Suchergebnisse

Globalizacija i povećana međunarodna međuovisnost pridonose tomu da se ponovno povećava interes utjecaja strukture međunarodnog sustava na međunarodne odnose. Međunarodni sustav od kraja Hladnog rata neprestano proživljava promjene. One se najviše odlikuju u političkim i sigurnosnim novitetima. U takvim je uvjetima struktura sustava postala glavnom odrednicom ponašanja država koje se, promatrajući ih kroz perspektivu strukturalnog realizma ili neorealizma, ponašaju isključivo u skladu s vlastitim interesima, u uvjetima anarhičnog sustava. S obzirom na geopolitički položaj te veličinu Hrvatskoj je izrazito bitno čvrsto članstvo unutar NATO-saveza i Europske Unije. Kontekst razvoja sigurnosti i obrane time postaje više usmjeren na činjenicu da se zemlje članice saveza obvezuju pomagati jedna drugoj u slučaju pojave ugroze, te se time jača stabilnost nacionalne sigurnosti potrebne da se omoguće dugoročni mir i stabilnost u zemlji, ali i u susjedstvu. Kao središnji i konstantan fenomen u proučavanju međunarodnih odnosa, savezi nastaju jer su vlade svih razvijenih država svjesne da su dio jednog većeg entiteta u međunarodnoj politici u kojoj, prema postavkama neorealističke škole među-narodnih odnosa, postoje prijetnje koje su uzroci stvaranja saveza. ; Globalisation and increased international interdependence have contributed to the fact that once again the interest of the impact on the structure of the international system to international relations is increased. The international system, since the end of the Cold War, is constantly going through changes. They are the most distinguished in political and security innovations. In such circumstances, the structure of the system has become the main determinant of behaviour of states that, looking through the perspective of structural realism or neorealism, act solely pursuing their own interest, in terms of an anarchic system. Given the geopolitical position and size of the country, it is extremely important for Croatia to have a firm membership within the NATO and the European Union. The context of development of security and defence thus becomes more focused on the fact that the member states of the alliance commit to assist each other in case of threats, so the stability of national security needed to enable long-term peace and stability in the country, but also the neighbourhood, is strengthened. As a central and constant phenomenon in the study of international relations, alliances are formed because the governments of all developed countries are aware that they are part of a larger entity in international politics, in which, according to the neorealist school of international relations, there are threats that cause creating alliances.

Članak je usredotočen na djelovanje međunarodnih organizacija u postkonfliktnim i nestabilnim državama s posebnim prikazom njihove uloge u BiH. Od sredine 1990-ih međunarodne organizacije – kao što su UN, NATO, EU i OESS – angažirane su u BiH u procesu izgradnje države i transformiranja podijeljenoga društva u gospodarski i politički održivu državu. Iako su, uz podršku svih istaknutijih europskih država i SAD-a, međunarodne organizacije postale važan činitelj u slaboj i nefunkcionalnoj državi, njihovo uplitanje nije proizvelo očekivane rezultate. ; The paper is focused on activities of international organizations in postconflict and unstable countries with a special overview of their role in BiH. Since 1990 international organizations – such as UN, NATO, EU and OESS – have been engaged in BiH in the process of building the country and transforming a divided society into economically and politically sustainable country. Although international organizations became an important factor in the weak and non-functional country with the support of all eminent European countries and the USA, their interference has not produced expected results.

Završetkom Hladnog rata otvorio se prostor za razvoj odnosa u međunarodnoj zajednici koji pogoduju stvaranju globalnog partnerstva. Iako članak 5. ostaje brand Saveza, nužno je moderniziranje odnosa na relaciji SAD – EU, kao i s ostalim važnim čimbenicima međunarodnih odnosa poput UN-a, OESS-a, Rusije, ali i Kine. Kako su se mijenjali međunarodni odnosi, tako je i Sjevernoatlantski savez tijekom desetljeća svog postojanja prošao različite faze razvoja – od Hladnog rata do pokušaja stvaranja globalnog partnerstva. Djelujući globalno, nameće se potreba za jasnijim definiranjem legitimnosti operacija izvan prostora država članica sukladno međunarodnom pravu. U tom smislu članci 4. i 7. Ugovora dobivaju posebno značenje. Zapravo, imajući u vidu jedinu preostalu misiju tzv. tradicionalnog Saveza u Europi, Lisabonski samit predstavlja velik korak u pravcu završetka NATO-ove vlastite posthladnoratovske tranzicije, ali i doprinos daljnjem procesu izgradnje mira i povjerenja u Jugoistočnoj Europi. ; The end of the Cold War opened the space for developing new relationships in the international community that are conducive to creating global partnerships. Although Article 5 remains the brand of NATO, it is necessary to modernize the relationship between the U.S. and the EU as well as with other important actors in international relations such as the UN, OSCE, Russia and China. With changed international relations through past sixty years, the North Atlantic Alliance has changed itself simultaneously over decades. The Alliance passed through different stages of its own development – from the Cold War era to attempting to create a global partnership. Acting globally, there is a need for defining the legitimate operations outside the territory of Member States under International law. In this sense, Articles 4 and 7 have a special meaning. In fact, bearing in mind the mission of "old" and traditional NATO, the Lisbon Summit represents a major step toward completion of NATO's post-Cold War transition, but also contributes to the process of building long-lasting peace and confidence in Southeast Europe.

Ovaj rad bavi se političkom simbolikom zastave kao sastavnim dijelom političkih rituala i političke mitologije te posebice desakralizacijom (profanacijom) zastave kao fenomenom izrazitog političkog simbolizma. U prvom dijelu rada iznosi se povijesni pregled desakralizacije zastave, nacionalne i državne, dok u drugom dijelu autor razmatra fenomen desakralizacije zastave među-narodnih organizacija. Zatim se analizira slučaj desakralizacije zastave Europske Unije u Hrvatskoj 2011. godine u kontekstu kaznenog progona počinitelja i u kontekstu interpretacije kaznenih sankcija, pri čemu autor tvrdi da se odredba članka 186. Kaznenog zakona ne može odnositi na zastavu Europske Unije jer je Lisabonskim ugovorom, koji je stupio na snagu 1. prosinca 2009., dotadašnja zastava EU-a prestala biti službenom. S druge strane EU nije klasična međunarodna organizacija, već politička asocijacija zemalja članica sui generis, pa tako izmiče definiciji međunarodne organizacije, što je potvrđeno i Rezolucijom Opće skupštine UN-a od 3. svibnja 2011. U takvom kontekstu promašen je kazneni progon palitelja zastave EU-a u Hrvatskoj, kao što je neprimjerena i kaznena odredba sa zapriječenom kaznom koja na simboliku paljenja zastave odgovara simbolikom represije. U zaključku autor iznosi da je za politologiju od posebne važnosti izučavanje političke simbolike, što obrazlaže svojom analizom na primjeru desakralizacije zastave Europske Unije. ; This article deals with the political symbolism of the flag as a constituent part of political rituals and political mythology, and special attention is given to the desecration of the flag as a phenomenon of exceptional political symbolism. The author reviews cases of flag desecration, national and international, while in the second part of the article deals with the desecration of international organizations' flags highlighting the desecration of the EU flag. Then the article analyses the desecration of the EU flag in Croatia in 2011 within the context of criminal proceedings initiated against the perpetrators. In doing so, the author finds that Art. 186 of the Croatian Penal Code cannot apply to the desecration of the EU flag as a symbol of an international organization, because the EU is not a classical international organization, but an association of states sui generis, as the German Federal Constitutional court ruled in 1993. Moreover, the flag of Europe is not the official flag of the EU any more since the provisions on EU symbols were cancelled in the Lisbon Treaty entering into force on December 1, 2009. Therefore flag burners or flag rippers cannot be prosecuted under the provisions of this article, because no one can be indicted for a non-existing symbol. However, the study of political symbols is very important in contemporary political science and this should be dealt with in analysis and research.

U radu "Izlazak iz Lepušićeve?" Kasapović se ponovno bavi vrlo važnom temom kritičke procjene razvoja discipline političke znanosti u Hrvatskoj, osvrćući se posebno na stanje u komparativnoj politici. Autorica proučava zašto se Hrvatska rijetko nalazi u međunarodnim komparativnim istraživanjima, s tim da problem analizira iz vanjskog ugla, pitajući se zašto strani politolozi i veliki međunarodni istraživački programi rijetko uključuju Hrvatsku. Nadovezujući se na Kasapović, sumirat ću glavne boljke, a zatim utvrditi da se razvoj empirijske politologije u Hrvatskoj odvija u odsutnosti sustavne znanstvene politike, ali i u kontekstu nedovoljne brige samih znanstvenika i o uvjetima produkcije znanja i o mehanizmima reprodukcije discipline. ; In the article "Exiting Lepušićeva?" Kasapović engages once again with the very important issue of critical evaluation of the development of political science in Croatia, with a particular focus on the status of comparative politics within the discipline. The author takes an outside perspective in the approach to the analysis of the reasons why Croatia can rarely be found in international comparative studies, and inquires into the reasons why political scientists abroad, involved in large-scale international research programs, rarely include Croatia as one of their case studies? In addition to Kasapović's argument, I begin by summing up the main problems, and afterwards I argue that the development of empirical political science in Croatia takes place in the absence of a comprehensive Science and research policy on the national level, but also in the context of insufficient concern of the scientists themselves for the conditions of knowledge production and the mechanisms of reproduction of the discipline.

Promidžba demokracije temeljni je cilj vanjske politike EU-a, a ujedno i međunarodna dimenzija demokratizacije kao temeljnog i ključnog političkog ishoda proširenja unija na države Istočne, Srednje i Jugoistočne Europe. U svjetlu relevantnosti te tematike ovaj rad nastoji definirati pojam, doseg i primjenu promidžbe demokracije u međunarodnim odnosima, posebice prema postkomunističkim državama u posthladnoratovskom razdoblju, instrumente, ciljeve, strategije, ograničenja, evolutivni okvir promidžbe demokracije, kao i njezinu primjenu na primjeru Europske Unije, posebice u odnosu na bivše komunističke države, gdje je zamijećeno da vanjski akteri ne mogu potaknuti demokratizaciju i dovesti do stabilnih političkih poredaka ukoliko snažni unutarnji politički akteri ne budu "upravljali" elementima državnosti i modernizacije ; Democracy promotion is a crucial objective of the EU foreign policy; at the same time it is also the international dimension of democratization as a fundamental and crucial political outcome of the EU enlargement to Eastern, Central and Southeastern Europe. In light of the relevance of that topic, this paper attempts to define the concept, scope and application of democracy promotion in international relations, especially in the post-communist countries in the post-Cold War period. It will also examine instruments, objectives, strategies, constraints and evaluation framework of democracy promotion, as well as its implication on the case study of the European Union, particularly regarding former communist countries. In these cases it was observed that external actors can encourage democratization and lead to a stable political order if elements ofstatehood and state modernization are not discouragely "managed" by influential internal political actors.

Nakon Hladnoga rata pojavila se nova sigurnosna prijetnja: zbog propalih država koje ne mogu kontrolirati vlastiti teritorij, širenje nestabilnosti postala je realna opasnost. Da bi se to spriječilo, angažirane su međunarodne organizacije radi uspostavljanja stabilnoga društva u slabim državama. Izgradnja države zahtjevniji je posao od izgradnje javnih ustanova i pretpostavlja stvaranje političkih, gospodarskih i vojnih uvjeta za održavanje trajnoga mira. Politički se analitičari ne mogu usuglasiti oko pitanja vezanoga za međunarodno sponzoriranu izgradnju države; jedni to nazivaju neokolonijalizmom, dok drugi tvrde da je proces izgradnje države nužan ne samo zbog sigurnosnih nego i humanitarnih razloga. Dva tipična primjera izgradnje države jesu Kosovo i Irak – obje su prošle rat i rušenje institucija vlasti. Na Kosovu je glavnu ulogu preuzeo UN, dok je u Iraku proces izgradnje države preuzeo SAD. U ovom se članku analizom izgradnje države u Iraku i Kosovu nastoje prikazati razlike u pristupu UN-a s jedne i SAD-a s druge strane. ; New security threat appeared after the Cold War: expanding of instability became a real danger because of ruined countries which cannot control their own territory. Developing a country is a more demanding work than developing public institutions; that requires creating political, economic and military conditions for keeping permanent peace. Political analysts cannot agree on the issue related to internationally sponsored developing of countries; some call it neocolonialism, while the others say that process of developing the country is necessary not only because of security but also because of humanitarian reasons. Two typical examples of developing the country are Kosovo and Iraq – both went through the war and destroying authorities. UN took over the main role in Kosovo, while the USA took over the process of developing the country in Iraq. In this paper analysis of developing the country in Iraq and Kosovo served for showing differences in UN approach from one side and the USA approach from the other side.

U ovom se članku govori o političkome kontekstu i pravnome okviru za uspostavu suvereniteta Republike Hrvatske te se ukazuje na legalnost vojno-redarstvenih akcija s obzirom na odredbe tuzemnoga i međunarodnoga prava. Riječ je i o političkome i pravnome okviru u kojemu su nastale srpske autonomne oblasti, odnosno paradržavna tvorevina Republika Srpska Krajina na državnome teritoriju Republike Hrvatske. ; This paper speaks about political context and legal framework for establishing sovereignty of the Republic of Croatia. It points out legality of military-police actions with regard to provisions of domestic and international law. The subject is also political and legal framework in which Serbian autonomous territories were established or parastate creation Republic of Serbian Krajina in the state territory of the Republic of Croatia.

U svibnju 2013. godine ponovno je izmijenjen i dopunjen Pomorski zakonik Republike Hrvatske. Promjene su, među ostalima, i u dijelu o prijevozu putnika i njihove prtljage. Ovim izmjenama i dopunama vodilo se računa o usklađivanju s normama Europske unije. Posebno izdvajam zakonski tekst o obvezi primjene Uredbe 392/2009 Europskog parlamenta i Vijeća o odgovornosti prijevoznika u prijevozu putnika morem u slučaju nesreća. Time se Republika Hrvatska (a prije toga i ratifikacijom u veljači 2013.) obvezala primjenjivati Protokol, odnosno Atensku konvenciju iz 2002. o prijevozu putnika i njihove prtljage morem, uz intervenciju Međunarodne pomorske organizacije (IMO) u tekst Konvencije zbog visine odgovornosti, kako to vrijedi za cijelo područje EU-a. Prihvaćanjem spomenute Uredbe pruža se veća zaštita putniku jer se u međunarodnoj plovidbi i u nacionalnoj plovidbi brodovima klase A i B uvodi objektivna odgovornost za njegovu smrt ili tjelesnu ozljedu u slučaju pomorske nesreće. Na prijevoz putnika i prtljage u nacionalnoj plovidbi brodovima koji ne spadaju u klasu A i B primjenjuju se postojeće odredbe Pomorskog zakonika koje su se prije njegove izmjene zasnivale na Atenskoj konvenciji iz 1974. ( s protokolima), a to znači i daljnja primjena pretpostavljene krivnje. ; Maritime Law of the Republic of Croatia was changed and amended in May, 2013. Changes are, among other things, related to carriage of passengers and their luggage. These changes and amendments served for harmonization with European Union norms. I specially point out the legal text about the obligation of applying Regulation No 392/2009 of the European Parliament and of the Council on the liability of carriers of passengers by sea in the event of accidents. With that the Republic of Croatia (and before that with ratification in February 2013) committed itself to applying Protocol or Athens Convention from 2002 relating to the carriage of passengers and their luggage by sea, with intervening of the International Maritime Organization (IMO) in the text of the Convention due to the level of responsibility, as it is valid for the entire EU area. Adopting the mentioned Convention offers better protection to passengers because during the international and national carriage by A and B class ships objective responsibility for his death or bodily harm in the event of accident is introduced. The existing regulations of the Maritime Law, which were based on the Athens Convention from 1974 (with protocols) before its change, are used for the national carriage of passengers and luggage by ships which are not class A or B and that means further applying of presumed guilt.

Konvencija o pristupu informacijama, sudjelovanju javnosti u odlučivanju i pristupu sudstvu o pitanjima okoliša – Aarhuška konvencija – međunarodni je pravni okvir na području zaštite okoliša. Ova konvencija, pokrenuta pod pokroviteljstvom UN-a, najambiciozniji je pothvat kada je riječ o zaštiti okoliša. Njezinim usvajanjem ujedno je učinjen golem korak u razvoju međunarodnoga prava. Prihvaćajući načela i formalno pristupajući Aarhuškoj konvenciji, države naše regije (Jugoistočna Europa) zorno pokazuju da prava na području okoliša nisu luksuz rezerviran samo za bogate. Ovim se dokumentom utvrđuju prava u svezi s okolišem te čine pouzdan temelj za uključivanje najšire javnosti u politike okoliša čime se potvrđuje i naša obveza prema budućim pokoljenjima. To je dokaz kako se održivi razvoj može postići jedino uključivanjem svih sudionika u društvu. Aarhuška konvencija poveznica je između odgovornosti tijela javne vlasti i zaštite okoliša, jer se sudjelovanjem javnosti povećava odgovornost i transparentnost pri donošenju odluka, kao i svijest javnosti o pitanjima okoliša, a osigurava se i podrška za donesene odluke. Učinkovitim sudjelovanjem javnosti promiču se načela suradnje i konzultacija između građana i donositelja odluka, čime se pridonosi općoj demokratizaciji društva. To je omogućeno provedbom Aarhuške konvencije koja uključuje: pristup informacijama, sudjelovanje javnosti pri donošenju odluka i pristup pravosuđu kada je riječ o okolišu. To su ujedno i tri glavna stupa Konvencije. Prije dvanaest godina tadašnji je glavni tajnik UN-a Kofi Annan opisao Konvenciju kao "najambiciozniji pothvat na području 'okolišne demokracije' dosad poduzet pod okriljem Ujedinjenih naroda". Možemo reći kako je taj opis vjerojatno i danas točan, iako je na području okolišne demokracije došlo i do drugih znatnih pomaka. ; Convention on access to information, public participation in decision making and access to justice in environmental matters – The Aarhus Convention – is an international legal framework in the area of the environment protection. This convention, initiated under the auspices of UN, is the most ambitious venture as far as environment protection is concerned. Its adoption made at the same time a huge step in the international law development. Accepting the principles and formally accessing to the Aarhus Convention, countries from our region (Southeast Europe) show that rights in the environment protection area are not the luxury reserved only for the rich ones. This document defines the rights in the environment area and makes the reliable foundation for involving the general public in the environment policies which confirms our commitment to future generations. That is a proof that sustainable development can be achieved only by involving all participants in the society. The Aarhus Convention is a link between the authorities' responsibilities and environment protection, because participation of the public increases responsibility and transparency in decision making, as well as consciousness of the public about environmental matters. It also provides support for the made decisions. Efficient participation of the public promotes cooperation principles and consultation between citizens and decision makers, which contributes to general society democratization. That is enabled by the Aarhus Convention implementation which includes: access to information, participation of the public in decision making and access to jurisdiction when speaking of environment. These are at the same time three main Convention pillars. Twelve years ago the UN Secretary General Kofi Annan described the Convention as "the most ambitious venture in environmental democracy undertaken under the auspices of the United Nations". We can say that the mentioned descriptionis probably correct even today, although there have been many other significant improvements in environmental democracy.

Europske integracije na području Zapadnog Balkana ishodište su europeizacije koja je usko isprepletena s demokratizacijom i demokratskom konsolidacijom, ta su dva procesa povezana i međusobno uvjetovana. Ovaj rad je predstavio koncept demokratizacije kao željenoga političkog ishoda "Politike proširenja" te teorijski okvir europeizacije kao međunarodne dimenzije demokratizacije i vanjskopolitičkog cilja EU koja je, kako ovaj rad argumentira, prisutna od početka europskih integracija na Zapadnom Balkanu, što korelira s početkom Procesa stabilizacije i pridruživanja. Svojom demokratskom uvjetovanošću EU služi kao poticaj demokratske konsolidacije određujući službena mjerila u zadovoljavanju političkih uvjeta, potičući promjene na različitim razinama procesa demokratizacije. Međuovisnost modernizacije, državnosti i utjecaja vanjskih aktera, u slučaju riješenog pitanja državnosti, pridonosi konsolidaciji bivših realsocijalističkih država na Zapadnom Balkanu. ; European integration in the Western Balkans is the starting point of europeanisation that is closely intertwined with the process of democratisation and democratic consolidation; those two processes are interconnected and conditioned. This paper presents concept of democratisation as wanted political outcome of the EU Enlargement policy and theoretical frame of europeanisation as international dimension of democratisation, i.e. one of the EU external relations' objectives. As it argued; those processes are inherent from the beginning of the European integration in the Western Balkans that strongly correlated with Stabilisation and Association Process (SAP). With its democratic conditionality European Union serves as main impulse and initiative of democratic consolidation determining official benchmarks in fulfilling political (Copenhagen) criteria and encouraging changes on different levels of democratisation process. Interdependence of modernisation, statehood development and influence of external actors, in a case of resolved nationbuilding question, increases the consolidation of former real-socialist countries in the Western Balkans.

From the field of cartography and geoinformation, there are journal's article extracts given which are not cartographic first and whose complete texts are on the Internet, accessible to the members of Croatian academic and research community. Most journals can be accessed through the PERO browser (http://knjiznica.irb.hr/pero/index.php). For the journals not found through this browser, the complete texts of the mentioned articles are available for free on the given web-address. Next to every jo­urnal headline, in the brackets, it is noted which prominent bibliographic and quotation bases it is placed in: CC (Current Contents), SCIE (Science Citati­­on Index Expanded), and SSCI (Social Sc­­­i­ence Citation Index). It should be noted that, for some journals accessible through PERO browser, there is a delay of 6, 12 and even 18 months in accessing the newest issues. This number is given in the brackets next to the journal's headline.Bullettin of the GSI (Geospatial Information Authority of Japan)http://www.gsi.go.jp/ENGLISH/page_e30092.htmlK. Kawase: A general formula for calculating meridian arc length and its application to coordinate conversion in the Gauss-Krüger projection, Vol. 59, December 2011.K. Kawase: Concise derivation of extensive coordinate conversion formulae in the Gauss-Krüger pro­jection, Vol. 60, December 2012.Coordinates (A monthly magazine on positioning, navigation and beyond) http://mycoordinates.orgT. Nagayama, K. Inaba, T. Hayashi, H: Nakai: Responding to the great east Japan earthquake, 2012, 12.J. SF Fabic: Data integration and sharing for disaster management, 2012, 12.D. Ampatzidis: Datum transformations using exclusively geodetic curvilinear coordinates without height information, 2012, 12.Geomatics and Environmental Engineeringhttp://journals.bg.agh.edu.pl/GEOMATICS/index.phpR. Cellmer, A. Senetra, A. Szczepanska: Land value maps of naturally valuable areas, 2012, 3.Geopolitics (CC, SSCI) (12)J. Strandsbjerg: Cartopolitics, geopolitics and boundaries in the Arctic, 2012, 4.International Journal of Geographical Information Science (CC, SCIE, SSCI) (12)H. Fan, L. Meng: A three-step approach of simplifying 3D buildings modeled by CityGML, 2012, 6.D. Hardy, J. Frew, M. F. Goodchild: Volunteered geographic information production as a spatial process, 2012, 7.P. Taillandier, J. Gaffuri: Improving map generalisation with new pruning heuristics, 2012, 7.ISPRS International Journal of Geo-Informationhttp://www.mdpi.com/journal/ijgiP. Neis, A. Zipf: Analyzing the contributor activity of a volunteered geographic information project — The case of OpenStreetMap, 2012, 2.P. Neis, M. Goetz, A. Zipf: Towards automatic vandalism detection in OpenStreetMap, 2012, 3.ISPRS Journal of Photogrammetry and Remote Sensing (CC, SCIE)http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/journal/09242716J-H. Haunert: A symmetry detector for map generalization and urban-space analysis, Vol. 74, November 2012.Journal of Historical Geography (CC, SSC) (12)D. Fedman, C. Karacas: A cartographic fade to black: mapping the destruction of urban Japan during World War II, 2012, 3.M. Yilmaz: Historical mosque orientation in Turkey: Central-Western Anatolia Region, 1150‒1590, 2012, 4.Landscape Ecology (CC, SCIE)http://link.springer.com/journal/10980J. Liang: Mapping large-scale forest dynamics: a geospatial approach, 2012, 8.Naše morehttp://hrcak.srce.hr/nase-moreI. Pavić: Geografsko-informacijski sus­tav i model razvoja pomorskoga ka­tastra, 2012, 5-6.Remote Sensing of Environment (CC, SCIE)N. Levin, A. Heimowitz: Mapping spatial and temporal patterns of Mediterranean wildfires from MODIS, Vol. 126 November 2012.Tehnički vjesnik (SCIE)http://hrcak.srce.hr/tehnicki-vjesnik R. Župan, D. Sruk, S. Frangeš: Experiment for determination of map graphics segment standard for handheld crisis maps management, 2012, 4.URISA Journalhttp://www.urisa.org/PSS_journal_archivesM. Martin, B. Peters, J. Corbett: Participatory asset mapping in the Lake Victoria Basin of Kenya, 2012, 2.P. A. Johnson, R. E. Sieber: Increasing access to and use of geospatial data by municipal government and citizens: the process of "Geomatization" in rural Québec, 2012, 2.A. Poplin: Web-based PPGIS for Wilhelmsburg, Germany: An integration of interactive GIS-based maps with an online questionnaire, 2012, 2. ; Dan je izbor članaka iz područja kartografije i geoinformacija iz časopisa, koji nisu u prvom redu kartografski, a kojima su cjeloviti tekstovi dostupni na internetu članovima hrvatske akademske i istraživačke zajednice. Većina časopisa dostupna je preko pretraživača PERO (http:// knjiznica.irb.hr/pero/index.php). Za časopise koji nisu dostupni preko tog pretraživača cjeloviti tekstovi navedenih članaka slobodno su pristupačni na upisanoj web-adresi. Uz svaki je časopis u zagradi naznačeno u koje je ugledne bibliografske i citatne baze uvršten: CC (Current Contents), SCIE (Science Citation Index Expanded), SSCI (Social Science Citation Index). Treba naglasiti da za neke časopise, dostupne preko pretraživača PERO, postoji odgoda pristupa najnovijim brojevima od 6, 12, a ponekad i 18 mjeseci. Taj broj je naveden u zagradi uz naslov časopisa. Bullettin of the GSI (Geospatial Information Authority of Japan)http://www.gsi.go.jp/ENGLISH/page_e30092.htmlK. Kawase: A general formula for calculating meridian arc length and its application to coordinate conversion in the Gauss-Krüger projection, Vol. 59, December 2011.K. Kawase: Concise derivation of extensive coordinate conversion formulae in the Gauss-Krüger pro­jection, Vol. 60, December 2012.Coordinates (A monthly magazine on positioning, navigation and beyond) http://mycoordinates.orgT. Nagayama, K. Inaba, T. Hayashi, H: Nakai: Responding to the great east Japan earthquake, 2012, 12.J. SF Fabic: Data integration and sharing for disaster management, 2012, 12.D. Ampatzidis: Datum transformations using exclusively geodetic curvilinear coordinates without height information, 2012, 12.Geomatics and Environmental Engineeringhttp://journals.bg.agh.edu.pl/GEOMATICS/index.phpR. Cellmer, A. Senetra, A. Szczepanska: Land value maps of naturally valuable areas, 2012, 3.Geopolitics (CC, SSCI) (12)J. Strandsbjerg: Cartopolitics, geopolitics and boundaries in the Arctic, 2012, 4.International Journal of Geographical Information Science (CC, SCIE, SSCI) (12)H. Fan, L. Meng: A three-step approach of simplifying 3D buildings modeled by CityGML, 2012, 6.D. Hardy, J. Frew, M. F. Goodchild: Volunteered geographic information production as a spatial process, 2012, 7.P. Taillandier, J. Gaffuri: Improving map generalisation with new pruning heuristics, 2012, 7.ISPRS International Journal of Geo-Informationhttp://www.mdpi.com/journal/ijgiP. Neis, A. Zipf: Analyzing the contributor activity of a volunteered geographic information project — The case of OpenStreetMap, 2012, 2.P. Neis, M. Goetz, A. Zipf: Towards automatic vandalism detection in OpenStreetMap, 2012, 3.ISPRS Journal of Photogrammetry and Remote Sensing (CC, SCIE)http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/journal/09242716J-H. Haunert: A symmetry detector for map generalization and urban-space analysis, Vol. 74, November 2012.Journal of Historical Geography (CC, SSC) (12)D. Fedman, C. Karacas: A cartographic fade to black: mapping the destruction of urban Japan during World War II, 2012, 3.M. Yilmaz: Historical mosque orientation in Turkey: Central-Western Anatolia Region, 1150‒1590, 2012, 4.Landscape Ecology (CC, SCIE)http://link.springer.com/journal/10980J. Liang: Mapping large-scale forest dynamics: a geospatial approach, 2012, 8.Naše morehttp://hrcak.srce.hr/nase-moreI. Pavić: Geografsko-informacijski sus­tav i model razvoja pomorskoga ka­tastra, 2012, 5-6.Remote Sensing of Environment (CC, SCIE)N. Levin, A. Heimowitz: Mapping spatial and temporal patterns of Mediterranean wildfires from MODIS, Vol. 126 November 2012.Tehnički vjesnik (SCIE)http://hrcak.srce.hr/tehnicki-vjesnikR. Župan, D. Sruk, S. Frangeš: Experiment for determination of map graphics segment standard for handheld crisis maps management, 2012, 4.URISA Journalhttp://www.urisa.org/PSS_journal_archivesM. Martin, B. Peters, J. Corbett: Participatory asset mapping in the Lake Victoria Basin of Kenya, 2012, 2.P. A. Johnson, R. E. Sieber: Increasing access to and use of geospatial data by municipal government and citizens: the process of "Geomatization" in rural Québec, 2012, 2.A. Poplin: Web-based PPGIS for Wilhelmsburg, Germany: An integration of interactive GIS-based maps with an online questionnaire, 2012, 2.

According to the increasing awareness of the importance, advantagesand feasibility of representing/visualizing spatial relations and spatial content through corresponding cartography –maps are becoming increasingly more frequent and elaborate when one needs to represent some aspect of reality from various standpoints: economical, natural scientific or politological. Some contents practically impose the need for applied cartography which is especially true of international-political, military, geopolitical and transport issues. Therefore, mass communication media have been increasingly accepting and adopting specific cartography as significant content which successfully compete with the importance of the text itself – this is the case everywhere, including in Croatia. The French geographical-political-cartographic school is the model and exceptional accomplishment. It also has predecessors in the German/Nazi geopolitical school from the first half of the 20th century. ; U skladu sa sve razvijenijom sviješću o značenju, prednostima i velikoj uvjerljivosti prikazivanja/vizualizacije prostornih odnosa i sadržaja u prostoru putem odgovarajuće kartografije – zemljovidni prikazi postaju sve učestaliji i razrađeniji kada treba dočarati neki oblik stvarnosti i to s vrlo različitih stajališta bilo onog gospodarskog, prirodoslovnog ili politološkog. Pri tome neki sadržaji upravo nameću potrebu postojanja aplikativne kartografije što naročito vrijedi za pitanja međunarodno-političkog, vojnog, geopolitičkog i prometnog značaja i značenja. Zbog toga sredstva masovnih komunikacija sve više prihvaćaju i udomljuju specifičnu kartografiju kao bitne sadržaje koji se u svojoj važnosti uspješno natječu s važnošću samog teksta – tako je svugdje, pa tako i u Hrvatskoj. Pri tome kao na uzor i naročito dostignuće treba ukazati na francusku geografsko-političko-kartografsku školu koja ima i starije preteče i to iz redova njemačke/nacističke geopolitičke škole iz prve polovice 20. st.

Od financiranja lokalne samouprave zavisi provođenje njenih nadležnosti. Bez adekvatnog financiranja ne možemo očekivati kvalitetnu lokalnu samoupravu za građane kao krajnje korisnike usluga. Financiranje lokalne samouprave predstavlja važan princip koji je zajamčen i Europskom poveljom o lokalnoj samoupravi. Bez značajnije financijske i materijalne autonomije, cjelokupan koncept i funkcioniranje lokalne samouprave gube na značaju. Cilj ovog članka jest predstavljanje osnovnih pitanja o financiranju lokalne samouprave u Bosni i Hercegovini, odnosno njenim entitetima Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine i Republici Srpskoj. Analiza predstavlja međunarodnopravne odredbe o financiranju lokalne samouprave sadržane u Europskoj povelji o lokalnoj samoupravi i pravne odredbe iz nacionalnog zakonodavstva Bosne i Hercegovine i njezinih entiteta. ; The financing of local self-government influences the capacities of local units to perform their tasks. One cannot expect to receive high quality local services unless local units have sufficient financial means and are able to provide a wide range of services. The principle of local self-government financing is a basic principle guaranteed by the European Charter of Local Self-Government. The whole concept of local self-government and its functioning lose on their importance if there is not sufficient financial autonomy. The paper aims at presenting the basic issues of local self-government financing in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republic of Srpska. Some of the main international legal norms related to the financing of local self-government from the European Charter and national legal regulation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and its entities are analysed in the paper. The analysis has shown that the funds allocated to Bosnian local self-government are far from sufficient. Furthermore, there is a significant difference in local self-government funding between the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which spends 8.42 per cent of its budget on local finances, and the Republic of Srpska, which spends 24 per cent.

Članak donosi pregled ključnih pitanja vezanih za vanjsku politiku i teorije vanjske politike u širem kontekstu političke znanosti. Raspravljajući o izvorima i razvoju analize vanjske politike, kao i znanstvenim radovima na tu temu, autorica utvrđuje da analiza vanjske politike danas obuhvaća cijeli niz teorijskih pristupa i modela. Zajedničko im je razumijevanje da se ishodi vanjske politike ne mogu u potpunosti razumjeti ako se analiza ograniči na razinu cijelog sustava. Nadalje, rad konceptualizira vanjsku politiku kroz njezinu usporedbu s drugim tipovima policyja. Iako se u razdoblju Hladnoga rata vanjska politika poistovjećivala s vanjskom sigurnosnom politikom, autorica naglašava da je u današnjem globaliziranom svijetu sigurnosna politika tek jedna od njezinih dimenzija. Vanjska je politika proširila svoj opseg pa obuhvaća brojna druga pitanja, poput trgovine, ljudskih prava i okoliša. Sve veći broj unutarnjopolitičkih, međunarodnih i transnacionalnih pitanja, zainteresiranih aktera i doprinosa procesu stvaranja vanjske politike čini formulaciju i provedbu koherentne vanjske politike izazovnom zadaćom. ; This paper provides an overview of key issues related to foreign policy and foreign policy theories in the wider context of political science. Discussing the origins and development of foreign policy analysis (FPA), as well as scholarly work produced over time, it argues that today FPA encompasses a variety of theoretical approaches, models and tools. These share the understanding that foreign policy outputs cannot be fully explained if analysis is confined to the systemic level. Furthermore, this paper conceptualizes foreign policy by comparing it to other types of policy. Although during the Cold War period foreign policy was equated with foreign security policy, in today's world, security policy is only one dimension. Foreign policy's scope has expanded to cover other issues such as trade, human rights and the environment. The growing number of domestic, international and transnational issues, ...