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Европска унија представља по много чему специфичну међународну организацију. Њено основно и препознатљиво обележје је наднационалност у креирању и спровођењу јавних политика. Настала удруживањем ресурса угља и челика брзо је прерасла у зону слободне трговине и сарадњу држава чланица у питањима као што је атомска енергије. Европска интеграција од свог почетка до данас зна искључиво за проширење чланства и повећање броја области сарадње на добровољној основи. Да ли ће међународне околности у којима се ЕУ налази данас и односи са другим међународним организацијама одбрамбеног карактера допринети већој интеграцији држава чланица ЕУ у домену одбране основна је тема овог рада. Трагање за различитим сценаријима развоја заједничке безбедносне политике ЕУ зависи пре свега од међународне институционалне и безбедносне архитектуре у Европи и свету, историјско политичких трендова у развоју европске интеграције, правног оквира ЕУ и међународног стратегијског окружења. Савремене међународне организације, посебно оне са преовлађујућим обележјима наднационалности (у конкретном случају ЕУ) имају тенденцију да у области одбране и безбедности комбинују наднационална обележја са међувладиним у покушају да што ефективније искористе структуру организације за остваривање њених циљева и интереса, али без већег преноса надлежности са држава чланица на саму организацију. ; The European Union represents in many ways a specific international organization. Its basic and recognizable feature is that of supranational policy and decision making. It was created by pooling the resources of coal and steel which had quickly developed into a free trade zone and ever closer Union in many policy areas. European integration from its inception to the present days was all about expanding membership and increasing the number of areas of cooperation. Namely widening and deepening of the EU was on the agenda. Will the current international circumstances and relations with other international defense organizations contribute to deepening integration in the field of defense is to be researched in this work. Search for different scenarios in the development of EU Common Security and Defense policy depends primarily on the international institutional and security architecture in Europe and the world, the historical political trends in the development of European integration, the EU legal framework and international strategic environment. Contemporary international organizations, especially those with the prevailing supranational characteristics (in this case the EU) tend to combine intergovernmental and supranational approach in the area of defense and security in an effort to more effectively utilize the structure of the organization for the realization of its goals and interests, but without significant transfer of powers from Member States on the organization itself. The main goals and interests of the EU integration in the field of defense and security are to (1) ensure durable and everlasting peace among member states, (2) to address common security challenges, risks and threats autonomously or in cooperation with other States and/or international organizations, (3) pool and share resources leading to more effective achievement of military economic interests, mainly through the development and transfer of military technology and equipment. In addition to the mentioned goals and interests, (4) particular interests of the Member States would be to improve their own political, economic and military performance. EU Integration in the field of defense, may rest in the future on (1) the current state of integration (status quo), (2) progress in areas that are not conflicting with the individual interests of key actors in the European arena (3) the deepening of integration leading to progressive framing of common defense policy with an ultimate goal to establish common defense. (4) The fourth model is possible and has been seen in the other EU policy areas.

U sklopu internacionalizacije političke podrške porodici i roditeljstvu značajna uloga pripada međunarodnim organizacijama, kao što su Svetska banka, Organizacija za ekonomsku saradnju i razvoj i Evropska unija. Cilj ovog rada predstavlja analiza konceptualizacije roditeljstva u zvaničnim dokumentima i relevantnim publikacijama ovih organizacija u poslednje dve decenije, kao i njene pedagoške implikacije razmatrane sa stanovišta kritičke teorije. Metodom analize sadržaja u istraživanju je utvrđeno da se roditeljstvo konceptualizuje kao skup veština usmerenih na postizanje predvidivih ishoda dečjeg razvoja. Roditeljske veštine sagledavaju se kao jedna vrsta socijalne investicije. Ulaganje u učenje roditeljskih veština donosi dugoročne koristi pojedincima i društvu koje prevazilaze inicijalne troškove. Iako se teorijska orijentacija ne eksplicira u međunarodnoj političkoj agendi, jasno se može zaključiti da je zasnovana na postavkama teorije ljudskog kapitala. Na osnovu obavljenog istraživanja može se konstatovati da roditeljska uloga u pomenutoj agendi ima ključni značaj u obezbeđivanju podsticajne sredine za učenje deteta i njegov ukupni budući prosperitet, nezavisno od sistemskih ili strukturnih karakteristika društva. Ona je višedimenzionalna i može se opisati kao: (a) instrumentalna, jer predstavlja ključni faktor rešavanja društvenih problema velikih razmera; fokus nije na inherentnoj vrednosti "biti roditelj", već na funkcionalnoj vrednosti – "obavljati posao roditelja"; (b) globalno normativno određena u smislu "pozitivnog" ili "dobrog" roditeljstva i (c) suštinski vulnerabilna, što znači da je svim roditeljima potrebna određena vrsta ekspertske podrške, a ne samo targetiranim grupama. Sa stanovišta kritičke teorije, pedagoška kritika ovih postavki dovodi u pitanje tendenciju instrumentalizacije, dekontekstualizacije i "profesionalizacije roditeljstva". ; Within internationalization of political support to family and parenting, significant role belongs to international organizations such as the World Bank, the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development and the European Union. The goal of this paper is the analysis of parenting conceptualization in official documents and relevant publications of these organizations. The parenting is conceptualized as the set of skills directed to fostering the predictable outcomes of children's development. The parenting skills are perceived as a type of social investment. The investment into learning parenting skills brings long-term benefits both to individuals and society, which surpass the initial costs. The significance of parenting competences is of a special importance in the period of early childhood and adolescence for two reasons. The first one is that there are critical periods in encouraging development of certain outcomes in children, and the second one is cumulativeness of learning process due to which the missed opportunities may decrease efficiency of future learning during life cycle. It is viewed that the parenting role is of crucial significance in providing a stimulating environment for a child's learning and his/her comprehensive future prosperity regardless of the system or structural characteristics of a society. It is multidimensional and can be described as: (a) instrumental, since it represents the key factor in resolving large-scale social problems. The focus is not on inherent value of "being a parent" but on functional value – "performing a job of a parent"; (b) normatively specified on the global level in the sense of "positive" or "good" parenting and (c) essentially vulnerable, which means that all parents need a certain type of professional support and not only the targeted groups. Pedagogical critique of these postulates questions the tendency of instrumentalisation, de-contextualization and "professionalization of parenting". ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

Pitanje prava drzava na samoodbranu je jedno od fundamentalnih pitanja medjunarodnog javnog prava. Ovo nacelo koji postoji koliko i samo medjunarodno pravo, formulisano je na univerzalan nacin sredinom proslog vijeka, i postoje mnogi pisani radovi o njegovoj izradi i tumacenju. Pozivanje na samoodbranu kroz cijelu istoriju je koristeno kao opravdanje za zloupotrebu sile od strane drzava van svojih teritorija. ; Question of right of states to self-defense is one of the fundamental questions of public international law. This principle, which exists just as long as public international law does, was formulated in universal manner by the mid 20th century and there are many written works on its formulation and interpretation. Invoking self-defense during the course of history was used as a pretext for the use of force by the states outside of its territories. Right of states to self-defense originates from customary international law. During antic and medieval times, principle of self-defense was linked to the theory of just war which was differently interpreted in different times. In the period between two world wars, still there was no absolute prohibition of the use of force in international relations so the principle of self-defense was linked to the right of self-help through use of different forcible measures: retorsions, reprisals, naval blockade, intervention and demonstration of naval power. Contrary to the period of League of Nations, mechanism of implementation of international law was centralized by the foundation of the United Nations because a single body – Security Council – was entrusted with the authority to determine when the use of force is allowed in international law. Article 51 of the United Nations Charter defines that the states have a right to individual or collective self-defense in case of armed attack on the UN member state. This right is considered legitimate until the Security Council has taken measures necessary to maintain international peace and security.

U radu su predstavljeni rezultati kvalitativne analize i komparacije relevantnih sadržaja ključnih obrazovno-političkih dokumenata međunarodnih i evropskih organizacija (UNESCO, OECD, Savet Evrope i Evropska Unija) iz dva perioda razvoja koncepta celoživotnog učenja koji se odnose na nastavnike. Rezultati kvalitativnog istraživanja su prikazani kroz sledeće kategorije: uloga i funkcije nastavnika, selekcija budućih nastavnika, inicijalno i kontinuirano obrazovanje nastavnika, odnos nastavnik–učenik, timski rad, pomoć nastavnicima, status i uslovi rada nastavnika, istraživački rad i mobilnost nastavnika, kao i međunarodna saradnja. Analiza i komparacija sadržaja međunarodnih i evropskih dokumenata prve faze (sredina šezdesetih i kraj sedamdesetih godina 20. veka) pokazala je da dokumenti Saveta Evrope i UNESCO-a opširno i na vrlo sličan način govore o tome šta i kako treba promeniti i/ili ponovo uspostaviti kad su u pitanju nastavnici, njihova uloga, obrazovanje i položaj kako bi celoživotno učenje postalo stvarnost. Za razliku od toga, u dokumentu OECD-a nije data veća pažnja ulozi nastavnika u realizovanju celoživotnog učenja. U drugoj fazi (sredina devedesetih godina 20. veka) razvoja koncepta celoživotnog učenja dokumenti UNESCO-a i OECD-a opširno i detaljno razmatraju pitanje nastavnika, dok se u dokumentu Evropske Unije samo konstatuje da će nastavnici imati središnju ulogu u društvu koje uči. Na kraju rada je istaknuto da je analiza i upoređivanje međunarodnih i evropskih dokumenata pokazala da su nastavnici jedan od najvažnijih elemenata politike celoživotnog učenja i da je, stoga, nužno planirati i organizovati celoživotno obrazovanje i učenje nastavnika kako bi oni mogli da podstiču i osposobljavaju učenike za celoživotno učenje. ; This paper presents results of the qualitative analysis and comparison of the content of key educational policy documents of the International and European organizations (UNESCO, OECD, Council of Europe and European Union) from two developmental stages of the lifelong learning concept with regard to the teachers. Results of the qualitative research have been presented within the following categories: role and function of teachers, selection of teacher candidates, initial and continuing training of teachers, teacher-student relation, team work, assisting teachers, status and working conditions, research and mobility of teachers and international cooperation. The analysis and comparison of the content of the International and European documents from the first phase (in the middle of 1960s and beginning of 1970s) have shown that documents of the Council of Europe and the UNESCO, to a great extent and in a similar fashion, state what should be changed and/or newly established when it comes to teachers, their role, their education as well as their status, so that lifelong learning could become reality. Compared to that, the OECD document did not pay greater attention to the role of teachers in the implementation of lifelong learning. In the second phase of development of the lifelong learning concept (in the middle of 1990s) the UNESCO and OECD documents discuss the teachers to a great extent and in detail, whereas the EU document states only that teachers will play a central role in the learning society. The paper concludes that the analysis and comparison have shown that teachers are one of the most crucial elements of the lifelong learning policy. Therefore, it is necessary to plan and organize lifelong learning and educational opportunities for teachers so that they could encourage and train their students for lifelong learning. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

The authors of this paper offer an overview and analysis of the rise and fall of‎ the liberal international order that emerged after the end of the Cold War and‎ along with the rising power of the United States. The foreign policy agenda‎ of the post-Cold War sole superpower was guided by the idea of creating a‎ global order based on the ideology of liberalism, which incorporates theories‎ of liberal peace, democratic peace and neoliberal institutionalism. The establishment‎ of a liberal order has been accompanied by numerous political, social,‎ economic and security crises. The current era is characterized by the rise‎ of the relative power of global actors, primarily China and Russia, as the main‎ challengers to the world domination of the United States, geopolitical revisionism‎ and ideological struggle around the world. The authors of this paper‎ use the dialectic of political mechanics as a method that relies on the teachings‎ of Friedrich Hegel on the dialectic of history and Carl Schmitt on the‎ phenomenon of the political. The authors advocate the view that the political‎ field "permanently pulsates", which, in everything that is social and political,‎ necessarily creates action and reaction.‎

The Fifth Hellenic Week of Contemporary Music (Athens, 1976) has been mainly considered in the context of a major political event: the fall of the military dictatorship in 1974. However, it may also be seen as a landmark for the transition to a postmodern era in Greece. The musical works presented during the Week, as well as their reception by the musical community are indicative of this transition. This paper aims at exploring those two perspectives and places the emphasis on the second, through an analytical comment on Le Tricot Rouge by Giorgos Kouroupos and the critiques in the press. ; Пета грчка недеља савремене музике одржана је 1976. године у Атини. Рецепција авангардних дела, која су се налазила у средишту претходних издања овог фестивала, драматично се променила — од полемичког и/или ентузијастичног става присутног у претходним издањима, до мирнијег и критичнијег става у Петој седмици. Ова значајна промена повезана је с националним политичким и идеолошким разлозима. Међутим, у ширем европском контексту ова промена може указивати и на прелазак са модернистичког на постмодернистичко схватање. Овај рад има за циљ да истражи како две различите перспективе могу утицати на конструкцију значења тих музичких догађаја и ставља акценат на "денационализовану" перспективу, која у први план истиче директнију везу од периферије ка харизматичним центрима. С једне стране, из националне перспективе, поменута промена повезана је са војном диктатуром која је успостављена у Грчкој 1967. године, а укинута 1974. године (Leotsakos 1976). Стога су и композиције поручене од грчких композитора и њихова рецепција током Четврте недеље представљале директне или индиректне изразе протеста против диктаторског режима (Tsagkarakis 2013). С друге стране, напор грчке "прогресивне" музичке заједнице да равноправно комуницира са интернационалном авангардом довео је, најпре, до присвајања постмодерних техника у музичким делима, а затим и до прихватања и мирног сапостојања неколико трендова. Овакав став је очигледан у реакцијама публике током Пете седмице. Последично, Пета недеља се може посматрати у светлу свеопштих промена у Грчкој и Европи тога доба (Romanou 1976, Christopoulou 2009, Samson 2013). У овом контексту, овај рад ће се фокусирати и на специфична музичка дела, посебно Le Tricot Rouge композитора Јоргоса Курупоса (Giorgos Kouroupos), као и на опште ставове музичке заједнице, укључујући ту композиторе, извођаче, публику и критичаре. ; Часопис је индексиран на http://doiserbia.nb.rs/, http://dais.sanu.ac.rs/handle/123456789/914 и у међународној бази ProQuest. / The journal is indexed in http://doiserbia.nb.rs/, http://dais.sanu.ac.rs/handle/123456789/914 and in the international database ProQuest. Издавање ове публикације подржали су Министарство културе и информисања Републике Србије, Министарство просвете, науке и технолошког развоја Републике Србије и СОКОЈ - Организација музичких аутора Србије / The publication of this volume was supported by the Ministry of Culture and Information of the Republic of Serbia, the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia and SOKOJ - Serbian Music Authors' Organization

Autori ovog rada nude pregled i analizu uspona i pada međunarodnog liberalnog‎ poretka koji je nastao nakon okončanja Hladnog rata i uspona moći Sjedinjenih‎ Američkih Država. Spoljnopolitička agenda jedine posthladnoratovske‎ supersile vođena je idejom stvaranja globalnog poretka utemeljenog na ideologiji‎ (globalnog) liberalizma koja u sebi inkorporira teorije liberalnog mira,‎ demokratskog mira i neoliberalnog institucionalizma. Uspostavljanje tzv. globalnog‎ liberalnog poretka dosada je bilo praćeno brojnim političkim, socijalnim,‎ ekonomskim i bezbednosnim krizama, a trenutnu eru međunarodnih odnosa‎ odlikuju uspon relativne moći "neliberalnih" globalnih aktera, pre svega‎ Kine i Rusije, kao glavnih izazivača svetske dominacije Sjedinjenih Američkih‎ Država, te geopolitički revizionizam i ideološka konfrontacija liberalnih i‎ antiliberalnih snaga širom sveta. Autori ovog rada koriste specifičan analitički‎ metod tzv. dijalektike političke mehanike, koji se oslanja na učenja Friedricha‎ Hegela o dijalektici istorije i Carla Schmitta o fenomenu političkog, kako bi‎ objasnili trenutnu dinamiku međunarodnih odnosa, pokazujući da političko‎ polje "permanentno pulsira" što, u svemu što je društveno i političko, nužno‎ kreira akciju i reakciju, čijom dinamikom se mogu tumačiti i globalna zbivanja‎ kojima upravo prisustvujemo.‎ ; The authors of this paper offer an overview and analysis of the rise and fall of‎ the liberal international order that emerged after the end of the Cold War and‎ along with the rising power of the United States. The foreign policy agenda‎ of the post-Cold War sole superpower was guided by the idea of creating a‎ global order based on the ideology of liberalism, which incorporates theories‎ of liberal peace, democratic peace and neoliberal institutionalism. The establishment‎ of a liberal order has been accompanied by numerous political, social,‎ economic and security crises. The current era is characterized by the rise‎ of the relative power of global actors, primarily China and Russia, as the main‎ challengers to the world domination of the United States, geopolitical revisionism‎ and ideological struggle around the world. The authors of this paper‎ use the dialectic of political mechanics as a method that relies on the teachings‎ of Friedrich Hegel on the dialectic of history and Carl Schmitt on the‎ phenomenon of the political. The authors advocate the view that the political‎ field "permanently pulsates", which, in everything that is social and political,‎ necessarily creates action and reaction.‎