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The effects of political & economic corruption on international policy are studied. An overview of corruption's domestic economic effects emphasizes differences between the consequences of grand & petty corruption. The issue of whether corruption constitutes a legitimate obstacle to international trade is discussed. The question of whether the 1977 Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) constitutes a disincentive for US businesses to export their products is addressed. Whereas some US companies have utilized the FCPA to prevent solicitations from corrupt foreign officials, other enterprises have simply evaded or disregarded FCPA restrictions. It is concluded that the FCPA has not significantly decreased US exports & that such restrictions may assist US businesses to acquire contracts with democratic systems seeking legitimacy. 2 Tables, 32 References. J. W. Parker

Considers issues regarding the media's intermediary role in cases of international intervention, asserting that in democratic societies, when a government wants to involve itself in another country, it ought to obtain & uphold public support for its actions. Thus, the government must offer & the media must present reliable, comprehensive, & comprehendible information. In this light, four problems inhibiting the media's capacity to steer public opinion are discussed: (1) state regulation, influence, or manipulation of the media; (2) news flow imbalance; (3) stereotypical framing of certain foreign events as social conflicts; & (4) inherent cognitive difficulties in TV news production that impairs viewer comprehension. As these problems are exacerbated in relation to foreign news, the solution for producers is to domesticate the news, providing a familiar context for domestic viewers. Because TV seems to be the main source of news, & in light of the problems addressed, how the situation can be improved to make the public discourse on intervention more responsible is explored, arriving at three potential directions: (A) Demand reliable information from the government & other agencies. (B) Insist that journalists & broadcast organizations improve methods of informing the public. (C) Promote media literacy for better information processing & to generate public concern with international affairs. J. Zendejas

Examines the paradox inherent in international relations whereby international law & diplomacy favor state autonomy in domestic affairs while multilateral treaties & international institutions allow for collective action against governments violating generally accepted norms of behavior. It is contended that this paradox is based on the character of sovereignty, which specifies that "individual states are independent, but not autonomous, from the collectivity of states." At issue is establishing the conditions under which the international community has assumed the right & responsibility to intercede to protect individuals & groups in sovereign states. The manner in which the principle of sovereignty limits & empowers state collectivities to enforce international norms is explored, highlighting the dialectic of sovereignty arising from the Westphalian system in which sovereignty is both a constitutive principle & derivate. Attention turns to scrutinizing international communities as conceptually independent of the states that constitute them, arguing that only with general consensus can a broad-based community of states legitimately intervene in the affairs of a sovereign. Because international norms change over time, how & why some rules & practices emerge during certain historical periods must be considered to explain the conditions necessary for legitimate multilateral intervention without violating sovereignty. Three conditions are seen as prerequisite for the existence of the kind of pluralistic international communities necessary to account for the relative consensus needed to legitimate intervention: (1) There must be a least a modicum of consensus among major powers of the fundamentals of international politics. (2) The consensus principles must enjoy broad support from smaller states & their key domestic groups. (3) There must be a universal membership organization with the authority to create & enforce norms of behavior. Those specific norms & principles on which the community is based are looked at. The principles of legitimate post Cold War multilateral intervention are next assessed, delineating four generally accepted principles, eg, in cases where governments commit a consistent pattern of gross human rights violations deemed "shocking to the conscience of mankind." Some policy & theoretical implications are touched on in conclusion. J. Zendejas

Corruption is a complex activity. It is widely recognized as prevalent, despite the lack of empirical data. It goes beyond economic & political areas to affect people's lives & fundamental human rights. Governments that tolerate corruption are breaching human rights, so international human rights mechanisms have recently come into play to fight corruption & provide an alternative to domestic approaches. The human rights potentially affected by corruption are specifically those rights to affiliation, life, bodily health & integrity, political participation, nondiscrimination, & social & economic development. The Covenants supporting these rights, the International Covenant on Civil & Political Rights & the International Covenant on Economic, Social & Cultural Rights, are examined in relation to corruption. More solid empirical cases for the link between corruption & breaches of human rights are needed, & the human rights discourse needs to be integrated into international discussion on corruption & anticorruption activity. 1 Table. M. Pflum

The chapter defines & distinguishes foreign policy analysis & international politics, & discusses their origins & development as subfields. Next, the impact of constructivism on the areas, while not always acknowledged as such, is examined. Constructivism contributes to theoretical dimensions of structure, agency, rationality, institutions, & identity. Tables illustrate the application of key concepts. The chapter also summarizes important literature & debates concerning constructivism & international relations. 1 Table, 3 Figures, 50 References. K. Coddon

The contributions that national & international civil society can make to nations' realization of transitional justice are pondered. An overview of the challenges posed by transitional justice emphasizes three things that any transitional justice movement must consider, eg, the contextual specificity of each nation's transition to democracy. Eight objectives to be accomplished in achieving transitional justice are identified, including the ascription of past wrongdoing to proper groups & the promotion of public deliberation about past collective misconduct. After reviewing competing models of civil society, several things that civil society can do to encourage transitional justice are discussed, eg, the use of civil society groups to evaluate historical violations of people's human rights & to substantiate state wrongdoing; nevertheless, several caveats against using national civil society to promote transitional justice are offered. In addition, the role played by international civil society in facilitating the achievement of transitional justice is studied; specifically, it is claimed that global civil society can bolster national civil society groups & temporarily replace certain social & political institutions. J. W. Parker

Offers the apparent North American consensus on the analysis of international political economy, highlighting the empirical hotspots that have captured the most attention & some that require a bit more consideration. The areas of international trade, monetary relations, & foreign direct investment are scrutinized to define the research limits of international political economy in terms of empirical puzzles & a theoretical agenda. Some research strands are organized around concepts, eg, international cooperation, rather than specific areas; the need for more nuanced & measurable outcomes for these analyses is cited. The domestic politics of foreign economic policy is examined, noting that the heart of the domestic-international link lies in the reciprocal impact of domestic institutions & interests on international interaction. Attention turns to the international level of analysis targeting the strategic interactions of national states with respect to economic affairs & the role of international institutions in setting the tone of international economic relationships. The narrow range of analytical & empirical problems tackled by the extant literature is cited, & it is contended that theorizing the integration of the domestic & international levels of analysis is a key pursuit. J. Zendejas

The question of whether traditional liberalism can function as the foundation of social justice in the future is investigated. Liberalism's ambiguous treatment of ethical & moral issues in its attempt to ensure both individual autonomy & cosmopolitanism is reviewed. The problem concerning whether liberalism should treat international justice as both theory & practice is addressed. The need to integrate the concepts of duty & sentiment into contemporary liberal thought is then discussed. Informed by the thought of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, it is subsequently asserted that the language of sentiment offers an alternative that allows democratic societies to accept certain moral laws while avoiding violations of principles of social justice. Difficulties that arise when universalist & particularist thought are negotiated within the context of international justice are also covered. It is concluded that liberalism's claim that membership in a given political community is not an ethical issue requires additional review. 18 References. J. W. Parker

The question of whether traditional liberalism can function as the foundation of social justice in the future is investigated. Liberalism's ambiguous treatment of ethical & moral issues in its attempt to ensure both individual autonomy & cosmopolitanism is reviewed. The problem concerning whether liberalism should treat international justice as both theory & practice is addressed. The need to integrate the concepts of duty & sentiment into contemporary liberal thought is then discussed. Informed by the thought of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, it is subsequently asserted that the language of sentiment offers an alternative that allows democratic societies to accept certain moral laws while avoiding violations of principles of social justice. Difficulties that arise when universalist & particularist thought are negotiated within the context of international justice are also covered. It is concluded that liberalism's claim that membership in a given political community is not an ethical issue requires additional review. 18 References. J. W. Parker

Discusses the utility of social constructivism for the study of international institutions with an eye toward a confluence between rationalist & constructivist paradigms & problem-oriented rather than paradigm-driven research. Metatheoretical assumptions driving rationalist & constructivist institutionalisms are compared. Three logics of social action are described -- consequentialism, appropriateness, & truth seeking or arguing -- in terms of how these two paradigms weight them: rational choice emphasizes a logic of instrumental rationality & consequentialism & is self-consciously agency centered, while constructivism can be divided in more structural accounts stressing the logic of appropriateness & rule following & on more agency-centered ideas devoted to argumentative rationality & persuasion. Key terms used in the constructivist approach are defined before specifying how constructivism differs from rational choice in looking at international institutions & how the two approaches to institutionalism might meet. For the latter, three examples are presented: (1) Rationalist & sociological versions of institutionalism theorize about path-dependent processes. (2) There is a difference between the taken-for-granted nature of social norms or the enactment of cultural scripts & arguments about bounded rationality. (3) There is a controversy regarding causal vs constitutive effects of political institutions. Paradigm convergence is exposed through an analysis of the life cycle of international institutions, focusing empirical contributions to the study of the emergence & change of international norms & institutions & their impact on domestic political life in terms of rule compliance. It is concluded that combining the different logics of social action to show how they complement each other is the most promising direction for future institutionalist inquiry in international relations; implications of this for the practical knowledge of international politics are shared. J. Zendejas

The history of international nationality law & the concept of relational nationality are discussed, drawing on relational feminism. Prior to 1997, theory on nationalism took an individualistic perspective, avoided multiple nationality, & assumed the wife's nationality was dependent on the husband's. The 1997 European Convention on Nationality sought to address issues of multiple nationality & gender equality; it was neutral on multiple nationality because a gender equality perspective on nationality suggest accepting it in cases where spouses are of mixed nationalities. This points to a theory of relational nationalism in which marriage & family relations are important, & where family may mediate loyalties in a complex manner. Questions of statelessness & how the nationality laws in jus sanguinis regimes may be applied differentially to the first three generations are discussed. 108 References. M. Pflum

An assessment of international, national, & regional efforts to trace terrorist funding carried out both before & after 11 September 2001 focuses on "finance warfare" in Europe & the UK & linkages with US strategies. Regulatory & legislative measures implemented since 9/11 to attack the enemy's economic assets & infrastructure are explored in relation to earlier anti-money-laundering tactics aimed at criminal activities that were not politically or ideologically driven. The Bush administration's declaration of financial war against international terrorists & their allies immediately following 9/11 was similar to earlier efforts to identify bin Laden's assets. The specifics of an agreement on fast-track measures against terrorist funding reached at an October 2001 meeting of the European Union are described. Special attention is given to vulnerabilities in the financial systems that made terrorist financing possible, as well as links between the more informal financial networks in the developing world & sophisticated financial complexes in the developed world. The need to enhance global cooperation & refine strategies intended to deal with money laundering is emphasized. J. Lindroth

Focusing on environmental nongovernmental organizations, this chapter employs the EAR instrument to illustrate the political influence that NGOs exercise on global environmental politics. It investigates the effects of NGO power on the Framework Convention on Climate Change & the Convention on Biological Diversity (1990-1995). It begins by outlining the role that NGOs play in a globalized world. The chapter then discusses political power & political influence. The following sections examine the EAR instrument itself, followed by an application of the EAR instrument to a specific element of the Climate Convention: the issue of "joint implementation." Eighteen cases from the Climate & Biodiversity Conventions are summarized, & an analysis of the pros & cons of the EAR instrument is presented. 2 Tables. K. A. Larsen

Considers how game theory fits into ongoing international relations theory development, particularly that branch addressing international politics via the strategic logic of spare stylizations of the international system centered on Hobbesian state of nature. At issue are what game theory offers international relations theory, the extent to which game theory's capacities are needed, & the impacts on international relations theory of adopting a more game theoretic approach. Game theory is viewed as providing a formal method of analyzing strategic interactions; advantages in the formalization concomitant with such analysis are described. After detailing the general properties of research methods & some advantages available with game theory, debates dominating international relations theory are delineated, demonstrating that much of the dialogue is rooted in weakly or poorly specified linkages among actor preferences, the strategic setting in which the actors pursue their goals, & the outcomes. Consequences of adopting a more formal approach to international relations are scrutinized in conclusion. 2 Figures. J. Zendejas