear that arises as a result of terrorist acts allows crisis management in the country targeted by aggression or in the region in need of political and territorial control, with or without the physical presence of the armed forces of the State applying the Third Model; 2. Creating fear of potential terrorist attacks in order to exert latent political pressure on states to be cooperative, and 3. Creating reasons for a military intervention which results in physical presence and political control of a certain state or region. Based on the previously presented research results, it may be concluded that the first step to prevent terrorist exploitation against our country should be to eliminate or reduce the potential for social conflicts driven by social contradictions. For this reason, an analysis of the normative - political and institutional framework in the relevant areas of social life was conducted. The research has determined that in the Republic of Serbia there is a good basis for engaging and integrating all resources of national power in terms of achieving national security. In addition, there is a need to harmonize the current political and institutional framework for national security with such possibilities. As a result of the research, three groups of measures have been proposed: elimination or reduction of the potential for social conflicts; establishment of an effective and integrated institutional framework for countering political violence that may arise from the aforementioned contradictions, and elimination and reduction of harmful consequences of such political violence.

U radu se razmatra ekološko obrazovanje u Srbiji, kroz analizu trenutnog stanja, ukazivanje na ključne probleme u ovoj oblasti i moguće pravce daljeg razvoja. U prvom delu rada dat je prikaz razvoja ekološkog obrazovanja u našoj zemlji sa naglaskom na ključne faze u ovom procesu. Put razvoja ekološkog obrazovanja u Srbiji kretao se od izrazitog antropocentrizma i antagonizma između čoveka i prirode, preko umerenog antropocentrizma sa primesama ekoncentrizma, do dominantnog ekocentrizma. Primetno je da razvoj ekološkog obrazovanja u našoj zemlji kasni bar jednu deceniju u odnosu na društvene okolnosti, što otvara brojne implikacije za obrazovni sistem i društvo u celini. Kada je u pitanju nastavni proces, analiza stanja pokazuje pomake koji su učinjeni implementiranjem novih sadržaja iz oblasti ekologije i održivog razvoja u postojeće predmete, kao i uvođenjem izbornih predmeta koji se odnose na ekološko obrazovanje. Pomaci su učinjeni i u domenu vannastavnih aktivnosti koje su obogaćene sadržajima iz oblasti ekologije, kao i u okviru obrazovnih politika škola, uvođenjem posebnih rubrika u školske programe kojima se definišu planirane aktivnosti iz ove oblasti. U drugom delu rada napravljen je osvrt na ključne probleme do kojih se došlo analizom postojećeg stanja u oblasti ekološkog obrazovanja. Kao največi problem izdvaja se primetni jaz između usvojenog znanja iz oblasti ekologije i individualnog delovanja pojedinca u svakodnevnom životu u pravcu očuvanja životne sredine. Pored toga, u nastavi se još uvek u nedovoljnoj meri primenjuju interdisciplinarni pristup i projektna nastava zasnovana na istraživanju čiji je doprinos u učenju ekoloških sadržaja potvrđen u nalazima brojnih istraživanja. U trećem delu rada date su preporuke za dalji razvoj ekološkog obrazovanja u našoj zemlji koje se prevashodno odnose na način učenja ekoloških sadržaja u okviru škole i koje imaju važne implikacije za kreatore obrazovnih politika, lidere u školama i praktičare. Na prvom mestu, škole bi trebalo da budu usmerene na stvaranje mogućnosti za istinski, receptivni i refleksivni odnos učenika sa prirodom. To bi značilo da se u procesu učenja ekoloških sadržaja primene pristupi čiji je uspeh već potvrđen, poput interdisciplinarnog pristupa i projektne nastave. Ostvarivanju ovog cilja pomoglo bi i intenziviranje vannastavnih aktivnosti kroz unapređivanje već postojećih (ekskurzije, nastava u prirodi) kao i uvođenjem novih, na primer ekoloških kampova i drugih organizovanih aktivnosti u prirodi koje podrazumevaju veću angažovanost učenika. Na taj način bi bilo omogućeno da se znanja stečena u nastavi povežu sa neposrednim iskustvom u prirodi. Time bi se podigao kvalitet dobijenih znanja iz ove oblasti, a ostvario bi se i pozitivan uticaj na voljni i emocionalni aspekt ličnosti učenika, što bi vodilo ka njihovoj većoj svesti o potrebi zaštite životne sredine, kao i njihovoj većoj participaciji u konkretnim aktivnostima koje se tiču očuvanja prirode i njenih resursa. Na kraju, ukazano je na važnost finansijskog aspekta, pa se kao preporuka za obrazovnu politiku ističe da su potrebna veća ulaganja kako bi škole mogle dobijena sredstva da iskoriste za podizanje svojih kapaciteta u oblasti ekološkog obrazovanja, obogaćivanje nastavnih resursa, kao i za obučavanje nastavnog kadra. ; The paper deliberates environmental education in Serbia by analysing the current situation, pointing to key problems in this area and potential trends of further development. The first part of the paper is an overview of environmental education development in our country with an emphasis on key stages in this process. The developmental path of environmental education in Serbia has unfolded from strong anthropocentrism and antagonism between the man and nature, through moderate anthropocentrism with hints of ecocentrism, to dominant ecocentrism. It is obvious that development of environmental education in our country is at least a decade late vis-à-vis social circumstances, which opens a number of implications for education system and overall society. With regard to teaching process, the current situation analysis reveals the progress made by implementing new contents from the fields of ecology and sustainable development in the existing subjects, as well as by introducing elective courses related to environmental education. The progress has also been made in terms of extracurricular activities that have been enriched with ecology contents, as well as within educational policies of schools by introducing special sections in the school curricula that define planned activities in this field. The second part of the paper focuses on the key issues arising from the analysis of current situation in environmental education. The greatest problem is an apparent gap between acquired ecology knowledge and the individual's actions in everyday life regarding environmental protection. In addition, the interdisciplinary approach and research-based project teaching whose contribution to learning the environmental contents has been acknowledged by results of numerous studies are still not adequately applied in teaching. The third part of the paper provides recommendations for further development of environmental education in our country. They primarily refer to the way environmental education is taught in school and have important implications for education policy makers, school leaders and practitioners. Primarily, the schools should aim at creating opportunities for genuine, receptive and reflective relationship of students with nature. This would mean using already validated approaches to learning of environmental contents, such as interdisciplinary approach and project-based teaching. Intensifying the extracurricular activities through improvement of already existing activities (excursions, outdoor classes) and introduction of new ones, for example eco-camps and other organized outdoor activities involving a greater student engagement, would also help in achieving this goal. In this way the correlation between the classroom-obtained knowledge and immediate experience in nature would be enabled. This would improve the quality of knowledge from this field, and have a positive effect on wilful and emotional aspect of students' personality. This would also lead to their greater awareness of the need for environmental protection, as well as their greater participation in particular activities related to conservation of nature and its resources. Finally, the importance of financial aspect is underlined and the recommendation for education policy refers to requirement for greater investments. In this way, the schools could use the received funds for increasing their environmental education capacities, improving the teaching resources and training the teaching staff. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

Pitanje mogućnosti formiranja ekološkog pokreta u Srbiji u kontekstu postsocijalistiĉke transformacije društva i procesa evrointegracija, predstavlja predmet bavljenja ove doktorske disertacije. Rad se sastoji iz tri veće celine i poglavlja u kome su izneta zakljuĉna razmatranja. U prvom delu rada, razvijeni su uporedno-istorijski, kontekstualni, konceptualni i metodološki okvir istraţivanja, kao polazne osnove za dalje analize. Kako bi mogle biti obuhvaćene sve relevantne dimenzije kompleksnog fenomena ekološkog pokreta i sloţena mreţa ĉinilaca koji utiĉu na njegov nastanak i razvoj, u istraţivanju su kombinovano korišćene razliĉite metodološke tehnike: anketno ispitivanje stavova i praksi na reprezentativnom uzorku graĊana Srbije (N=1952) i predstavnika lokalnih samouprava (N=232), polustrukturisani intervjui sa predstavnicima nevladinih organizacija (N=44), kao i dve studije sluĉaja zajednica sa izraţenim ekološkim problemima - Panĉeva i Bora. Drugi deo rada je posvećen opisu i analizi pojedinaĉnih elemenata ekološkog pokreta: ekoloških aktivista, ekoloških grupa / organizacija, ekoloških mreţa, kolektivnog identiteta i ekoloških konflikata. Na osnovu detaljne analize karakteristika osnovnih elemenata pokreta, u zakljuĉnom poglavlju drugog dela rada daje se odgovor na pitanje: da li u Srbiji postoji ekološki pokret? Osnovni istraţivaĉki nalaz je da u Srbiji nije došlo do formiranja klasiĉnog participativnog tipa ekološkog pokreta, kakav je prisutan u zemljama Zapada. TakoĊe, nema ni naznaka znaĉajnijeg prisustva elemenata transakcionog ekološkog aktivizma (pokreta), ĉiji je prisustvo zabeleţeno u zemljama Centralne Evrope. Umesto toga, svedoci smo razvoja specifiĉnog modela ekološkog kolektivnog delanja koji smo nazvali "ekološkim trećim sektorom". Naime, za razliku od participativnog i transakcionog delanja, koji imaju naglašeno politiĉku dimenziju, aktivnosti organizacija u okviru trećeg sektora su preteţno "apolitiĉne" po karakteru, usmerene na pruţanje usluga u oblastima iz kojih se, u sklopu neoliberalnih reformi, drţava povukla. Pored nerazvijenosti konfliktne (politiĉke) dimenzije, ekološki treći sektor odlikuje i atomizovano delanje profesionalnih ekoloških organizacija, koje samo izuzetno (pod spoljnim pritiscima ili podsticajima) uspostavljaju fiziĉke veze (mreţe) meĊu sobom, dok se na planu kolektivnog identiteta razvija samo kognitivna dimenzija (formalno prihvatanje odreĊenih ekoloških vrednosti i naĉela koja ĉine sastavni deo ekološkog diskursa dominantnog na Zapadu). GraĊani, po pravilu, nisu ukljuĉeni u rad ovih organizacija, izuzev kao korisnici usluga. U trećem delu rada se razmatraju razlozi usled kojih ne dolazi do razvoja participativnog i/ili transakcionog ekološkog pokreta (aktivizma). Za potrebe objašnjenja nastanka specifiĉne hibridne forme ekološkog trećeg sektora, kreiran je sintetiĉki eksplanatorni model koji kombinuje elemente razvijene u okviru razliĉitih teorijskih pristupa fenomenu društvenih pokreta. Eksplanatorna shema je formulisana na sledeći naĉin: za pokretanje kolektivnog delanja i nastanak ekološkog pokreta neophodno da prethodno budu ispunjeni sledeći uslovi: potrebno je da postoji izvesno socijalno-konstruisano nezadovoljstvo (problem) kod većeg broja pojedinaca / profesionalnih zastupniĉkih organizacija (socijalno-konstruktivistiĉka reinterpretacija klasiĉnih pristupa); zatim, grupa pojedinaca koja oseća dati problem / zalaţe se za njegovo rešavanje, mora posedovati odreĊene resurse za pokretanje i odrţavanje 5 kolektivne akcije (pristup teorije mobilizacije resursa); šire okruţenje treba da bude relativno povoljno kako bi nagovestilo mogućnost pozitivnog ishoda aktivnosti koja se ţeli realizovati (pristup strukture politiĉkih mogućnosti), a vrednosni okvir na takav naĉin podešen da usmerava na delanje predstavnike profesionalnih ekoloških organizacija i / ili neposredno ugroţenu populaciju (nezadovoljne) i (eventualno) širi krug podrţavalaca (pristup Novih društvenih pokreta). Na proces formiranja ekološkog pokreta, kroz ĉetiri neposredna faktora (socijalna-konstrukcija ekoloških rizika, dostupnost i karakteristike resursa, struktura politiĉkih mogućnosti, vrednosni sistem),indirektno deluju širi društveni procesi - postsocijalistiĉka transformacija i evropeizacija srpskog društva, kao i ĉinioci duţeg trajanja ((pred)socijalistiĉko nasleĊe). Testiranje postavljenih eksplikativnih hipoteza je pokazalo da ni jedan od uslova neophodnih za formiranje ekološkog pokreta, nije delimiĉno ili u potpunosti zadovoljen. Postojeći ekološki problemi su dominantno odreĊeni u kategorijama niskog rizika i male vaţnosti u odnosu na druga društvena pitanja, usled ĉega je i njihov podsticajni kapacitet za kolektivnu (re)akciju bitno sniţen. Pored toga, vladajuće shvatanje prema kome u ekološkoj modernizaciji leţi rešenje za gotovo sve ekološke probleme, pokazuje se kao ĉinilac koji nepovoljno utiĉe na graĊanski aktivizam, jer upućuje na pasivno išĉekivanje uvoĊenja obećanih mehanizama odrţivog razvoja. Većini graĊana na raspolaganju stoji vrlo ograniĉena koliĉina resursa, usled ĉega, u velikom broju sluĉajeva, oni odustaju od uĉešća u ekološkim akcijama. Ekološke organizacije, takoĊe, imaju poteškoća da obezbede neophodne resurse za rad, a dodatni problem predstavlja i naĉin njihove mobilizacije, usled kojeg gube samostalnost postajući zavisne od stranih izvora finansiranja. Kao posledica, ekološko delanje je atomizovano, a rivalitet i konflikti unutar ekološkog civilnog sektora, naglašeni; ekološke mreţe se teško formiraju i odrţavaju, kolektivni identitet je slab (nad njim prevagu odnose partikularni interesi), a kritiĉko delovanje ekoloških organizacija, nerazvijeno. Struktura politiĉkih mogućnosti se, uprkos postojanju relativno povoljnog zakonskog okvira, pokazuje zatvorenom prema uĉešću graĊana u donošenju odluka. GraĊani percipiraju predstavnike vlasti kao neprijemĉive za njihove potrebe, što se nepovoljno odraţava na njihovu spremnost da se organizuju i pokušaju da nametnu svoje zahteve. S druge strane, ekološke organizacije su iskljuĉene iz procesa odluĉivanja i svedene na ulogu asistenata u podizanju kapaciteta drţave za sprovoĊenje programa u oblasti zaštite ţivotne sredine. Konfliktno delanje organizacija je ograniĉeno, s jedne strane, time što ne dobijaju podršku moćnih aktera (meĊunarodne ekološke organizacije, strani donatori), a sa druge, finansijskim uslovljavanjem od strane drţavnih struktura. Karakteristike kulturološkog konteksta se, takoĊe, pokazuju nepovoljnim za razvoj ekološkog pokreta u Srbiji. Dominacija materijalistiĉkog sistema vrednosti i s njim povezano visoko vrednovanje ekonomskog razvoja, koje u senci ostavlja ekološke probleme, negativno utiĉe na ekološko aktiviranje graĊana. Ipak, uprkos preteţno materijalistiĉkoj vrednosnoj orijentaciji, graĊanima su vrlo bliske vrednosti Nove ekološke paradigme. MeĊutim, od naĉelnog prihvatanja vrednosti karakteristiĉnih za ovu paradigmu do aktivnog delanja, u kontekstu materijalne oskudice, put je dug i vrlo neizvestan. Zakljuĉno poglavlje je posvećeno rezimiranju i diskusiji empirijskih nalaza, kao i razmatranju širih implikacija nerazvijenosti ekološkog pokreta na zaštitu ţivotne sredine u Srbiji. ; he environmental movement in Serbia, in the context of post-socialist transformation and the EU integration process. The paper consists of three major parts and the concluding chapter. In the first part a comparative - historical, contextual, conceptual and methodological framework of the research is developed, as a starting point for the further analyses. In order to capture all relevant dimensions of the complex phenomenon of environmental movement and the composite set of factors that influence its emergence and development, the study is using a combination of different methodological techniques: a survey of attitudes and practices based on a representative sample of Serbian citizens (N = 1952) and local government representatives (N = 232), in parallel with the semi-structured interviews with representatives of non-governmental organizations (N = 44), and the two case studies of communities with serious environmental problems – the municipalities of Pancevo and Bor. The second part contains the description and analysis of individual elements of the environmental movement: environmental activists, environmental groups / organizations, environmental networks, collective identity and environmental conflicts. Based on a detailed analysis of the characteristics of the key elements of environmental movement, the concluding chapter of this part of the paper offers an answer to the question - is there an environmental movement in Serbia? The main research finding is that participatory type of environmental movement that is typical for the Western countries has not been formed in Serbia. There are even no indications of the existence of significant elements of transactional environmental activism (movement), that is present in the countries of Central Europe. Instead, we are witnessing the development of a distinct model of collective environmental action that we have named "the third environmental sector". Different from the participative and transactional activism which have an emphasized political dimension, the nature of the activities of the third sector organizations is mostly "non-political", aimed at providing services in those areas that the state has withdrew from, in the context of neo-liberal reforms. In addition to the underdeveloped conflict/political dimension, the environmental third sector is characterized by atomized actions of professional environmental organizations, which establish physical connections (networks) among themselves only as an exception (under external pressures or incentives), while at the level of collective identity only the cognitive dimension is being developed (the formal acceptance of the environmental values and principles which form an integral part of the environmental discourse dominant in the West). Citizens, as a rule, are not included in the work of these organizations, except as users of services. In the third part, the reasons for the absence of the participatory and / or transactional environmental movement (activism) are discussed. In order to explain the emergence of the specific hybrid form of the environmental third sector, a synthetic explanatory model was established, combining elements developed within different social movement theories. The explanatory scheme has been formulated as follows: for the launch of collective action and the emergence of the environmental movement certain conditions are necessary to be met - a certain level of socially-constructed 8 dissatisfaction (problem) needs to be generated in large numbers of individuals / professional advocacy organizations (social constructivist reinterpretation of classical approaches); then, a group of individuals who perceive the problem / advocates for its solution must possess appropriate resources to initiate and sustain a collective action (the Resource Mobilization Theory approach); the wider context should be relatively favorable as to suggest the possibility of a positive outcome of the action (the Political Opportunities Structure approach); the value framework should be set up in such a way to initiate the action of professional environmental organizations and / or the directly affected population, and possibly also of a wider circle of supporters (the New Social Movements approach). Through the four direct factors (social – construction of environmental risks, the availability and characteristics of resources, the structure of political opportunities, the value system), the process of development of the environmental movement is indirectly affected by wider-scale social processes – the post-socialist transformation and Europeanization of Serbian society, as well as by the factors of longer duration ((pre-) socialist heritage).The testing of the set of explicative hypotheses showed that the necessary pre-conditions for the formation of the environmental movement in Serbia have neither been fully, nor even partially met. In comparison with other issues, the existing environmental problems are dominantly defined in the terms of low-risk and low-importance, due to which their capacities to induce collective (re)action are significantly reduced. In addition, the prevailing concept of environmental modernization, presented as a solution to almost all environmental problems, proves to be a factor that adversely affects civic activism, as it leads to passive anticipation of the promised introduction of mechanisms for sustainable development. Since the majority of citizens have access only to very limited resources, they, in many cases, tend to give up their participation in environmental actions. Environmental organizations also face difficulties in obtaining necessary resources for their operation. An additional problem lies in the way resources are being mobilized: becoming increasingly dependent on foreign funding, organizations tend to lose their autonomy. As a result, the environmental action is atomized and rivalries and conflicts within the environmental civil society accentuated; environmental networks are difficult to establish and maintain and the collective identity is weak (due to domination of particular interests); the conflictual dimension of environmental organizations remains undeveloped. Despite the relatively favorable legal framework, the structure of political opportunities seems closed to the participation of citizens in the decision-making process. Citizens perceive government representatives as unresponsive to their needs, which negatively affects their readiness to act in an organized way and to attempt to impose their demands. On the other hand, environmental organizations are excluded from the decision-making process and reduced to the assisting role in the capacity building of the state bodies for the implementation of programs in the field of environmental protection. Conflicting action of such organizations is limited, on the one hand by the lack of support from powerful actors (international environmental organizations, international donors), and on the other - by the financial preconditions imposed by the state authorities. The characteristics of the cultural context also appear to be unfavorable for the development of the environmental movement in Serbia. The dominance of the materialistic value system and the related high priority attributed to the economic 9 growth, leaves the environmental problems on the margins, thus negatively affecting the environmental activation of citizens. However, despite the predominantly materialistic value orientation, the values of the New environmental paradigm are very familiar to the citizens. Still, in the context of material insecurity, the road from the general acceptance of such values to active action towards reaching them, is long and very uncertain. The concluding chapter is devoted to summarizing and discussing the empirical findings, as well as to considerations of implications of the under-developed environmental movement to the overall state of environmental protection in Serbia.

The subject of this dissertation relates to the study of psychosocial characteristics of military servicemen. The military profession implies significant social and personal responsibilities, requires discipline and unconditional compliance with the hierarchy of the military organization, willingness to be transferred if required, possible separation from the family, changing work environment and difficult working conditions, sometimes hazardous to health and life, and often quoted is also a limited freedom to express personal opinions and to participate in trade unions and politics. The military profession has undergone numerous transformations in the contemporary environment. Family tradition, which contributes to the development of the personality profile that predisposes a person to successful military service, has also undergone significant changes. The question is what represents the capacity of the individual to adapt to the military profession in the modern military organization, and what factors contribute to a successful military career. The success rate assessment is important for gaining insight into the proper balance of actual skills, knowledge and behavior patterns of officers possessing the desired standards in the defense system, set by the government and various requirements of international integration processes. Apart from rewarding the work, an adequate success rate assessment is important for personnel development planning, conception and evaluation of educational programs, HR policies, and is particularly important as a validation of selection procedures and in terms of enhancing complexity of the selection criteria for admission to the military (Pajević, 2006). In the military practice thus far, the officers' success has been perceived through the officer's rank, level of education / training, awards, duties that the officer has performed or is currently performing. Family environment, financial solvency and resolved housing issues have been used as the data complementing the picture of the officer, without a deeper analysis of the connection of these factors with motivation and success in the military profession. The PhD dissertation Family Context, Authoritarianism and Success Rate in the Military Profession deals with the success rate of the military profession performance from the perspective of the family and its role in the professional selection, advancement and success. The family context is considered to be both the family of origin and the current officer's family, more precisely, the emotional quality of partner relations. The family of origin is considered through the perceived parental upbringing practices towards children (acceptance and rejection). The current officer's family is considered as a modern institution that meets numerous psychological needs, such as affiliation, loyalty, protection, union, support and intimacy. The quality of emotional relations in partnerships is assessed on the basis of subjective evaluation of mutual respect, communication, understanding, acceptance and agreement in daily emotional partner relations (current families of officers). The main objective of the research is to determine the parameters associated with success in the military profession. In the core of the research is the family, i.e. the perceived parental upbringing styles and practices in the family of origin and their contribution in shaping the personality of a person whose professional choice is the military vocation, performed with more or less success. In addition, the relations between these parameters and the quality and satisfaction with partnerships have been studied, as well as the ways those partnerships contribute to the satisfaction and success in the military profession. Specifically, we were interested whether the contribution of the current partnership to the satisfaction and success in the military profession is more significant than the contribution of the family of origin. A particularly important aim of the research was to study the contribution of upbringing styles and practices in the family of origin in shaping the authoritarian personality structure, as well as the connection between authoritarianism and the parameters of success in the military profession. The study used the Questionnaire on Success in the Military Profession (designed for research purposes), Parental Acceptance/Rejection Questionnaire - PARQ (Rohner, 1984), Revised F scale of authoritarianism (Rot and Havelka, 1973) and Dyadic Adjustment Scale - DAS (Spanier, 1976) to assess the emotional quality of partnerships. The reliability of the applied tools is high (Cronbach's alpha coefficients range from 0.744 to 0.893). The sample is purposive and composed of the Serbian Armed Forces officers (443 in total), divided into three subsamples (successful, average, and unsuccessful) in accordance with the criteria set by the Ministry of Defense and the Serbian Armed Forces. The correlation analysis results have shown a statistically significant positive correlation between the perception of the parental acceptance (mother, father), on the one hand, and educational and professional success, positive perception of the job and people, good cooperation and communication with both superiors and subordinates, on the other hand. Also, a statistically significant negative correlation between the authoritarian personality structure – authoritarianism, and the criteria of objective and subjective success was found. The respondents with higher levels of authoritarianism are more commonly found in the lower ranks and have lower performance grades, while the respondents with average (lower) levels of authoritarianism have higher ranks and higher performance grades. The respondents with higher levels of authoritarianism assessed the cooperation with the subordinates in helping to resolve personal problems with higher scores. In addition, it has been determined that there are complex relations between the conformity of intimate partners and success in performing their jobs. A statistically significant correlation between the conformity of the partners and the objective elements of success was determined. Officers with higher performance grades perceive a greater cohesion in partnerships, while the lower ranked officers of more satisfied with agreement in the partnership dyad and emotional expression. Also, there was a statistically significant correlation found between the conformity of intimate partners and the subjective success rates. The respondents with higher self-assessment of their professional performance, knowledge of the rules and regulations of the military service, good relations with the subordinates are more satisfied in the partnership dyad. A statistically significant correlation between the perceived parental acceptance / rejection and authoritarianism was determined. The respondents who perceive their parents as rejecting and hostile have a more pronounced authoritarian personality structure. Also, the respondents who assessed their parents as accepting have established a better conformity with their intimate partners in all aspects. The results of multiple regression analysis show that authoritarianism is a significant predictor of the objective success rate, while the emotional quality of partner relations is a significant predictor of the subjective success in the military profession. The obtained results conform with all of the hypotheses and previous research suggesting that the professional success depends on a proper balance between the family and professional roles. In addition, the results and conclusions can be further developed on the basis of research of other relevant factors of professional success, such as: psychological personality profile, system of values, social and emotional intelligence, communication skills. Also, the results enhance the knowledge about the factors of the general professional success, including the military profession (especially in terms of the development of authoritarian personality structure from the perspective of the parental acceptance / rejection theory, as well as the importance of the emotional quality of partner relations) in order to implement them in the military education curricula (primarily in the Military psychology subject) and training plans for the Ministry of Defense and the Serbian Armed Forces personnel, innovation in the selection processes and modification of the psychological selection criteria, and career management.

Ovo empirijsko istraživanje zasnovano je na analizi literature koju je sproveo Stergiou (2017). Cilj istraživanja usmeren je na merenje kvaliteta obrazovnog rada, nastavnog materijala i aktivnosti univerzitetskih nastavnika u Grčkoj, na osnovu povratnih informacija dobijenih od njihovih diplomiranih studenata. U istraživanju je primenjen upitnik. Uzorak se sastojao od 388 diplomaca, studenata ASPETE programa iz Soluna, akademske 2017/2018. i 2018/2019. Godine. Ispitanici su, pored svojih deklarisanih demografskih karakteristika, na skali od pet tačaka davali odgovore za svaku od 27 stavki koje opisuju aspekte kvaliteta obrazovnog rada, nastavnog materijala i aktivnosti, kao i nastavnih metoda svojih univerzitetskih nastavnika (1 – nimalo; 2 – veoma malo; 3 – prilično; 4 – mnogo; 5 – veoma mnogo). Rezultati pokazuju da diplomci smatraju kako njihovi univerzitetski nastavnici dobro poznaju sadržaj kurseva, te da su dosledni tokom predavanja (praćenje rasporeda i zadovoljavajuća priprema). Studenti su dali prosečne ocene svojim nastavnicima u 20 od 27 kriterijuma kvaliteta univerzitetskog nastavnika. Nastavnici su ocenjeni ispod proseka za organizaciju aktivnosti čiji je cilj aktivno učešće studenata u radu u učionici, davanje uvoda i rekapitulacija nastave u učionici, povezivanje nastavnih metoda sa profesionalnim okruženjem (sa tržištem rada), povezivanje sadržaja izučavanih kurseva sa drugim kursevima i korišćenje radnih resursa (npr. radnih listova, pokaznog materijala) koji olakšavaju učenje. Faktorska analiza pokazala je da sva pitanja imaju visoko opterećenje na jednoj faktorskoj osi – univerzitetskoj pedagogiji (F1, Kronbah α = 0,947, 42% ukupne varijanse), dok su dve druge ose specijalizovane za konkretna polja: jedna za savetodavno-mentorsku ulogu univerzitetskog nastavnika (F2, Kronbah α = 0,879, 24% ukupne varijanse), a druga za nauku i stručnost (F3, Kronbah 0,741, 13% ukupne varijanse). Hijerarhijskom klaster analizom izdvojile su se četiri grupe diplomaca. Prva (C1) obuhvata 16,8% uzorka, druga (C2) 33%, treća (C3) 41,5% i četvrta (C4) 8,8% diplomaca. Klaster C1 sastoji se od pojedinaca koji vrednuju pedagošku kompetenciju i pedagoško obrazovanje svojih univerzitetskih nastavnika, kao i njihovu primarno naučnu orijentaciju i profesionalizam, dok u potpunosti negiraju njihovu mentorsko-savetodavnu ulogu. Grupu C2 čine diplomirani studenti koji u dovoljnoj meri uvažavaju mentorsko-savetodavnu ulogu svojih nastavnika, ali imaju negativno mišljenje o njihovim pedagoškim i didaktičkim aspektima. Diplomci koji pripadaju C3 grupi daju prosečnu ocenu kako pedagogiji nastave i pedagoškom obrazovanju svojih nastavnika, tako i njihovoj primarno naučnoj orijentaciji i profesionalizmu, dok misle da njihovi nastavnici nisu uspeli u svojoj mentorsko-savetodavnoj ulozi. Najzad, najmanji klaster C4 čine diplomci koji iako smatraju da pedagogija nastave i nastavne veštine njihovih nastavnika nisu adekvatne i ne veruju u njihove naučne veštine i profesionalizam, ipak prepoznaju njihov skroman doprinos kao savetnika i mentora koji su im pomogli da steknu predstavu o profesiji kojom bi želeli da se bave i da se tome prilagode. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da većina studenata daje nisku ocenu nastavnicima grčkih univerziteta u gotovo svim aspektima univerzitetske pedagogije, što ukazuje na odsustvo pedagoških i didaktičkih veština nastavnika. Ovaj rezultat je očekivan, zbog nepostojanja kvalifikovane obuke za nastavnike. To, zapravo, uopšte nije preduslov za započinjanje akademske karijere i ne postoji akademska ustanova koja bi im omogućila da steknu pedagoške i didaktičke kompetencije. Usaglašenost sa dobrom praksom drugih evropskih zemalja trebalo bi da bude strateški izbor obrazovne politike u cilju modernizacije grčkih univerziteta u ovoj oblasti i da se to čini sveobuhvatnije i efikasnije. ; This is a questionnaire based empirical research designed to measure the quality of educational work, teaching material and activities of Greek University teachers, based on their graduates' feedback. The sample consisted of 388 graduates, all students of the ASPETE programs of Thessaloniki, for the academic years 2017-2018 and 2018-2019. The subjects, in addition to their declared demographic characteristics, answered, on a five-point scale (1 – not at all, 2 − very little, 3 − quite, 4 − much, 5 − very much), the 27 items (criteria) describing the aspects of educational work quality, teaching material and activities and teaching methods of their academic teachers. Results showed that graduates perceive that their academic teachers had a good knowledge of the courses content and they were consistent during teaching courses (timetable observation and satisfactory preparation). Students gave moderate scores to their teachers in 20 out of the 27 quality criteria of an academic teacher. Teachers were rated below average in the organization of activities aiming at actively involving the students in the classroom, providing them with the introduction and recapitulation of their classroom teaching, linking their teaching methods to the professional environment (the labour market), linking the content of the studied courses with other courses and the use of labour resources (e.g. worksheets, demonstration materials) that facilitate learning. Factor analysis showed that all questions were highly loaded on one factorial axis, University Pedagogy (F1, Cronbach's α = 0.947, 42% of the total variance), while the two other axes were specialized in the fields, one in the Advisory- Mentor Role of the academic teacher (F2, Cronbach's α = 0.879, 24% of the total variance) and the other in Science and Professionalism (F3, Cronbach's 0.741, 13% of the total variance). Hierarchical Cluster Analysis highlighted four groups of graduates. The first (C1) includes 16.8% of the sample, the second (C2) 33%, the third (C3) 41.5% and the fourth (C4) 8.8% of the graduates. Cluster C1 consists of individuals who appreciated the value of pedagogical competence and teaching training of their university teachers as well as their scientific background orientation and professionalism while their mentoring-advisory role was completely deprecated. C2 consists of graduates who, while appreciating enough the mentor-advisory role of their teachers, have a negative view of their pedagogical and didactic training. C3 grades moderately both the teaching pedagogy and teaching training of their university teachers as well as their scientific background orientation and professionalism, while they think that their teachers have failed their mentor-advisory role. Finally, the smallest cluster C4, although it considers teaching pedagogy and teaching skills of their teachers inadequate, and does not believe in their science skills and professionalism, it recognizes a modest contribution as advisors and mentors who helped them get an idea of the profession they would like to follow and adapt to it. In conclusion, Greek university teachers are low-rated by the majority of students in almost all aspects of University Pedagogy, indicating the absence of their pedagogical and didactic training skills. This result was expected, due to absence of qualified teacher training. Indeed, it is not a prerequisite for entering the academic career and there is no academic institution offering them pedagogical and didactic competence. The compliance with good practices from other European countries should be a strategic educational policy choice in order to modernize Greek universities in this area and to do so more comprehensively and effectively. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

V uvodnem delu doktorske disertacije smo opredelili raziskovalni problem doktorske disertacije, in sicer proučevanje vpliva davčne kompleksnosti na davčno skladnost. Zapisali smo cilj, to je proučitev področja davčne skladnosti s posebnim poudarkom na stroških davčne skladnosti ter empirična preveritev lastnega modela merjenja makroekonomskih učinkov stroškov davčne skladnosti. Zastavili smo osnovno tezo doktorske disertacije, in sicer, ali zmanjšanje stroškov davčne skladnosti povzroča makroekonomske učinke ; v povezavi s tem smo zastavili deset hipotez. Uvodoma so predstavljeni še pričakovani izvirni znanstveni prispevki, uporabljene predpostavke in omejitve ter metode raziskovanja, uporabljene tako v teoretičnem kot empiričnem delu doktorske disertacije. V drugem poglavju smo zapisali teoretična izhodišča s področja davčne kompleksnosti v povezavi z davčno agresivnostjo in podali lastno opredelitev davčne kompleksnosti in davčne agresivnosti, pri čemer smo se oprli na znanstveno literaturo s tega področja. Predstavili smo vzroke in kazalnike davčne kompleksnosti ter podali izčrpen kvalitativni pregled dosedanjih raziskav o davčni kompleksnosti in davčni agresivnosti. V drugo poglavje doktorske disertacije smo vključili dve lastni empirični raziskavi, in sicer: raziskavo o spreminjanju davčnih predpisov primerjalno za Slovenijo, Avstrijo, Veliko Britanijo, Hrvaško, Bolgarijo, Madžarsko, Češko, Romunijo in Poljsko ; raziskavo cen revizijskih storitev za Slovenijo. Pomembna nova znanstvenoraziskovalna dognanja predstavljajo tudi nove spremenljivke davčne kompleksnosti, ki smo jih prepoznali za subjekte javnega interesa, katerih delnice kotirajo na organiziranem trgu. Tretje poglavje predstavljajo teoretična izhodišča s področja davčne skladnosti, kjer smo z uporabo znanstvene literature predstavili dosedanje teorije davčne skladnosti in vrste stroškov davčne skladnosti. Dodali smo lastno opredelitev davčne skladnosti. Podali smo izčrpen kvalitativen pregled raziskav davčne skladnosti ter raziskav o merjenju stroškov davčne skladnosti, ki so osnova za izvedbo naše glavne empirične raziskave. Pregled dosedanjih znanstvenih raziskav smo razdelili v tri skupine: raziskave o merjenju stroškov davčne skladnosti ; raziskave psiholoških stroškov, ki so posledica stresa in drugih dejavnikov pri doseganju davčne skladnosti ; raziskave stresa v računovodstvu. V tretje poglavje doktorske disertacije smo vključili lastno empirično raziskavo o organizacijskih in osebnostnih dejavnikih stresa ter zdravstvenih težavah v povezavi s stresom, ki jih imajo davčni zavezanci pri doseganju davčne skladnosti. V okviru istega poglavja smo predstavili makroekonomske učinke davčne (ne)skladnosti. V četrtem poglavju smo predstavili obstoječe modele merjenja stroškov davčne skladnosti in njihovo uporabno vrednost ter predstavili lasten predlog merjenja makroekonomskih učinkov stroškov davčne skladnosti. Peto poglavje predstavlja predstavitev inštrumentov za povečanje davčne skladnosti, kjer navajamo: predpise in orodja Evropske komisije za povečanje davčne skladnosti ; druge mednarodne predpise in orodja za povečanje davčne skladnosti ; sistem ocenjevanja davčnega sistema, kaznovanje davčnih prekrškov kot inštrument za povečanje davčne skladnosti, upravljanje s tveganji davčne skladnosti in ostale inštrumente za povečanje davčne skladnosti. V peto poglavje doktorske disertacije smo vključili lastno empirično raziskavo o vrednotenju zakonodaje. V okviru istega poglavja smo predstavili še značilnosti Indeksa spoštovanja pravne države, ki se v Svetu že uporablja, ter lasten koeficient spreminjanja davčnih predpisov kot novo znanstvenoraziskovalno dognanje. Teoretičnemu delu sledi v šestem poglavju empirični del, v katerem smo predstavili raziskovalno delo. Uvodoma smo v šestem poglavju predstavili cilje raziskave, hipoteze doktorske disertacije, potek raziskave in uporabljene raziskovalne metode ter opredelili temeljne konstrukte znanstvene raziskave. ; In the introductory part we defined the research problem of the doctoral dissertation, namely, the study of the impact of Tax Complexity on Tax Compliance. We have recorded the objective, namely, the study of the field of Tax Compliance, with a special emphasis on the Costs of Tax Compliance and empirical verification of our own Model For Measuring The Macroeconomic Effects Of Tax Compliance Costs. We have established the basic thesis of the doctoral dissertation, namely, whether the reduction of the Costs of Tax Compliance causes macroeconomic effects ; In this connection, we have raised ten hypotheses. The introduction of the original scientific contributions, the assumptions and limitations were used, and the methods of research are presented used in both the theoretical and the empirical parts of the doctoral dissertation. In the second Chapter, we wrote the theoretical background in the field of Tax Complexity in relation to Tax Aggression, and presented our own definition of Tax Complexity and Tax Aggressiveness, based on scientific literature in this field. We presented the causes and indicators of Tax Complexity, and provided an exhaustive qualitative overview of the previous studies on Tax Complexity and Tax Aggression. In the second chapter of the doctoral dissertation, we included two of our own empirical researches, namely: A study on changing tax regulations, comparable for Slovenia, Austria, Great Britain, Croatia, Bulgaria, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Romania and Poland ; a survey of the prices of audit services for Slovenia. Significant new scientific research findings also present new variables of Tax Complexity, which we have identified for Public Interest Entities whose shares are listed on the organized market. The third Chapter presents the theoretical background in the area of Tax Compliance, where, using scientific literature, we presented the current Tax Compliance Theory and the types of Tax Compliance Costs. We have added our own definition of Tax Compliance. We have provided a comprehensive qualitative overview of research on Tax Compliance and research on the measurement of Tax Compliance Costs, which are the basis for conducting our main empirical research. An overview of the current scientific research has been divided into three groups: Surveys on measuring the Costs of Tax Compliance ; investigation of Psychological Costs arising from Stress and other factors in achieving Tax Compliance ; stress research in accounting. In the third chapter of the doctoral dissertation, we included our own empirical research on organizational and personality factors of stress, and health problems related to the stress that taxpayers have in achieving Tax Compliance. Within the same chapter, we presented the macroeconomic effects of Tax (non)compliance. In the fourth Chapter, we presented the existing models for measuring the Costs of Tax Compliance and their useful value, and presented our own proposal for measuring the Macroeconomic Effects of Tax Compliance Costs. Chapter 5 presents a presentation of Instruments to increase Tax Compliance, stating: European Commission Regulations and Tools to increase Tax Compliance ; other international rules and tools to increase Tax Compliance ; the system of assessing the tax system, penalizing tax offenses as an instrument for increasing Tax Compliance, managing the risks of Tax Compliance and other instruments for increasing Tax Compliance. In the fifth chapter of the doctoral dissertation, we included our own empirical research on the evaluation of legislation. In the same chapter, we also presented the characteristics of the Rule of Law Index already in use in the Council, as well as our own coefficient of changing tax regulations as a new scientific and research knowledge. The theoretical part of the trace in the sixth Chapter is the empirical part, in which we presented the research work.

Stvaranje Evropske unije bespovratno je narušilo tradicionalno ustrojstvo drţava, pa i samog meĊunarodnog poretka. Uspostavljanje strukture koja obuhvata više centara moći u okviru kojih se (ne)ravnopravno donose odluke od znaĉaja za ţivot graĊana, uticalo je na slabljenje nacionalnih, a nedovoljnu samostalnost nadnacionalnog nivoa unutar nje. Stalno pregovaranje i lobiranje na kojima poĉiva Unija pruţa mogućnost za ostvarivanje ciljeva pojedinih interesnih grupa i drţava. Koncept demokratije je ovakvim stanjem najviše izgubio. Pojаm demokrаtije je teško definisаti, isto koliko je komplikovаno pronаći kriterijume za njeno identifikovanje a koji su primjenljivi nа sve politiĉke sisteme. Situаcijа se dodаtno usloţnjаvа kаdа je ove kriterijume neophodno prepoznati u okviru nedovršenog politiĉkog sistema kаkаv je onаj u Evropskoj uniji. Problemi u demokrаtskoj legitimizаciji Unije, koji se jаvljаju uporedo sа uspjesimа u integrаciji, otvаrаju pitаnje primjenljivosti "stаndаrdnog" modelа demokrаtije nа ovu tvorevinu. Prirodа funkcionisаnjа Evropske unije, u kojoj je na snazi uprаvljаnje nа više nivoа, zаhtijevа prilаgoĊаvаnje demokrаtskih principа njenom specifiĉnom politiĉkom sistemu. Mada ne postoji konsenzus meĊu teoretiĉаrima koji su dali doprinos objašnjavanju pojma demokratije u Evropskoj uniji dа li postoji demokratski deficit unutar nje, kаo ni koji su nаjbolji uslovi zа rаzvoj аutentiĉne demokrаtije u EU, moguće je identifikovati brojne strukturne probleme demokratije u politiĉkom sistemu Evropske unije. U okviru postojećeg institucionаlnog mehаnizmа Evropske unije problemi nastaju usljed isprepletenih nаdleţnosti izmeĊu institucijа i osjetnog jаĉаnjа izvršne u odnosu nа zаkonodаvnu grаnu vlаsti. Centrаlnu ulogu od institucija imа Sаvjet koji funkcioniše po principu meĊuvlаdine sаrаdnje. Prаktiĉno nijednа evropskа politikа ne moţe se usvojiti bez djelovаnjа ove institucije i uplitаnjа drţаvа ĉlаnicа, što Savjet ĉini glavnim zakonodavnim tijelom Unije. Evropski parlament, sa druge strane, iako neposredno izabran, zbog svojih još uvijek ogrаniĉenih nаdleţnosti, i dаlje je glаvni uzroĉnik demokrаtskog deficitа u Uniji. Stoga bi talas demokratizacije institucija Unije trebalo da obuhvati "prelivаnje" moći sа Sаvjetа nа Evropski pаrlаment i jаĉаnje meĊuinstitucionаlne sаrаdnje izmeĊu Evropskog pаrlаmentа i Evropske komisije. Evropskа unijа nemа ureĊenje poput trаdicionаlne nаcionаlne drţаve. Ne postoji ni demos nа evropskom nivou, te, stoga, nemа ko dа obezbijedi neophodni legitimitet evropskim politikama. Iako je nesumnjivo da politike Evropske unije proizvode velike koristi zа njene grаĊаne, ovа reаlnost, zаjedno sа rаzvijenim mehаnizmimа konsultovаnjа sа grаĊаnimа, ipаk ne umаnjuje kljuĉni problem u komunikаciji Unija – graĎani: mаnjаk аdekvаtnog predstаvljаnjа grаĊаnа, što je zа zаjednicu kojа se u svojim osnivаĉkim dokumentimа deklаriše kаo predstavniĉka ipak nedostаtаk. Ni sаmi grаĊаni ne pokreću politiĉku debаtu o specifiĉnim evropskim pitаnjimа nа nivou koji bi bio izаzov zа nаcionаlne vlаde. Demokrаtskа legitimizаcijа evropskih institucijа zаhtijevа i veću ulogu politiĉkih pаrtijа i njihovu revitаlizаciju nа evropskom nivou, kao i otvoreno politiĉko takmiĉenje koje ukljuĉuje grаĊаne. Proces integrisаnjа zemаljа Evropske unije prouzrokovаo je ozbiljne demokrаtske probleme ne sаmo nа nivou Unije, već i u drţаvаmа ĉlаnicаmа. "Problemi demokratije" u drţavama ĉlanicama koji proizilaze iz funkcionisanja Unije drugаĉije se reflektuju u rаzliĉitim nаcionаlnim politiĉkim sistemimа. Pritisku koji dolаzi od integrisаnjа unutar Evropske unije bolje se prilagoĊavaju drţаve koje imаju federаlno od onih koje imаju unitаrno ureĊenje. Federаlni kаrаkter ureĊenjа u drţаvi već podrаzumijevа više nivoа odluĉivаnjа i decentrаlizаciju vlasti, pа se ovаj sistem lаkše prilаgoĊаvа uprаvljаnju nа više nivoа unutаr Evropske unije. To ne moţe biti sluĉаj sа zemljаmа koje su trаdicionаlno centrаlizovаne. Dalji razvoj Evropske unije moţe ići u pravcu zadrţavanja trenutnih principa integrisanja uz obrazloţenje da su demokratske drţave ĉlanice garant legitimiteta Unije. Na taj naĉin bi i dalje meĊuvladin princip imao primat u odnosu na nadnacionalni. Model koji bi trаnsformisаo Evropsku uniju u zаjednicu demokrаtskog kаrаkterа jeste federаlni. Evropskа unijа posjeduje elemente federalizma, a toj konstrukciji nedostaje kаpаcitet zа oporezivаnje i mogućnost predlaganja izmjena osnivаĉkih, konstitutivnih, ugovora. Trenutno postojanje federalnih elemenata u funkcionisanju Unije ukazuje da njihovo dodatno osnaţivanje neće neminovno dovesti do njene trаnsformаcije u zajednicu federalnog karaktera, ali će svakako uticati na smanjivanje postojećeg demokratskog deficita.Nauĉno-istraţivaĉki pristup korišćen u ovom radu odreĊen je predmetom i ciljevima istraţivanja. Znaĉajnu primjenu imale su metodologija svojstvena politiĉkim naukama, komparativna metoda, analiza sadrţaja dokumenata, kao i specijalizacija. U dokazivanju postavljenih hipoteza primjenu su našle i sinteza, generalizacija, indukcija i dedukcija. ; The creation of the European Union has irreversibly undermined the traditional establishment of states, including the international order thereof. The establishment of a structure encompassing multiple power centers entailing (un)equal decision making relevant to the lives of citizens, has triggered the downturn in national, subsequently weakening the supranational level of autonomy within it. Constant negotiations and lobbying representing the cornerstones of the Union, provides for an opportunity for achieving the objectives of individual groups and states. In the light of the above, the democracy concept has suffered the most. The democracy concept is difficult to define, being leveraged by the complication in finding criteria for its identification which are applicable to all political systems. The situation is further complicated in case of a need to identify these criteria within an unfinished political system like the one in the European Union. The problems behind democratic legitimization of the Union, arising along with the integration success, are opening up the question of the applicability of "standard" democracy model to this creation. The nature of the European Union functioning governed by the multiple levels management, requires adjustment of the democratic principles to its specific political system. Although there is no consensus among theorists who have contributed to clarifying the democracy concept in the European Union on neither whether there is a democratic deficit within it, nor what are the best conditions for the development of a genuine democracy in the EU, nevertheless it is possible to identify a number of structural problems of democracy in the political system of the European Union. In the framework of existing institutional mechanism of the European Union, the problems arise because of overlapping responsibilities between the institutions and the appreciable strengthening of the executive over the legislative branch of government. The Council plays the central role, operating on the principle of intergovernmental cooperation. Practically not a single European policy may be adopted without the operation of this institution and the interference of the member states, making the Council the leading legislative authority of the Union. The European Parliament, on the other hand, although directly elected, due to its still limited competences, being the main trigger of the democratic deficit in the Union. Thus, the wave of democratization of the EU institutions should include the "spillover" of power from the Council to the European Parliament and strengthening the inter-institutional cooperation between the European Parliament and European Commission. The European Union has not been grounded as the traditional national state. Demos don"t exist at the European level and, therefore, there is no one to provide the necessary legitimacy of the European policies. Although undoubtedly, the European Union policies are generating great benefits for its citizens, this reality, along with developed mechanisms of consultation with citizens, however, does not reduce the key problem in communication between the Union - citizens: lack of adequate representation of citizens, representing a deficiency having in mind that its founding documents are declaring it as a representative Community. Even the citizens themselves are failing to launch political debate on specific issues at the European level that would be a challenge for the national governments. Democratic legitimization of European institutions requires a greater role of political parties and their revitalization at the European level, as well as open political competition involving the citizens The integration process of the European Union counties has caused serious democratic problems not only at the level of the Union, but also in the member states. "Democracy problems" in the member states deriving from the functioning of the Union are reflected differently in different national political systems. Unlike unitary governments, federal ones are better adapting to the pressure deriving form the integration within the European Union. Federal feature of organization in the state already implies the multiple levels of decision making and decentralization of powers, thus the system is easily adapting to the multiple levels of management within the European Union. This is not the case with countries that are traditionally centralized. The further EU development may be directed in retaining the current integration principles with the rationale that the democratic member states represent legitimacy guarantor of the Union. In the light of the above, the intergovernmental principle should supersede the supranational. However, a model that would transform the EU into a democratic community is federal. The European Union has elements of federalism and this structure lacks the capacity for taxation and possibility of proposing amendments to founding, constitutional contracts. Currently the existence of federal elements in the functioning of the Union is pinpointing that its further strengthening will not inevitably lead to the transformation of the Union into the community with federal character, but will most likely impact on reducing the existing democratic deficit However, the model that would transform the European Union into the Community with democratic feature is the federal one. The European Union has the federalism features, and this structure suffers the lack of taxation capacity and the option of proposing amendments to the founding and constitutional treaties. The current existence of federal elements within the functioning of the Union is implying that its additional strengthening will not inevitably generate the transformation of the Union into the Community of federal feature, yet it will affect the decline in the current democratic deficit. Scientific methods used in this thesis are based on specific topic and research objective. Therefore, the methodology inherent in political science, comparative method, content analysis of documents, as well as specialization are used to a large extent. In proving the hypotheses a great usage has found the synthesis, generalization, induction and deduction.