Suchergebnisse

To some extent I feel as Robert Lewis does, that the process leading from "national awakening" to "national liberation" is a worldwide tendency, and that the Soviet Union is part of a global Zeitgeist in this respect.Byway of illustrating this fifteen-stage process, I would like to just report on a couple of examples I came across in reading about the republics as independent actors. One such issue has to do with the attempts of the different republics, and the nations within them, to form transnational coalitions across borders. In a way, these attempts get around the problem of establishing formal diplomatic relations with other countries: maybe you do not need de jure recognition if in fact you can do things with other people. For instance, consider the anti-nuclear congress, organized in Kazakhstan by something called the Nevada-Semipalatinsk Movement, led by the poet Olzhas Suleimenov. In early 1989, a Soviet nuclear test in Kazakhstan was followed by a public protest, and Suleimenov became the leader of the movement. He and his people quickly decided to call it not the "Semipalatinsk Movement" but the "Nevada-Semipalatinsk Movement." And they immediately brought in American Indians, Maoris, and other people from around the world, who are all being subjected to nuclear testing. He also established personal liaison with Dr. Bernard Lawn of the International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War in Cambridge, Massachusetts; last summer three hundred doctors and scientists in Semipalatinsk talked to people who were immediately affected by military nuclear testing.

Parliaments and parliamentarians traditionally have been a feature of domestic politics, as a distinctive branch of government or as representatives of the people respectively. However, lately they have come to develop a different role linked to international rather than domestic politics, especially regarding regional organizations. Parliamentary institutions engage in international affairs in three major ways: 1) by influencing foreign policy through national parliaments; 2) by conducting parallel diplomatic relations, known as parliamentary diplomacy; and 3) by establishing and empowering parliaments as representative bodies of international, often regional, organizations. These roles differ in form and substance. The first is a classical function of parliaments and implies no policymaking innovation, although the degree to which parliaments do so varies from one democracy to another. The second function is more recent and has focused mainly on peace-building and conflict-prevention activities. The third is the most atypical function, and is ideally oriented towards supranational institution building.

International actors at times seek to help bring peace, democracy, and human rights. Studies of how international actors help enforce political bargains between incumbent governments and their domestic opponents are proliferating. They show that opposition groups have trouble trusting incumbents to adhere to the political bargains they strike because incumbents can use their familiarity with state institutions and can use their asymmetric hold on power during bargain implementation to violate terms by retaining more of the status quo than agreed. International actors can overcome these ¤quot¤reversion problems,¤quot¤ however, by using monitoring mechanisms (often focused on electoral campaigns) and incentives conditioned on compliance. Reversion problems, and enforcement by international actors as a solution, are common across issue areas¤mdash¤arising when domestic actors try to end civil conflict, open elections, and reduce repression¤mdash¤but the literatures in these issue areas have largely remained segregated. This review proposes advancing this research agenda by unifying them and (re)examining the conditions under which this solution works best.

International actors at times seek to help bring peace, democracy, and human rights. Studies of how international actors help enforce political bargains between incumbent governments and their domestic opponents are proliferating. They show that opposition groups have trouble trusting incumbents to adhere to the political bargains they strike because incumbents can use their familiarity with state institutions and can use their asymmetric hold on power during bargain implementation to violate terms by retaining more of the status quo than agreed. International actors can overcome these "reversion problems," however, by using monitoring mechanisms (often focused on electoral campaigns) and incentives conditioned on compliance. Reversion problems, and enforcement by international actors as a solution, are common across issue areas—arising when domestic actors try to end civil conflict, open elections, and reduce repression—but the literatures in these issue areas have largely remained segregated. This review proposes advancing this research agenda by unifying them and (re)examining the conditions under which this solution works best.

The environmental discourse on small island states is structured around a set of geographical categories. Among these, the category of smallness reflects the assumption that such spaces are vulnerable on account of their reduced size, reinforcing an image of islands as 'prone' to environmental threats and in need of 'external support'. Such support is often provided by international actors, specifically international agencies, NGOs and sponsors, who consequently influence domestic policymaking processes. This paper offers a theoretical discussion of this influence in relation to environmental policies, drawing on concepts from the fields of international studies, development studies and island studies. I argue that the influence of international actors may be viewed as a form of leadership that is legitimised by the narrative of island vulnerability, the development paradigm, the authority attributed to reports and rankings, the symbolic functioning of global environmental threats and the overuse of geographical categories such as 'small' or 'developing'. In the second part of the paper, I propose four research questions for future studies on the political outputs of this influence in the Republic of Maldives: an icon of the environmental challenges threatening small island states. ; peer-reviewed

This paper attempts to analyze the role of international actors in detail and how these states have contributed to the existing situation in the province. Overall, the research is an effort to categorically analyze the domestic as well as international factors behind the instability in Balochistan. Balochistan prominently configures the foreign policies of different states due to the interests and stakes involved in the volatile province. In terms of the transnational factors, there are few factors which have enhanced the significance of the province in the contemporary times, like War on Terror and the emerging economic and geostrategic importance of the province. China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) has increased the significance of Balochistan, also. At the same time, this increased significance has posed internal challenges for the inhabitants of the province who are of the view that the effects of the development should be visible across the board and the locals should be given their due share. The nationalist movement in Balochistan has developed greater contacts with their co-ethnics in the neighboring countries. Among the foreign powers, the role of India, Afghanistan, China, USA and the Middle East are of great concern.

Introduction -- European Union Law and National Law: a Common Legal System? -- Reflections on the Principle of Mutual Trust in EU Law and Judicial Dialogue in Europe -- Broadening the Right to Personal Autonomy and Supported Decision-making: from International Ideas to National and European Legislation on Voluntary Measures -- The Role of the International Law Association in the Restatement and Evolution of International and National Law relating to Indigenous Peoples -- The Role of the FATF in the Evolution of Counter-terrorism Asset Freezing Laws in the Nordic Countries: We Fought the Soft Law and the Soft Law Won -- The European Space Agency's Contribution to the Making of National Space Law -- Host states' labour regulation in the aftermath of international investment disputes: five levels of impact and interaction.

This paper attempts to analyze the role of international actors in detail and how these states have contributed to the existing situation in the province. Overall, the research is an effort to categorically analyze the domestic as well as international factors behind the instability in Balochistan. Balochistan prominently configures the foreign policies of different states due to the interests and stakes involved in the volatile province. In terms of the transnational factors, there are few factors which have enhanced the significance of the province in the contemporary times, like War on Terror and the emerging economic and geostrategic importance of the province. China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) has increased the significance of Balochistan, also. At the same time, this increased significance has posed internal challenges for the inhabitants of the province who are of the view that the effects of the development should be visible across the board and the locals should be given their due share. The nationalist movement in Balochistan has developed greater contacts with their co-ethnics in the neighboring countries. Among the foreign powers, the role of India, Afghanistan, China, USA and the Middle East are of great concern.