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In this final master thesis are analyzing international business evaluation features and suggested the best method to evaluate international business. In the first part of the work are analyzed international business features, highlighting the political and currency fluctuation risks, business evaluation aspects, long established and newly developed business evaluation methods and selected the method which is best suited to evaluate international business. In the second part of the work is analyzed the feasibility of discounted cash flow method to evaluate international business and the steps of the method, highlighting the determination of cash flows, the discount rate calculation, continuous value and cash flow discounting. The focus is on discount rate calculation. In the third part of the work is done the practical business evaluation of Lithuanian company AB "Stumbras" which is working in the international alcohol sphere. In this stage is given the characterization of world, Europe and Lithuanian alcohol drinks sectors. Also there is analyzed the Lithuanian macroeconomics situation. There is performed company competitive and SWOT analyze. Also there is done company's financial analyze (vertical, horizontal and financial ratio analyze), determined the company value and factors which have the greatest impact to business value. Structure: introduction, theoretical part, discounted cash flow feasibility to evaluate the international business analyze, practical international business evaluation following AB "Stumbras" example, conclusions and suggestions, references.

In this final master thesis are analyzing international business evaluation features and suggested the best method to evaluate international business. In the first part of the work are analyzed international business features, highlighting the political and currency fluctuation risks, business evaluation aspects, long established and newly developed business evaluation methods and selected the method which is best suited to evaluate international business. In the second part of the work is analyzed the feasibility of discounted cash flow method to evaluate international business and the steps of the method, highlighting the determination of cash flows, the discount rate calculation, continuous value and cash flow discounting. The focus is on discount rate calculation. In the third part of the work is done the practical business evaluation of Lithuanian company AB "Stumbras" which is working in the international alcohol sphere. In this stage is given the characterization of world, Europe and Lithuanian alcohol drinks sectors. Also there is analyzed the Lithuanian macroeconomics situation. There is performed company competitive and SWOT analyze. Also there is done company's financial analyze (vertical, horizontal and financial ratio analyze), determined the company value and factors which have the greatest impact to business value. Structure: introduction, theoretical part, discounted cash flow feasibility to evaluate the international business analyze, practical international business evaluation following AB "Stumbras" example, conclusions and suggestions, references.

This article analyzes the civil society dimension and pays particular attention to the role of civil society's organizations within the EU's Eastern Partnership's governance and networking processes. The study is based on the EU's documents' analysis and the data of qualitative interviews conducted between 2011-2014 from the respondents of the EU's institutions (European Commission, EEAS, EP), member states' representations in Brussels, and the members of the Eastern Partnership civil society forum created in 2009. The study shows that the representatives of civil society organizations are seeking to be involved and are existent in most of the stages and interactional modes of the EU's relations with the Eastern Partnership countries, and this process predicts the conditions for the emergence of international governance in the Eastern neighborhood space. On the other hand, the representatives of CSOs are complaining about not being involved enough in the negotiations deciding over the Association or other kind of agreements between the EU and their (EaP) country.

This article analyzes the civil society dimension and pays particular attention to the role of civil society's organizations within the EU's Eastern Partnership's governance and networking processes. The study is based on the EU's documents' analysis and the data of qualitative interviews conducted between 2011-2014 from the respondents of the EU's institutions (European Commission, EEAS, EP), member states' representations in Brussels, and the members of the Eastern Partnership civil society forum created in 2009. The study shows that the representatives of civil society organizations are seeking to be involved and are existent in most of the stages and interactional modes of the EU's relations with the Eastern Partnership countries, and this process predicts the conditions for the emergence of international governance in the Eastern neighborhood space. On the other hand, the representatives of CSOs are complaining about not being involved enough in the negotiations deciding over the Association or other kind of agreements between the EU and their (EaP) country.

This article analyzes the civil society dimension and pays particular attention to the role of civil society's organizations within the EU's Eastern Partnership's governance and networking processes. The study is based on the EU's documents' analysis and the data of qualitative interviews conducted between 2011-2014 from the respondents of the EU's institutions (European Commission, EEAS, EP), member states' representations in Brussels, and the members of the Eastern Partnership civil society forum created in 2009. The study shows that the representatives of civil society organizations are seeking to be involved and are existent in most of the stages and interactional modes of the EU's relations with the Eastern Partnership countries, and this process predicts the conditions for the emergence of international governance in the Eastern neighborhood space. On the other hand, the representatives of CSOs are complaining about not being involved enough in the negotiations deciding over the Association or other kind of agreements between the EU and their (EaP) country.

The paper deals with the issue of regulation of the right of natural and legal persons to environmental information, in relevant international legal documents. There is a survey of certain international conventions which envisage this right in their field of regulation. The right to access the information is in details regulated in the Aarhus Convention, which comprises significant part of this paper. This kind of regulation of the right to environmental information has performed a significant influence on states and international organizations, which created their domestic and international rules, using the solutions from this Convention. The European Union has enacted a significant number of directives on the right of a public to receive environmental information. The special emphasis will be on the work of the Aarhus Convention's Compliance Committee which has a significant role in supervising and deciding about the compliance with the application of the Convention in its member states.

United States participation in international politics during the period between the two world wars, come not only from the general and often declarative interest in peace, but was also a consequence of extremely rapid expansion of their foreign trade and overseas capital investments. It was a period of intense financial diplomacy, when efforts to maintain the gold standard, to determine the amount of reparations and the manner of payment of war debts, brought confusion not only in relations between victors and vanquished, but also in relations between the United States and its former European allies. Abandonment of the gold standard and the creation of the tripartite agreement between the United States, Britain and France, in the 1936, was a milestone in the development of international monetary cooperation and the role of United States in international economic relations. .

In this paper the author points out to the importance of main organizations for establishing of international peace and security. They are the following: League of Nations, United Nations, Organizations of European Security and Co-operation, Conference of European Security and Co-operation, European Council, West European Union and NATO. Until the end of the Cold war, the universal organizations have played primordial role, but after the mentioned period the regional ones took the lead. The reason lies in the shift in balance of power - from bipolar to unipolar. The League of Nations and CESC can be observed from the historic perspective. NATO and UN played a crucial role during the internationalization of Kosovo issue and the act of intervention itself. NATO demonstrated its power and proved in the absence of real balance of power, la force l'emporte sur le droit. On the other hand, UN had passed several resolutions that condemned violence in Kosovo and Metohia (1160, 1199 and 1203 - all passed in 1998). During 1999 Security Council had passed a famous Resolution 1244, by which it was decided a civic and military mission should be established in Kosovo and Metohia - UNMIK and KFOR KFOR dealt with security issues in order to ensure the respect of it to all nationalities in Kosovo and Metohia. UNMIK set a very ambitious task lying ahead trying to establish standards before the future status. Realizing that it would be impossible to reach the standards, UNMIK started with the policy of status determination without standards establishing. The outcome of such policy is Ahtissari's Plan for supervised Independence of Kosovo, and finally the Declaration of Self-proclaimed Independence of Kosovo. We are also witnessing the transfer of horizontal and vertical effective state authorizations to the mentioned international organizations, bearing in mind problems it encounters. NATO deals with security issues, but European Union being unable to deal with such tasks (ESDP policy is to be as attempt), is more concentrated on economic issues.

Cyber has been around for over a decade and yet we are still faces with a situation of a very weak or rather no regulation. This is being heavily influenced by our weak technological development and due to the nature of cyberspace and the Internet. Cyber warfare poses interesting questions for us. It is one of a kind type of warfare, the one we cannot see or feel, but it's impacts are instantaneous and potentially devastating. States and scholars agree on that. This thesis attempts to explore possibilities of application of existing international laws to amend this situation and answer the questions if it is adequate or at all possible. While scholars are still arguing about the basics of what cyber warfare and cyberspace actually is, it keeps on evolving. States on the other hand have recognized the potential threat of cyber warfare a long time ago and are attempting to mend the existing legal void, however not successfully. The effects of their efforts are limited only to a small number of States. States who are not willing to give up their cyber capability would also stay clear from such international legislation. International treaties and State practice were analyzed in search of a way to accommodate cyber warfare under the current regime. The findings show that application of existing legal basis to cyber warfare is at best difficult and strained. The reality is that cyber warfare does not fit adequately under any of the legal umbrellas at the moment. Application of existing laws generates even more drawbacks than it in the end covers. There is potential for future development however. States are inclined to negotiate and, even as we speak, are attempting at creation of a cyber warfare regulating treaty. The thesis concludes that current international law is not adequate in order to be applicable to cyber warfare and even in areas where it can afford minimal protection, potential for abuse exists. The criteria and standards which were appropriate to conventional warfare and armed conflict are outdated. At least a global understanding on the terms used to define cyber warfare and related terms would be a good starting point. A universally accepted convention would be the perfect solution.

Cyber has been around for over a decade and yet we are still faces with a situation of a very weak or rather no regulation. This is being heavily influenced by our weak technological development and due to the nature of cyberspace and the Internet. Cyber warfare poses interesting questions for us. It is one of a kind type of warfare, the one we cannot see or feel, but it's impacts are instantaneous and potentially devastating. States and scholars agree on that. This thesis attempts to explore possibilities of application of existing international laws to amend this situation and answer the questions if it is adequate or at all possible. While scholars are still arguing about the basics of what cyber warfare and cyberspace actually is, it keeps on evolving. States on the other hand have recognized the potential threat of cyber warfare a long time ago and are attempting to mend the existing legal void, however not successfully. The effects of their efforts are limited only to a small number of States. States who are not willing to give up their cyber capability would also stay clear from such international legislation. International treaties and State practice were analyzed in search of a way to accommodate cyber warfare under the current regime. The findings show that application of existing legal basis to cyber warfare is at best difficult and strained. The reality is that cyber warfare does not fit adequately under any of the legal umbrellas at the moment. Application of existing laws generates even more drawbacks than it in the end covers. There is potential for future development however. States are inclined to negotiate and, even as we speak, are attempting at creation of a cyber warfare regulating treaty. The thesis concludes that current international law is not adequate in order to be applicable to cyber warfare and even in areas where it can afford minimal protection, potential for abuse exists. The criteria and standards which were appropriate to conventional warfare and armed conflict are outdated. At least a global understanding on the terms used to define cyber warfare and related terms would be a good starting point. A universally accepted convention would be the perfect solution.

Every state may face a bid for protection in embassies or consulates from persons looking for a shelter in dangerous situations to their lives and safety. Even though diplomatic asylum is more peculiar to Latin America region, no State is prevented from such seekers. Practical examples show that diplomatic asylum helped to safe thousands of people in countries where instability of governments exist, during wars or in situations where no other alternative of protection was available. Grant of diplomatic asylum is a problematic issue because it raises question which value should prevail: inviolability of premises or non interference into internal affairs, protection of human rights or sovereignty of State. This master thesis attempts to find out what is the current position of diplomatic asylum in the context of public international law and on what grounds it could be granted in embassies and consulates. For this aim, the thesis is focused on the evolution and main features of diplomatic asylum, on its relation with regional and universal international law instruments, on dominating positions to diplomatic asylum in the case law. International treaties, state practice and various positions of legal writers were analyzed in order to reveal grounds for granting diplomatic asylum. In the States where diplomatic asylum is recognized, it is granted according to the existing legal regulation. In the States where diplomatic asylum is not considered as legal institute, it is granted on humanitarian considerations in order to protect people. The thesis concludes that different attitudes to diplomatic asylum exist regarding international law. For a group of State it is an institute of regional international law while other states tolerate it purely on humanitarian considerations. Despite different approaches of diplomatic asylum in the international law, it can be a means to protect life or safety of a person.

Every state may face a bid for protection in embassies or consulates from persons looking for a shelter in dangerous situations to their lives and safety. Even though diplomatic asylum is more peculiar to Latin America region, no State is prevented from such seekers. Practical examples show that diplomatic asylum helped to safe thousands of people in countries where instability of governments exist, during wars or in situations where no other alternative of protection was available. Grant of diplomatic asylum is a problematic issue because it raises question which value should prevail: inviolability of premises or non interference into internal affairs, protection of human rights or sovereignty of State. This master thesis attempts to find out what is the current position of diplomatic asylum in the context of public international law and on what grounds it could be granted in embassies and consulates. For this aim, the thesis is focused on the evolution and main features of diplomatic asylum, on its relation with regional and universal international law instruments, on dominating positions to diplomatic asylum in the case law. International treaties, state practice and various positions of legal writers were analyzed in order to reveal grounds for granting diplomatic asylum. In the States where diplomatic asylum is recognized, it is granted according to the existing legal regulation. In the States where diplomatic asylum is not considered as legal institute, it is granted on humanitarian considerations in order to protect people. The thesis concludes that different attitudes to diplomatic asylum exist regarding international law. For a group of State it is an institute of regional international law while other states tolerate it purely on humanitarian considerations. Despite different approaches of diplomatic asylum in the international law, it can be a means to protect life or safety of a person.

Independence and liberty of cyberspace enabled inception of new kind mass media. Internet based news organization no longer needed to obey national laws and acknowledge states' superiority in international political communication. News organizations, like Google, Facebook, Twitter, Wikileaks, etc., have emerged as mighty actors in the international communicative activities. They are being driven by self-interests, which not necessary conform sovereign states' interests. The development of new kind mass media are not being determined by national laws or other offline rules. This study determined the role of self-ruling mass media in the international political communication. Also, this work showed that emergence of new kind mass media have caused substantial decline of sovereign states' power in international political communication.

Independence and liberty of cyberspace enabled inception of new kind mass media. Internet based news organization no longer needed to obey national laws and acknowledge states' superiority in international political communication. News organizations, like Google, Facebook, Twitter, Wikileaks, etc., have emerged as mighty actors in the international communicative activities. They are being driven by self-interests, which not necessary conform sovereign states' interests. The development of new kind mass media are not being determined by national laws or other offline rules. This study determined the role of self-ruling mass media in the international political communication. Also, this work showed that emergence of new kind mass media have caused substantial decline of sovereign states' power in international political communication.

Independence and liberty of cyberspace enabled inception of new kind mass media. Internet based news organization no longer needed to obey national laws and acknowledge states' superiority in international political communication. News organizations, like Google, Facebook, Twitter, Wikileaks, etc., have emerged as mighty actors in the international communicative activities. They are being driven by self-interests, which not necessary conform sovereign states' interests. The development of new kind mass media are not being determined by national laws or other offline rules. This study determined the role of self-ruling mass media in the international political communication. Also, this work showed that emergence of new kind mass media have caused substantial decline of sovereign states' power in international political communication.