Suchergebnisse

Avrupa Senedi ile telaffuz edilmeye baslayan Avrupa Birligi içinde ortak bir dıs politika gelistirme iradesi, 1990'lı yıllarda hem uluslararası sistemde hem de Avrupa Birligi sisteminde ortaya çıkan yeni olgular temelinde hızlanarak, Maastricht Antlasması'nın imzalanmasının ardından Ortak Dıs Politika ve Güvenlik Politikasının olusturulmasının kabul edilmesiyle, somut bir görünüm kazanmıstır. Avrupa Birligi, Ortak Dıs Politika ve Güvenlik Politikası'nın dogal bir uzantısı olarak, Avrupa Güvenlik ve Savunma Politikasının gelistirilmesini de burada kabul etmislerdir. Bu dogrultuda, çalısmalar hızlandırılmıs, Amsterdam ve Nice Antlasmaları ile AGSP'na iliskin sistemin gerekli araç ve yeteneklere kavusturulması saglanmaya çalısılmıstır. Bu süreç devam ederken Avrupa Birligi içerisinde, Türkiye'nin 1987'de tam üyelik basvurusuyla yeni bir görünüme kavusan iliskiler, 1990'lı ve 2000'li yıllarda ortaya çıkan gelismeler ısıgında Avrupa Birligi'nin Genisleme Politikası, ODGP ve AGSP ile de baglantılı hale gelmistir. Son dönemde Türkiye ve Avrupa Birligi arasındaki iliskileri etkileyen en önemli konulardan birisi olan AGSP, kültür ve kimlik açılımları da içermektedir. Türkiye'nin gelistirilmeye çalısılan AGSP'na olan yaklasımı, kaygıları ve bu politikaya getirecegi açılımlar, hem uluslararası etkenler hem bölgesel dinamikler hem de tarafların dıs politik çıkarları ve güvenlik algılamaları dogrultusunda islenecektir. Ulusüstü bir deger dagıtım sistemi olarak, siyasal bütünlesme sürecini tamamlama yolundaki Avrupa Birligi'nin, ortak yarar temelinde, ortak degerler ve normlar dogrultusunda gelistirmeye çalıstıgı AGSP'nın, bölgesel ve küresel etkileri ile Türkiye'nin buradaki konumu, kamuoyu destegi, siyasi irade ve dıs politika gelismeleri ele alınarak incelenecektir. ; Development of a common foreign and security policy in the EU, was emphasized with the Single European Act in1986. Process of development a common foreign policy accelerated in 1990's. In this era, some radical changes occurred in international system, such as declining Soviet power and communist system, existing new independent states, transformation process of Central European countries. The EU, as a supranational system and as a global actor, affected from all these developments and started improving its strategic interests and security aims. With signing Maastricht Treaty, Europeans began to work on design a Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and also, they took responsibilities of creating a credible European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP). ESDP is being created as a dimension of the Union's Common Foreign and Security Policy. Relevant with these developments, the EU began strengthening its identity and own statue at global and regional level. Arrangements of Amsterdam and Nice Treaties are known as important developments because of aiming to provide assets and capabilities which are necessary to development a credible Foreign and Security policy in the EU. The EU is eager to be part of the picture whenever security problems arise in Europe. Since the Turkish full membership application to the EC in 1987, relations between two parties gained a new phase. Turkey and the European Union relations were affected by European Union Enlargement Policy, CFSP and ESDP. These there policy areas of the EU have strong cultural roots and identity dimensions. So, the Turkish concerns and opinions according to integration, enlargement process of EU and its position according to ESDP were examined in the basis of international effects, regional dynamics, political interests and security perceptions.

This article offers a critical review of the few existing scholarly attempts to conceptualize & theorize the study of peacekeeping operations. It reveals that even though the study of peacekeeping operations is burgeoning, most of the available literature is idiosyncratic & atheoretical. Although some authors have recently utilized various concepts from international relations theory for analysis of peacekeeping operations, the potentially diverse international peacekeeping theories are yet to be fully integrated into international relations theory. After inspecting future research agendas outlined by the leading experts in the field, the author critiques the recent calls for a "macrotheory" of international peacekeeping. Adapted from the source document.

This article summarizes the main contemporary theoretical approaches to international institutions as well as significant theories of institutions, which build upon those approaches. In line with the existing overviews, I focus on realism, neoliberalism & constructivism. All three approaches differ in regard to both the origin & impact of institutions. Whereas, the basic realist perspective regards state interests & power to be the main source of the institution's origin; the basic perspective of neoliberalism emphasizes the structure of state interests & collective action problems, which result from it. Many constructivists presume that so-called general institutions determine the origin of specific institutions. According to realists, the impact of institutions is dependent on state interests & power; institutions only regulate state behavior in a limited way. The neoliberal conception of institutions infers that: institutions significantly regulate state behavior since they help states resolve collective action problems. According to constructivists: institutions even constitute state identities & interests. Adapted from the source document.

Contemporarily human rights are ranked among the most crucial foreign policy priorities in many countries. At the same time numerous states are forced to consider the human rights agenda under growing international pressure. The substance of foreign policy in the field of human rights, its intensity & instruments vary in many different aspects. The paper focuses on foreign policy in the field of human rights analysis. Its aim is to comprehend & extend prevailing methods in order to obtain an analytical scheme applicable to almost every country. To fulfill this aim it includes several steps, the most important of which are: examining the essence of analyzing foreign policy in the field of human rights as a specific part of the foreign policy agenda, introduction & elaboration of the so called Mower's apparatus, interpretation of foreign policy in the field of human rights using different levels of analysis & developing methods of its evaluation. In the end the paper summarizes the current state of research & makes some recommendations for the future. Adapted from the source document.

This article deals with the Czech discipline of International Relations addressing its recent historical evolution as well as its current state. It relies on the concepts of field, capital, doxa & habitus developed by the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. It argues that the discipline was founded in the late 1950s as a part of the political field, entering the field of science as late as the 1990s. Therefore, the main dichotomies of the field were defined politically for most of the time, e.g. reformist communists vs. orthodox communists or anti-communists vs. communists. Nowadays, the dichotomy refers to the role of theory, which splits empirical & descriptive research from theoretically oriented research. This analysis also takes into account the professional trajectory of the author & his embedded position within the discipline. References. Adapted from the source document.

The study deals with the so far mostly unaccented problem of the conflict in Northeastern Sudan. In contrast to the Darfur crisis, the conflict in NE Sudan is in progress without attracting any greater amount of international attention. In the text, I examine the development of the general marginalization of the inhabitants of the region in the context of the Sudanese politics since independence until the present time. The main issues of the study are the ethnicization & economization of the conflict & its international consequences. These consequences are still only latent, but the lack of conflict management might contribute to the spread of tensions abroad, as was the case with Darfur. I then argue that the passivity of the international society, as in the case of Darfur, makes certain that there is no chance for the NE Sudan conflict to be quickly resolved. As a conclusion, I suggest a solution to the crisis in the form of a broader engagement of regional organizations & states, especially IGAD (Inter-Governmental Agency for Development). Adapted from the source document.