Suchergebnisse

Demonstrates that, as it has been implemented by international development agencies, the women in development (WID) regime, with its origins in modernist colonial discourses & discourses of the market, disempowers Third World women. Drawing on relevant literature, colonial discourses are described as privileging the economy, culture, society, & politics of European peoples & homogenizing & essentializing Third World peoples, particularly women. Moreover, the discourses of the market are taken to stress individualism & voluntary choice in a manner that disempowers Third World nations in the international political economy. It is shown that these discourses have been at the root of the WID regime as it has been implemented by the World Bank. The Third World women's, or empowerment, perspective is advocated as an alternative basis for development, because it is rooted in the concrete experiences of women & grassroots strategies of organization that do not essentialize or disempower the people it is trying to assist. D. M. Smith

Über 40 Jahre dominierte der bipolare Konflikt des Kalten Krieges durch das "Gleichgewicht des Schreckens" die Weltpolitik. Gemäß dem "realpolitischen" Dogma standen Fragen der Macht bzw. die der "glaubwürdigen Drohung" in Zentrum der außenpolitischen Strategieüberlegungen. Dieses klassische Paradigma (eternal paradigma) ist mit den Revolutionen von 1989 theoretisch und praktisch in Wanken geraten. Der vorliegende Beitrag untersucht diesen Erosionsprozeß für die deutsche Außenpolitik. Die Ausführungen zeigen, daß von einem entscheidenden Bruch und Abweichen vom (neo)realistischen Paradigma für die deutschen Eliten nur bedingt die Rede sein kann; die grundlegenden politisch-strategischen Kalküle blieben/bleiben die gleichen. Revisionen erfolgten bei taktischen Fragen und der Wahl des politischen Instrumentariums. Der Autor diskutiert die Vor- und Nachteile dieser Kontinuität der deutschen Außenpolitik seit dem Zusammenbruch des Kommunismus. (ICE)

In the past decades the involvement of local experts in the planning and evaluation of development programs has steadily increased. Ownership of development planning is propagated as major aim of bilateral and international development co-operation. Yet, the quality and performance of many local experts is still open to question, last but not least, because they share the same technocratic bias as quite a number of their Western counterparts, notably concerning pro-poor development policies, empowerment and ill-adapted technology transfer. An unreserved replacement of expatriates by local experts, or the substitution of technical assistance by unconditioned budget aid would be counter-productive with respect to poverty-oriented development policies.

Since its founding in 1876, the Danish Red Cross (DRC) has undergone substantial changes in its operations, leadership, & member base. Moreover, the tasks undertaken by this organization in any given period have been necessarily dependent on the current mix of participants, problems to be dealt with, & available solutions. Yet how the DRC elects to perform a task in any given period is also determined in part by the identity, structure, & activity patterns that have already been established within the organization. Thus, new institutionalism can better account for the origin & transformations of the DRC than pluralism or neo-Marxism. M. Maguire

Historical analysis of the Copenhagen Business School (CBS) reveals that the current mix of institutional models has emerged in seven partially overlapping phases: the private business school (1917-1951), the public organization (1951-1965), the university (1961-1975), the political organization (1970-1974), reinforcement of the political organization (1974-1985), revival of the private organization, & creation of the international business school (1985-present). The CBS's incorporation of five different institutional models -- private, public, university, political, & international -- is explained in terms of two factors that have mutually affected each other over time: the historical introduction of different institutional models & the promotion of contestation of various institutional models by various social actors. 1 Table. M. Maguire

A scenario of postmodernity as dystopic hypermodernity is offered. The new world order of (modern) nation-states is seen as being replaced by a set of neo-world orders in today's postmodernity of global flows. The thesis is that there is: a shift from a realist new world order of nation-states to hyperrealist neo-world orders of global flows; & a shift from real politics carried out by nation-states in historical space to one of hyperreal politics carried out by sub- & supranational collective actors in posthistorical cyberspace. Aesthetic realism, ie, Renaissance perspectival space & single point perspective, is paradigmatic in the modern nation-state order. It is the state that is doing the painting. The state as illustrator paints in the sovereignty in the new world order. This nation-state exogenizes conflict & endogenizes discipline. The informationalized neo-world orders consist of the replacement of national organizations by global flows in the familiar set of media-, techno-, info-, & finanscapes. This new global & eminently disorganized capitalism should be understood in terms of Jean Baudrillard's hyperrealism. 26 References. V. Rios

Die Anzahl der von Migration erfaßten Menschen nimmt jedes Jahr zu. Wird das Problem, wie es jetzt schon häufig passiert, ignoriert, kann es sein, daß es Jahre, Jahrzehnte dauert, das Problem der weltweiten Migration dahingehend zu lösen, daß Flüchtlinge dauerhaft angesiedelt und integriert werden. Alle Migranten sind von dem Ziel geleitet, in einem anderen Land Zuflucht und soziale Integration zu erreichen. Ausgehend von der These, daß die heutige Migration das Ergebnis einer über Jahrzehnte andauernden, verfehlten Entwicklungspolitik, nämlich einer von den Industrienationen ausgehenden Modernisierungspolitik ist, die Fortschritt mit Modernisierung gleichsetzt, geht es in diesem Beitrag darum, den Umgang mit den Folgen der Destabilisierung zu diskutieren. Es soll anhand dreier Fallstudien aus dem Iran veranschaulicht werden, wie ein alternatives Modell, entwickelt von der Swiss Academy of Development (SAD) dazu beitragen kann, daß bereits frühzeitig eine Integration im Gastland möglich wird und somit die Folgen der weit verbreiteten Desozialisation von Flüchtlingen verhindert werden können. Die hier dargelegten Erfahrungen der Autoren heben die Bedeutung der internationalen Zusammenarbeit und des Lastenausgleichs für eine humanitäre Bewältigung der Flüchtlingsproblematik hervor. (ICH)

Article 3b of the European Community (EC) Treaty stipulates that the EC should act only where it can better achieve an objective than could individual member states, but an authoritative interpretation on this concept of subsidiarity has yet to be rendered by the EC Court of Justice (ECJ). After investigating how subsidiarity is dealt with in the Maastricht Treaty & by various EC institutions, the possible role of the ECJ in interpreting subsidiarity is explored. In addition, a liberal interpretation of Article 3b receives a tentative answer. M. Maguire