Suchergebnisse

Reflects on the continuing evolution of the international system toward a third phase of capitalism that might achieve greater world unity & equality than in the 19th century. The historical growth of capitalism separated nation-states into a center & periphery. In the post-WWII period, capitalism entered a new phase in which production became disconnected from local contexts & capital became immune from national policies. It is unclear how the international system will evolve, but three types of relationships will structure the near future: center-periphery states, East-West, & between Western nations. Progressive forces should work toward a polycentric internationalism that seeks to link the nation-states of the international system on the basis of their level of development. D. M. Smith

The extent to which agents acting on behalf of the state are constrained by internal & external factors is examined. Literature on the influence of various factors on state decision making is reviewed, & constraints that affect state decision making on foreign policy are identified: agent views & inclinations; agent positions in the state structure; state political & legal foundations; & state economic, historical, & geographical position in relation to other states. International diplomatic standards, global law, international morality, different regimes, & global institutions also influence state decision making. Although none of the aforementioned constraints are absolutes, it is concluded that successful foreign policy requires the balancing of freedom & necessity. 34 References. J. W. Parker

Examines the growing threat of international terrorism, calling for a multinational legislative approach. It is argued that the key to such an approach, along with international cooperation in crime prevention & criminal justice, is the adoption of a legal definition of terrorism that can be enforced through domestic legislation. Efforts toward such a definition by the G7 countries plus Russia (P-8), including the 1995 Halifax (Nova Scotia) & Ottawa (Ontario) Summits, the 1996 Sharm el-Sheikh Summit, & International Crime Control Act, are analyzed. The recommendations of the 1996 Lyon & Paris (France) Ministerials for constructive engagement to promote change in certain countries are discussed. It is concluded that until nations beyond the P-8 implement these measures, they will be useless against terrorists increasingly driven by religious fanaticism. T. Arnold

"In cross-cultural (and cross-national) survey research, the equivalence of survey questions rivals the importance of their reliability and validity. This paper presents a review of the multiple dimensions of equivalence that must be addressed when conducting comparative survey research. Available methodologies for establishing one or more forms of equivalence are also identified and the strengths and limitations of each approach are examined. It is concluded that multiple methodologies must be implemented in order to insure the cross-cultural equivalence of survey measures." (author's abstract)

Considers the impact of 1980s-1990s transformations in global financial markets on capitalist diversity. Financial markets are described as a central mechanism through which diverse market processes are brought together in a single web. Currently, financial markets are undergoing a transformation in which they are being integrated at a global level. This process has reduced the ability of national political structures to regulate & stabilize their markets. It has also seriously eroded capitalist diversity. While the proper solution to this situation may be the development of international-level regulatory solutions, these have not been developed because of political difficulties. Better forms of regulation will require a strong international coalition, considerable political & legal autonomy on the part of the negotiators, a narrow technical focus, & that it be enforceable. Without the institution of transnational regulation, it is likely that the transnational financial structure will be run by a private regime located in the financial markets themselves. D. Ryfe

Considers efforts by the International Press Service (IPS) to recognize itself in the post-1989 context to achieve its original mandate of constructing a global communication system. The IPS was created in 1964 as a global information agency devoted to securing peace in the Cold War environment; now, post-Cold War dangers to international security, eg, tribal wars & global poverty, exist. The IPS has oriented itself to these new problems by shifting resources between its Third World news agency & telecommunications & projects branches. In continuing its campaign to promote global security, IPS also embodies the ideal that communication may be a key to the creation of effective, cooperative, & democratic solutions to the world's problems. D. M. Smith

Assesses the possibilities & limitations of the New World Information & Communication Order (NWICO) in the context of ongoing changes in the global political economy. To date, NWICO, as laid out in the 1978 MacBride Report, has had little impact on the restructuring of global communications relations. However, it has succeeded in making the issue of communications a global priority. To achieve greater impact, NWICO must be decoupled from Western philosophical premises & become more open to culture-specific orientations to communication problems. At the same time, a revitalized NWICO must also adjust its international agenda to respond to new developments in the global communications order. NWICO's best chance of success is to incorporate its understandings of the global into the local, & vice versa. D. M. Smith

Offers 10 proposals for a New World Information & Communication Order that is adequate to ongoing changes in the global political-economic system. (1) Communication equity can only be achieved along with a redistribution of wealth from North to South. (2) Developing countries require more than capital assistance. (3) Academic & professional communications must consistently monitor international communication flows. (4) Communication equity must be defined in terms of use, access, & distribution of communication technologies. (5) Adequate communication-based education must include both the liberal arts & sciences. (6) Communication must be understood as global force. (7) Cultural concerns are as important as communication interests. (8) Marginalized cultures may be resuscitated by effective global communication structures. (9) All alternative media forms should be considered. (10) Communication is a basic human right. D. M. Smith

Argues that responsibility for the disintegration of Yugoslavia cannot be laid solely on Balkan tribalism, but must also consider other variables -- flawed Yugoslav & international institutions, criminally irresponsible political leaders manipulating national/ethnic tensions, & an unstable international security environment. It is shown that both ethnonationalism & a failure of political institutionalization contributed to the collapse of both interwar & post-WWII southern Slav efforts at state building. Further, recent political leaders are demonstrated to have manipulated the continuing ethnic unrest for their political interest; international institutions such as the International Monetary Fund & the World Bank are indicted for creating conditions in which such leaders could become successful. It is concluded that, if democratic institutions are to be created in this area in the near future, it will have to be done in the political context of ethnonationalism. 2 Appendixes. D. M. Smith

Assesses the impact of the 1978 MacBride Report of the International Commission for the Study of Communication Problems. The Commission was convened in the context of a long debate between Third World & Western states over economic & cultural issues. The report made recommendations for communication policies, technology, culture, human rights, & international cooperation that have not been influential. Although blame for this ineffectiveness may be laid with unforseen political-economic realities, it is suggested that the document itself (1) failed to clarify its most important principles; (2) insufficiently considered existing communication policies of member states; (3) addressed its recommendations to political actors rather than to the business community; & (4) contained dilemmas endemic to ad hoc commissions. Recommendations for the 1990s are proposed with benefit of hindsight. D. M. Smith

Overviews indigenous Third World news agencies, offering a content analysis of news bulletins from the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN), 1987, & the regional Caribbean News Agency (CANA), 1988. Third World news agencies have previously been put into four categories: intermediary, international intermediary, national, & smaller syndicates. It is suggested that this typology is overly rigid & does not allow news agencies to occupy multiple categories depending on broadcast content. It is found that the NAN & CANA rely on the same international news agencies for their foreign news content & tend to stress financial & economic news, thereby supporting rather than challenging the old information order. This order is further consolidated by news agency selection of certain news types, locations, & actors. Neither privatization nor state subsidization will realize the New World Information & Communication Order. Instead, it will only be achieved through greater participation by a majority of Third World citizens. 16 Tables. D. M. Smith

Explores implications of being a black feminist academic teaching in an international development studies program in a British university. Development studies is described as a neocolonial discipline that constructs a gender & racial formation in which colonial processes are articulated & represented. The discourse of development is taken to be the root of personal ambivalence toward academia. Though the discipline is grounded in neocolonial thinking, in recent years, new diverse strands of thought are opening spaces for the introduction of new identities. It is in these spaces that teaching development may become a form of intervention into the dominant discourse. This intervention often takes the form of constructing abstract theories so that personal space & emotion may be shielded. This process of intervening is not easy or simple, but requires constant negotiation, challenge, & resistance to dominant ways of positioning marginalized identities. 21 References. D. M. Ryfe