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As a motivational factor of action, political efficacy is an important predictor of political behaviour. The term was invented to capture the extent to which people feel that they can effectively participate in politics and shape political processes. Today, we have a comprehensive knowledge of the individual-level factors (socio-demographic variables, political preferences etc.) that shape the level of internal and external dimensions of political efficacy. However, while it is widely demonstrated that media consumption influences the level of political efficacy, the country-level media context factors affecting it have rarely been studied. This paper reports the findings of extensive research on how two crucial features of the media context, the political significance of the media and the level of political parallelism in the media system, shape the level of external and internal political efficacy. The investigation draws upon the dataset of the seventh round (2014 – 2015) of the European Social Survey (ESS) and includes more than twenty-two thousand respondents from nineteen European democracies. The research hypothesizes that in countries where the media play a more important role, people have lower levels of external and higher levels of internal political efficacy. Political parallelism, which shows the extent to which media outlets are driven by distinct political orientations and interests within a particular media system, is expected to directly increase both external and internal political efficacy. Its indirect effect is also hypothesized, arguing that partisan media amplifies the winner-loser gap in political efficacy as a kind of "echo chamber". The findings show that in countries where the media play a major role in shaping political discourse, people have lower levels of external political efficacy, while the political parallelism of the media system indirectly affects the external dimensions of political efficacy. Internal political efficacy is, however, not related to these context-level factors.

Como respuesta al conflicto armado que se ha desarrollado en Libia a lo largo de 2011, la UE ha ejecutado las sanciones decididas por el Consejo de Seguridad que no implican el uso de la fuerza, ha destinado más de 150 millones de euros de ayuda humanitaria a la región, ha puesto en marcha la operación FRONTEX "EPN Hermes Extensión 2011", y ha proyectado una operación militar de apoyo a la asistencia humanitaria, la EUFOR Libia, que nunca se ha desplegado. En una perspectiva más general, las revueltas populares que se han sucedido en varios Estados del sur del Mediterráneo, entre ellos Libia, en el que se ha desembocado en una guerra civil, han certificado el fracaso de la política exterior de la UE en esta región. En efecto, durante la última década la política euromediterránea de la UE ha estado mucho más centrada en la cooperación económica y comercial —sobre todo en el campo energético— y en el control de la inmigración irregular, que en el escrupuloso respeto del ordenamiento internacional y la promoción de la democracia, el Estado de derecho y el respecto de los derechos humanos, así como el desarrollo económico y social de la población de los Estados del sur del Mediterráneo. ; As a response to the armed conflict occurred in Libya during year 2011, the EU has applied those Security Council sanctions not involving the use of force. Likewise, the EU has allocated more than E 150 million to humanitarian assistance in the region having implemented Frontex Operation «EPN Hermes Extension 2011» as well and having designed a military operation in support of humanitarian assistance there —the so-called EUFOR Libya, never deployed before. From a more general perspective, people's uprisings in several Southern Mediterranean States —which in the Libyan case has led to a civil war— have proved the failure of EU's foreign policy in the region. In fact, EU's Euro-Mediterranean Policy in the last decade has been mainly focused on financial and trade cooperation (especially in the energy field) and on irregular migration control, to the detriment of the full respect for International Law, and the promotion of democracy, the rule of Law and the respect for human rights, and the economic and social development of the peoples in Southern Mediterranean States. ; Trabajo elaborado en el marco del proyecto de investigación coordinado, concedido por el Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación, "La Política Mediterránea de la Unión Europea en perspectiva: el proceso de Barcelona, la Unión para el Mediterráneo y los intereses españoles" (DER2009-14238-C02-01).

Les universitats europees tenen la responsabilitat i estan compromeses en la construcció de l'Europa i la Societat del Coneixement. La creació de l'espai europeu d'educació superior (EEES) suposa tenir en compte les iniciatives dels governs i implica desenvolupar processos de reorganització i transformació de la intervenció socioeducativa. L'experiència interuniversitària és la primera d'un procés d'innovació docent que hom pretén implementar en successius cursos . El principal objectiu era motivat per l'oportunitat d'experimentar una aplicació de social networking, adquirint competències de l'educador social en la construcció del coneixement a través de la discussió en xarxa, utilitzant estratègies socioconstructivistes. ; Las universidades europeas tienen la responsabilidad y están comprometidas en laconstrucción de la Europa y la Sociedad del Conocimiento. La creación del espacio europeo de educación superior (EEES) supone tener en cuenta las iniciativas de los gobiernos e implica desarrollar procesos de reorganización y transformación de la intervención socioeducativa. La experiencia inter-universitaria es la primera de un proceso de innovación docente que se pretende implementar en sucesivos cursos. El principal objetivo estaba motivado por la oportunidad de experimentar una aplicación de social networking, adquiriendo competencias del educador social en la construcción del conocimiento a través de la discusión en red, utilizando estrategias socioconstructivistas. ; European universities are responsible for, and committed to, making Europe a knowledge-based society. The creation of the European Higher Education Area (EHEA) involves taking into account initiatives from the government, and developing procedures for reorganising and transforming social-education methods. The inter-university experience is the first in an innovative teaching process that is to be implemented in succeeding academic years. The main aim is based on the opportunity to try out a social networking application by acquiring the skills of a social educator in building knowledge through on-line discussions, using social constructivism strategies.

L'aparició de la Direcliva Europea de lliure circulació de treballadors és el punt de partida per la que l'Oficina Europea de l'AJEJI decideixi contactar i emplaçar al món professional europeu a realitzar un treball conjunt a partir de dues trobades es construeix una part del que s'anomena la Plalaforma Comuna de la professió. Aquest primer treball serveix de base per consruir; amb les aportacions dels altres continents presents en l'Associació internacional allò que s'anomena el Marc Conceptual de les funcions i competencies dels educadors socials a escala internacional. Els reptes de futur passen per construir el cos teòric de la professió des dels professionals i donar visibilitat al treball socioeducatiu aprofitant els canals administratius i burocràctics de la Unió Europea. ; La aparición de la Directiva Europea de libre circulación de trabajadores es el punto de partida para que la Oficina Europea de la AJEJI decida contactar y emplazar al mundo profesional europeo a realizar un trabajo conjunto. A partir de dos encuentros se construye una parte de lo que se denomina la Plataforma Común de la profesión. Este primer trabajo sirve de base para construir, con las aportaciones de los otros continentes presentes en la Asociación Internacional lo que se denomina el Marco Conceptual de las funciones y competencias de los educadores sociales a escala internacional. Los retos de futuro pasan por construir el cuerpo teórico de la profesión desde los profesionales y dar visibilidad al trabajo socioeducativo aprovechando los canales administraticos y burocráticos de la Unión Europea. ; The appearance of the European Directive on free movement of workers was the starting point for when the European Office of the AIEJI decided to contact and cali upon the professionals in Europe to carry out a joint project. After two meetings a part of what is caused the Common Platfom for the profession was constructed. This first project is the basis for building the Conceptual Framework of the Functions and Competences of Social Educators. on an international scale and wtlh contributions from the other continents present in the international Associalion. Future challenges include establishing a theoretical body for the profession by professionals and to promote the work of social education by making use of adminislralive and bureaucratic channels of the European Union.

El terreny de l'activisme en els mitjans de comunicació avui s'associa a internet; s'ha construït sobretot per mitjà de xarxes o plataformes en línia i, a poc a poc, va transformant la manera d'imaginar, experimentar i organitzar l'acció política. Aquest article explora els efectes que tenen les creences i frustracions relacionades amb internet sobre les formes contemporànies d'acció política. Partint del context etnogràfic en què se situen les campanyes de solidaritat internacional i els sindicats britànics, el treball proposa que la relació que mantenen els activistes amb les tecnologies d'internet és complexa i s'insereix en una doble tensió entre l'apoderament i la frustració. Tal com sosté l'article, és mitjançant una exploració etnogràfica d'aquesta tensió que els especialistes poden arribar a entendre més bé els conflictes permanents i les negociacions socials creats arran de les transformacions tecnològico-històriques dels últims quinze anys. ; The terrain of media activism today has become an internet connected one; one that is primarily constructed through online networks or platforms; one that is gradually transforming the way in which political action is imagined, experienced and organised. The following article explores the effects of internet related beliefs and frustrations on contemporary forms of political action. Drawing from the ethnographic context of international solidarity campaigns and the trade unions in Britain, the paper argues that activists' relationship to internet technologies is a complex one, which is embedded in a double tension of empowerment and frustration. It is by ethnographically exploring this tension, the paper contends, that scholars can gain important insights on the ongoing social conflicts and negotiations created by the techno-historical transformations of the last fifteen years. ; El terreno del activismo en los medios de comunicación hoy se asocia a internet; se ha construido sobre todo por medio de redes o plataformas en línea y, poco a poco, va transformando la forma de imaginar, experimentar y organizar la acción política. Este artículo explora los efectos que tienen las creencias y frustraciones relacionadas con internet sobre las formas contemporáneas de acción política. Partiendo del contexto etnográfico en el que se sitúan las campañas de solidaridad internacional y los sindicatos británicos, el trabajo propone que la relación que mantienen los activistas con las tecnologías de internet es compleja y se inserta en una doble tensión entre empoderamiento y frustración. Tal como sostiene el artículo, es mediante una exploración etnográfica de esta tensión que los especialistas pueden llegar a entender mejor los conflictos permanentes y las negociaciones sociales creados a raíz de las transformaciones tecnológico-históricas de los últimos quince años.

What we today call the international system was created by the West from early modern age. This term is often used in political theory, but less focused on how to classify integrative forces within the international system. In the context of this study, we are attempting to lay down some conceptual basis. How do we understand the linking and unifying factors within the international system? Initially, the emergence of the international system was largely attributed to political factors in theory, but we can also refer to other explanatory principles: one considers economic factors and civilizational factors are taken into consideration as essential aspects of the international structures. According to our viewpoint, inter-civilization dialogue seems to be a "third way" that goes beyond the expansive one-sidedness of Western universalism and the world-level confrontation of hostile civilizations. This "civilizational approach" incorporates the two previous aspects - economic and political - and this is what gives its importance. In our view, inter-civilization dialogue is the only viable way to create global ethos, and only the resulting "intellectual revolution" can make national and supranational economic and political institutions to operate in effective way under the conditions of globalization.

This paper explores how Britain's and Colombia's privileged relations with the United States (U.S.) influenced their journey through the European Community (EC) and the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR). The Anglo–American Special Relationship (AASR) was compatible with British participation in the European Single Market, but not with adherence to creating the EC's common currency, nor with leadership in building a European defence structure autonomous from NATO. Thus, since the start of the Iraq war, Britain played a rather obstructive role in what later was called European Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The US–Colombia Partnership (USCP), based on a longstanding military association reinforced under Plan Colombia, naturally discouraged any meaningful Colombian participation in UNASUR's South American Security Council (CDS), a regional cooperative security project, promoted by Brazil. Cherished projects of the liberal CAP – such as triangular cooperation (to export Colombian security expertise to Central America with U.S. co-financing and oversight) and NATO partnership – also distracted Colombia's interest from UNASUR, diminishing the latter's relevance collaterally. A role for UNASUR – alongside the Organization of American States (OAS) – in South American security management was compatible with the liberal CAP, but not with the neoconservative CAP. Even a lopsided complementation – such as the one between NATO and the CSDP – proved unviable between the OAS and UNASUR.

Centenars de científics i polítics de tot el món han participat, del 26 al 28 de maig, en el Primer Congrés Internacional GENNESYS de Nanotecnologia i Infraestructures de Recerca. Es tracta del primer esdeveniment a nivell internacional sobre aquest camp, que serà clau en el futur per a la recerca científica d'alt nivell i per al desenvolupament d'innovacions industrials. El congrés, que ha tingut lloc en el Centre de Convencions Internacional de Barcelona, ha estat organitzat pel Parc de Recerca UAB, l'Institut de Ciència de Materials de Barcelona, l'International Iberian Nanotechnology Laboratory i el Deutsches Elektronen-Synchroton DESY. ; From 26 to 28 May, hundreds of scientists and politicians around the world have participated at the First International GENNESYS Congress of Nanotechnology and Infrastructure Research. This is the first international event on the field, which will be key in the future for high- level scientific research and development of industrial innovation. The conference, hold in Barcelona International Convention Center, has been organized by the UAB Research Park, the Institute of Materials Science of Barcelona, the International Iberian Nanotechnology Laboratory and the Deutsches Elektronen-Synchroton DESY.

Grandson, son and father of architects, renowned professor and honoured urban planner, Manuel Ribas Piera was the foremost promoter of international relations at the Barcelona School of Architecture, inviting the best known architects of the time (such as Stirling, Kleihues and Aymonino), and co-founder, with Giancarlo de Carlo, of the ILAUD programme (International Laboratory of Architecture and Urban Design). He set up the pioneering landscape architecture studies in Catalunya, now an international point of reference. His overt cosmopolitanism went hand in hand with a staunch commitment to the city of Barcelona, at metropolitan and local level, as shown by plans for Bellvitge and El Carmel, and his openly voiced disagreement with some political decisions. For all of these reasons, we thank him posthumously for his great skill, his friendship, his culture, his generosity, his tenacity and his example. ; Peer Reviewed

Grandson, son and father of architects, renowned professor and honoured urban planner, Manuel Ribas Piera was the foremost promoter of international relations at the Barcelona School of Architecture, inviting the best known architects of the time (such as Stirling, Kleihues and Aymonino), and co-founder, with Giancarlo de Carlo, of the ILAUD programme (International Laboratory of Architecture and Urban Design). He set up the pioneering landscape architecture studies in Catalunya, now an international point of reference. His overt cosmopolitanism went hand in hand with a staunch commitment to the city of Barcelona, at metropolitan and local level, as shown by plans for Bellvitge and El Carmel, and his openly voiced disagreement with some political decisions. For all of these reasons, we thank him posthumously for his great skill, his friendship, his culture, his generosity, his tenacity and his example. ; Peer Reviewed

Tanulmányunk a nemzetközi rendszer átalakulásával foglalkozik, azt Polányi kettős mozgásának a nemzetközi politikai gazdaságtan három vizsgálati szintjére (rendszer szintje, nemzetállam szintje, ideák szintje) való kiterjesztésével mutatja be. A cél annak az ingamozgásnak a bemutatása, mely az önszabályozó piac és a Bretton Woodsi "beágyazott liberalizmus" között írható le. Bemutatjuk azt is, hogy a populista pártok napjainkban megfigyelhető növekvő népszerűsége a piacosító folyamatokkal szembeni ellenmozgásként értelmezhető. = Our paper examines the transformation of the international economic system. We examine the process of Polanyi's double movement on the three levels of analysis of the international political economy: systemic, domestic and cognitive. Our aim is to show that during the development of the international system a certain pendulum is present which swings between the idea of the self-regulating market and 'the embedded liberalism' of the Bretton Woods System. We will also show, that the increasing popularity of populist political parties might be also understood as a countermovement against forces of marketization.

Una de las consecuencias de la creciente movilidad de los ciudadanos en la Unión Europea es el aumento exponencial de sucesiones que presentan una dimensión internacional. La sucesión de estos nacionales de la Unión se plantea cuanto menos compleja, debido a la disparidad legislativa existente en materia de sucesiones y la inseguridad jurídica que provoca la multiplicidad de regímenes jurídicos en el ámbito del Derecho internacional privado de sucesiones en la Unión Europea. El nuevo Reglamento de sucesiones permitirá disponer de un sistema uniforme para determinarla competencia judicial, la ley aplicable y el reconocimiento y ejecución de resoluciones en materia sucesoria en el ámbito de la Unión Europea. El objeto de este trabajo es reflexionar sobre las consecuencias de la aplicación del sistema unitario que plantea el Reglamento en materia de sucesiones internacionales y, en particular, en relación a la ley aplicable, su incidencia en la figura del reenvío, las ventajas e inconvenientes que aporta y sus consecuencias en los sistemas nacionales de Derecho internacional privado de los Estados miembros. ; One of the consequences of the increasing mobility of citizens within the European Union is the exponential increase of international successions. The succession of these EU citizens appears complex because of the disparity of the existing legislation concerning successions and the legal uncertainty caused by the multiplicity of legal regimes in the field of Private international law on succession in the European Union Member States. The adoption of the new Regulation on successions in the European Union provides a uniform system for determining the jurisdiction, the applicable law and the recognition and enforcement of judgments in matters of succession at the European Union level. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the consequences of the application of the unitary system proposed in the Regulation for international successions, especially in relation to the applicable law, their impact in the institution of renvoi, their advantages and disadvantages and their consequences on the national systems of Private international law of the EU Member States.

Geopolitics as a multidisciplinary branch of social science and as a theory of foreign policy appeared on the Latin-American continent in the second half of the 1920s. The main features they include are the next: aggressive approach to the space, the continental adaption of the organic state-theory elaborated by Ratzel and Kjellen, moreover, the developed geopolitical theory was thought to be converted into practice via the growing role of the army. In all Latin- American countries the armed forces and their various institutions became the scientific centre of elaborating the new attitude to the international relations as a theory. When the army az an institution assumed the political power, however, it was given an opportunity to put these theories into practice. With the definition of the constant and conjuntural national goals those countries of the vast territories aimed at both re-determination of their international economic and political positions and solving their problems connected with their own inner space. Therefore the regional transitions, the settling in the rarely- populated areas, the usage of sources of raw material and reserves, the control of transport and communication network of international significance and obtaining the influence over the new territories were the problems that in many of those countries came to the front. On the Latin-American continent the geopolitical schools with important theo-retical background were established in Argentina, Brazil and Chile. In this study we are going to introduce the Chilean geopolitical theory and practice established by generals Ramon Cañas Montalva and Augusto Pinochet. Apart from the theoretical outlines we will analyse the Chilean attitude to the possession of the Beagle-channel, The Drake-passage and the Magellan-strait and the Antarctic. ; Geopolitics as a multidisciplinary branch of social science and as a theory of foreign policy appeared on the Latin-American continent in the second half of the 1920s. The main features they include are the next: aggressive approach to the space, the continental adaption of the organic state-theory elaborated by Ratzel and Kjellen, moreover, the developed geopolitical theory was thought to be converted into practice via the growing role of the army. In all Latin- American countries the armed forces and their various institutions became the scientific centre of elaborating the new attitude to the international relations as a theory. When the army az an institution assumed the political power, however, it was given an opportunity to put these theories into practice. With the definition of the constant and conjuntural national goals those countries of the vast territories aimed at both re-determination of their international economic and political positions and solving their problems connected with their own inner space. Therefore the regional transitions, the settling in the rarely- populated areas, the usage of sources of raw material and reserves, the control of transport and communication network of international significance and obtaining the influence over the new territories were the problems that in many of those countries came to the front. On the Latin-American continent the geopolitical schools with important theo-retical background were established in Argentina, Brazil and Chile. In this study we are going to introduce the Chilean geopolitical theory and practice established by generals Ramon Cañas Montalva and Augusto Pinochet. Apart from the theoretical outlines we will analyse the Chilean attitude to the possession of the Beagle-channel, The Drake-passage and the Magellan-strait and the Antarctic.

This paper is aimed at analysing the impact of the crisis of the liberal international order on the transatlantic relations. Both the EU and the US have vital interest to maintain the existing international order, however regarding certain foreign policy goals we witness an increasingly divergent approach to world politics. This is the case with the Middle East, where the EU acts as a global player based on historical ties, while the United States have recently started a gradual disengagement from the region. The so-called post-American Middle East have its own opportunities as well as challenges for the European diplomacy. This article focuses on the differences between the EU and the US foreign policy goals related to the Middle East. It primarily addresses the Iranian nuclear program and the Middle East Peace Plan recently launched by the US. The author argues despite some differences in interests, the EU and the US do not perceive the region in an entirely different way.

Der Artikel sucht eine Antwort auf die Frage, welche Rolle die Unabhängige Kleinwirtenpartei der Kulturdiplomarie zu einer Zeit geben wollte, zu der die politische Pluralität einzelartige Möglichkeiten zur nationalen Entwicklung geboten hat. Die Analyse zeigt, dass die Partei eine europäische, gleichzeitig verpflichtet-nationale Kulturpolitik führte. Durch Forschungen wurde bewiesen, dass die Partei mit der Kriegsbeendigung in kurzer Zeit von einem Null-Standpunkt zu einer niveauvollen Kulturpolitik kommt, die den Forderungen der politischen Pluralität entspricht. Zur Zeit der internationalen Isolierung wollte die Partei ein reales Nationalitätsbild (Ungarnbild) schaffen. Die UKWP wollte eine kritische Stellung zur nationalen Vergangenheit beziehen, aber sie hatte diese Erwartung auch im Falle der Nachbarvölker. Als eine Möglichkeit der ungarischen Entfaltung hat sie die Zusammenarbeit im Karpaten-Becken gesehen. Ihrer Ansicht nach ist die "große Welt" durch die Nachbarn, durch die Versöhnung der Völker im Karpaten-Becken zu erreichen.