Suchergebnisse

In this article there is analyzed how the international administrations that exercise a governmental power in post conflict territories justify their political authority without having democratic legitimacy. In the article it is studied, both the establishment, the mandates and the practices of government of the international administrations of Bosnia, Kosovo and East Timor, and they are identified five sources for this authority: the assent, the delegation, the maintenance of the peace and the safety, the promotion of the human rights and the democracy, and the disposition to govern. Nevertheless, all these aspects are questionable. Concretely, the authority of the international administrations is weakened due to its practices, to the unexistence of any obligation for accountability and to the limited efficiency at the moment of arranging government. To conclude, in the article are outlined some possible ways for the reinforcement of the authority of the international administrations. ; En este artículo se analiza cómo las administraciones internacionales que ejercen un poder gubernamental en territorios post conflicto justifican su autoridad política sin tener legitimidad democrática. En el artículo se estudia el establecimiento, los mandatos y las prácticas de gobierno de las administraciones de Bosnia, Kosovo y Timor Oriental y se identifican cinco fundamentos de la autoridad: el consentimiento, la delegación, el mantenimiento de la paz y la seguridad, el fomento de los derechos humanos y la democracia, y la disposición para gobernar. No obstante, todos estos aspectos son cuestionables. En concreto, la autoridad de las administraciones internacionales se debilita debido a sus prácticas, a que no existe la obligación rendir cuentas y a la efectividad limitada a la hora de disponer gobierno. Para concluir, en el artículo se destacan algunas posibles vías de refuerzo de la autoridad de las administraciones internacionales.

In the nineteenth century, one of the essential conditions for obtaining recognition of the sovereignty of a state by the international community was the ability to maintain internal order and guarantee the lives and property of foreign nationals. Justice then becomes a major political element and the case of Spanish-Mexican relations is particularly significant. For Mexico, the aim is to preserve national independence, avoid military intervention and integrate into the international system. For Spain, it seeks to assert its status as a major power with the capacity to intervene in defence of its citizens and to obtain the necessary reparations. This work is then structured around three issues: the debt and financial claims of the Spaniards, the punishment of those guilty of the murders of Spaniards and the negotiation of an extradition treaty for offenders and deserters. ; International audience In the nineteenth century one of the key conditions for recognition of sovereignity of a state by the international community was the ability to maintain order and ensure the lives and properties of nationals abroad. Justice, then, becomes a political element of the first order and the case of Spanish-Mexican relations is particularly significant. For Mexico, it is to preserve national independence, to avoid a military intervention and to integrate into the international system. For Spain, it is asserting its status as a great power with the ability to speak in defense of its citizens and to obtain the necessary repairs. This work is structured so on three issues: debt and financial claims of the Spaniards, the punishment of those guilty of the murders of Spaniards and the negotiation of a treaty on extradition of criminals and deserters. ; In the nineteenth century, one of the essential conditions for obtaining recognition of the sovereignty of a state by the international community was the ability to maintain internal order and guarantee the lives and property of foreign nationals. Justice then becomes a major ...

This article analyses the evolution of humanitarianism from its classical version. The elements which are studied are those that shape the international regime of humanitarian action, and how it was transformed in the nineties. How it came in crisis shocked by several factors at the end of the Cold War, and because of the contact with another growing regimes. Political and humanitarian spheres converged in the so called "new humanitarianism", which motivated a change of regime which is maintained and radicalized after September the 11th, with the closer tie between aid and security. Starting from here, it is posed that this transformation has been accompanied with the evolution of the construction of the image of the communities that receive the help. From being considered passive victims of the conflicts, up to being seen as active agents, with capacity of socioeconomic transformation, and liberal peace construction; or destabilization. ; El artículo analiza la evolución del humanitarismo desde su versión más clásica. Se estudian los elementos que ordenan el régimen internacional de la acción humanitaria y cómo este se transforma en la década de los noventa, entra en crisis conmocionado por diversos factores al final de la Guerra Fría y en el contacto con otros regímenes en expansión. La esfera política y humanitaria convergen en lo que se ha venido a denominar el "nuevo humanitarismo", dando lugar a un cambio de régimen que se mantiene y radicaliza después del 11-S con la creciente vinculación entre ayuda y seguridad. Partiendo de ahí, se plantea que esta transformación ha ido acompañada de una construcción evolutiva de la imagen de las comunidades receptoras de ayuda que, de víctimas pasivas de los conflictos, han pasado a ser consideradas como agentes activos, con capacidad de transformación socioeconómica y de construcción de paz liberal o de desestabilización.

The global crisis that began in advanced economies has sent severe shocks around the world, posing a test to the economies of Latin America and the Caribbean. The good news is that during this decade the region has made itself more resilient to external shocks, by strengthening policy frameworks and reducing vulnerabilities in its public finances and financial systems. These preparations, the report shows, mean that countries are now more able to respond to the external crisis, many for the first time, with active policies to boost output and employment and protect the most vulnerable groups