Suchergebnisse

As a motivational factor of action, political efficacy is an important predictor of political behaviour. The term was invented to capture the extent to which people feel that they can effectively participate in politics and shape political processes. Today, we have a comprehensive knowledge of the individual-level factors (socio-demographic variables, political preferences etc.) that shape the level of internal and external dimensions of political efficacy. However, while it is widely demonstrated that media consumption influences the level of political efficacy, the country-level media context factors affecting it have rarely been studied. This paper reports the findings of extensive research on how two crucial features of the media context, the political significance of the media and the level of political parallelism in the media system, shape the level of external and internal political efficacy. The investigation draws upon the dataset of the seventh round (2014 – 2015) of the European Social Survey (ESS) and includes more than twenty-two thousand respondents from nineteen European democracies. The research hypothesizes that in countries where the media play a more important role, people have lower levels of external and higher levels of internal political efficacy. Political parallelism, which shows the extent to which media outlets are driven by distinct political orientations and interests within a particular media system, is expected to directly increase both external and internal political efficacy. Its indirect effect is also hypothesized, arguing that partisan media amplifies the winner-loser gap in political efficacy as a kind of "echo chamber". The findings show that in countries where the media play a major role in shaping political discourse, people have lower levels of external political efficacy, while the political parallelism of the media system indirectly affects the external dimensions of political efficacy. Internal political efficacy is, however, not related to these context-level factors.

The idea of Vietnam's opening, cooperating and integrating into the world has been sprung up in the very early days of the modern Vietnamese diplomacy under the leadership of President Ho Chi Minh. In the Doi Moi era, with creative application of Ho Chi Minh's Thoughts on international cooperation and integration, the Communist Party of Vietnam has gradually supplemented, improved and developed its perception on international integration in accordance with the evaluation of the world situation, international relations, new trends, the interactive relations between Vietnam and the world, opportunities and challenges for Vietnam in realizing the goals of security, development and raising its position in the international arena. The research paper will focus on studying the evolution of the Communist Party of Vietnam's perception on international integration, a crucial factor contributing to significant achievements in the cause of national renovation in general and foreign policy renewal in particular. ; Tư tưởng mở cửa, hợp tác và hội nhập với thế giới của Việt Nam đã được hình thành từ những ngày đầu tiên của nền ngoại giao Việt Nam hiện đại, dưới sự lãnh đạo của Chủ tịch Hồ Chí Minh. Bước sang thời kỳ Đổi Mới, vận dụng sáng tạo Tư tưởng Hồ Chí Minh về hợp tác và hội nhập quốc tế, Đảng Cộng sản Việt Nam đã từng bước hoàn thiện, bổ sung và phát triển tư duy về hội nhập quốc tế trên cơ sở đánh giá tình hình thế giới, quan hệ quốc tế, các xu thế mới, các mối tương quan giữa Việt Nam và thế giới cũng như những cơ hội và thách thức đối với Việt Nam trong việc thực hiện các mục tiêu đảm bảo an ninh, phát triển và nâng cao vị thế của đất nước. Bài viết tập trung tìm hiểu quá trình phát triển tư duy của Đảng Cộng sản Việt Nam về hội nhập quốc tế, nhân tố quan trọng góp phần đem lại những thành tựu đáng kể trong sự nghiệp đổi mới đất nước nói chung và đổi mới về đối ngoại nói riêng.

International economic integration is one of the major policies of the Vietnam's Government and the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) in the time of doi moi (renovation). This policy has been mentioned in several important resolutions and been implemented intensively since the Ninth National Congress of CPV. Through the national congresses of CPV, the policy of international economic integration has had new developments with new contents which have met the requirements of the domestic situation and matched with the general trend of our time. The Eleventh National Congress of CPV have developed the policy of foreign relations to a new height, in which international integration has become a major orientation of foreign relations. With this orientation, the characteristics and the level of international intergation have been improved, the scope of international integration has been extended. ; Hội nhập kinh tế quốc tế là một chủ trương lớn của Đảng và Nhà nước ta trong thời kỳ đổi mới. Chủ trương đó đã được đề cập đến trong nhiều nghị quyết quan trọng và được triển khai mạnh mẽ từ Đại hội IX đến nay. Qua các kỳ Đại hội Đảng, chủ trương hội nhập kinh tế quốc tế đã có những bước phát triển mới với những nội dung mới, vừa đáp ứng đòi hỏi của tình hình trong nước vừa phù hợp với xu thế chung của thời đại. Đại hội XI của Đảng đã phát triển đường lối, chính sách đối ngoại lên một tầm cao mới, trong đó, hội nhập quốc tế trở thành định hướng đối ngoại lớn. Với định hướng này, tính chất và trình độ hội nhập quốc tế được nâng cao, phạm vi hội nhập quốc tế được mở rộng.

What we today call the international system was created by the West from early modern age. This term is often used in political theory, but less focused on how to classify integrative forces within the international system. In the context of this study, we are attempting to lay down some conceptual basis. How do we understand the linking and unifying factors within the international system? Initially, the emergence of the international system was largely attributed to political factors in theory, but we can also refer to other explanatory principles: one considers economic factors and civilizational factors are taken into consideration as essential aspects of the international structures. According to our viewpoint, inter-civilization dialogue seems to be a "third way" that goes beyond the expansive one-sidedness of Western universalism and the world-level confrontation of hostile civilizations. This "civilizational approach" incorporates the two previous aspects - economic and political - and this is what gives its importance. In our view, inter-civilization dialogue is the only viable way to create global ethos, and only the resulting "intellectual revolution" can make national and supranational economic and political institutions to operate in effective way under the conditions of globalization.

This paper explores how Britain's and Colombia's privileged relations with the United States (U.S.) influenced their journey through the European Community (EC) and the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR). The Anglo–American Special Relationship (AASR) was compatible with British participation in the European Single Market, but not with adherence to creating the EC's common currency, nor with leadership in building a European defence structure autonomous from NATO. Thus, since the start of the Iraq war, Britain played a rather obstructive role in what later was called European Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The US–Colombia Partnership (USCP), based on a longstanding military association reinforced under Plan Colombia, naturally discouraged any meaningful Colombian participation in UNASUR's South American Security Council (CDS), a regional cooperative security project, promoted by Brazil. Cherished projects of the liberal CAP – such as triangular cooperation (to export Colombian security expertise to Central America with U.S. co-financing and oversight) and NATO partnership – also distracted Colombia's interest from UNASUR, diminishing the latter's relevance collaterally. A role for UNASUR – alongside the Organization of American States (OAS) – in South American security management was compatible with the liberal CAP, but not with the neoconservative CAP. Even a lopsided complementation – such as the one between NATO and the CSDP – proved unviable between the OAS and UNASUR.