Suchergebnisse

Evropska unija (EU) je Bosni in Hercegovini (BiH) obljubila podpis stabilizacijsko-pridružitvenega sporazuma pod pogojem, da BiH prestrukturira svoj razdrobljen policijski sistem po treh načelih EU, ki predvidevajo centralizirano in enotno policijo. Ker pa policije v različnih državah članicah EU niso vedno centralizirane, so lokalni akterji izkoristili argument neenotnih standardov pri upravičevanju odpora do predvidene reforme. V magistrskem delu raziskujem razsežnosti učinkov, ki jih ima odsotnost skupnega normativnega okvira na prizadevanja mednarodne organizacije po prenosu norm v tretje države. Raziskava temelji na preseku teoretskih sklopov reforme varnostnega sektorja¬ ter prenosa norm ; skozi to prizmo analiziram pristop EU k reformi varnostnega sektorja ter študijo primera reforme policije v BiH, z modelom zunanjih spodbud pa učinke neenotnih standardov v državah članicah EU na to reformo. Foucaultovski pristop k fenomenu prenosa norm omogoča, da proces pogojevanja razumemo kot dinamično in kompleksno razmerje moči med EU in lokalnimi akterji. Ugotavljam, da lahko odpor lokalnih akterjev do prenosa norm resno ošibi moč EU, kadar ta ne temelji na močnih normativnih temeljih. V primeru reforme policije v BiH je visoki predstavnik za BiH, avtor treh načel EU, zanemaril, da EU pri svojem zunanjem delovanju nastopa kot normativna moč. Ob odsotnosti normativnega okvirja, torej odsotnosti enotnih standardov na področju policije, pa je bila moč EU ohromljena, posledica tega pa je bila neuspešna reforma policije v BiH. ; The reform of a fragmented police system according to three European Union (EU) principles, which foresee a centralized and unified police force, was set as a condition by the EU to sign the Stabilization and Association Agreement with Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). However, as the police in the different EU Member States are not always centralized, local actors have used the argument of divergent standards to justify their resistance to the envisaged reform. This Master's thesis effects of the absence of a common normative framework within an international organization on the norm diffusion to a third country. The research is based on the convergence of theories dealing with security sector reform and norm transfer. Through such a lens, I analyse the EU approach to security sector reform and contextualise it via the study of police reform in BiH. The Foucault's approach to norm transfer understands the process of conditionality as a dynamic and complex power relation between the EU and local actors. Findings show that genuine resistance from local actors can seriously undermine the EU's normative power when the latter is not based on strong normative foundations. In the case of police reform in BiH, the author of the three EU principles – the High Representative for BiH – neglected the EU's role of normative power in its external action. The absence of a normative framework, in this case, the absence of harmonized standards regarding policing undermined the power of the EU and resulted in the failure of police reform in BiH.

Magistrsko delo raziskuje dejavnike uspešnosti mednarodnih režimov, ki jih preverjam na primeru preprečevanja tihotapljenja ljudi v času migrantske krize. Ta režim je bil med leti 2015 in 2018 na največji preizkušnji v svoji zgodovini, saj je zaradi migrantske krize število migrantov, ki so nezakonito prečkali meje Evropske unije preraslo njene zmogljivosti. Ljudje so se v želji po osnovnih človekovih pravicah začeli množično zatekati k nezakonitim in mnogokrat smrtno nevarnim načinom migriranja. Režim proti tihotapljenju migrantov je prejemal vse več kritik, vendar ga niso razvijali z namenom regulacije problema tako velikih razsežnosti. Zaradi pomanjkanja interesa je njegov namen povečanje državnega nadzora nad migracijami in meddržavnega sodelovanja. Režim je namreč lahko najuspešnejši takrat, ko vsi akterji upoštevajo vse njegove sestavine: norme, načela, pravila in pravila odločanja. V delu preverjam upoštevanje teh sestavin na primeru štirih mednarodnih organizacij: Organizacija za varnost in sodelovanje v Evropi, Evropski policijski urad, Mednarodna organizacija kriminalistične policije in Urad Združenih narodov za droge in kriminal ter petih držav: Nemčija, Madžarska, Grčija, Francija in Slovenija. Trenutne politike, usmerjene k povečevanju povpraševanja po tihotapskih storitvah, je treba preoblikovati tako, da bodo identificirani dejavniki uspešnosti zaobjeli tudi izvorne države, ki bodo lahko začele prispevati svoj delež. ; This master's thesis explores the factors of effectiveness of international regimes that I test on the case of smuggling of migrants during the migrant crisis. This regime had its greatest trial in its history between the years 2015 and 2018 why because the migrant crisis increased the number of migrants that could legally cross the borders of the European Union. People, in the desire for basic human rights, began to massively resort to illegal and many times deadly ways of smuggling. The regime against the smuggling of migrants has begun to receive increasing criticism. However, it was not established with the aim to regulate the smuggling problem of such large proportions. Due to the lack of states' interest, its aim was to increase state control over migration and interstate cooperation. The regime can be most effective when all actors are concerned with all its components: norms, principles, rules and rules of decision-making. In the thesis I test the upkeeping of these components on four international organizations: Organization for security and cooperation in Europe, European union agency for law enforcement cooperation, International criminal police organization and United nations office on drugs and crime, and five countries: Germany, Hungary, Greece, France and Slovenia. Current policies are formed to increase the demand for smuggling services and need to be transformed in order for identified factors of effectiveness to capture countries of origin and make them contribute their share as well.

Spremembe v mednarodni skupnosti po koncu hladne vojne so mednarodne institucije, ki delujejo na področju zagotavljanja miru in varnosti, postavile pred nove izzive, ki so izpostavili pomanjkljivost obstoječh norm, mehanizmov in konceptualnega aparata za naslavljanje novih varnostnih groženj. Mednarodne institucije se težko spopadajo z modernimi varnostnimi grožnjami, med katere spadajo tudi etnični konflikti, hkrati pa je proces prepoznavanja varnostnih groženj kompleksen. Magistrska naloga skozi študijo primera delovanja Varnostnega sveta in Organizacije za varnost in sodelovanje v Evropi v ukrajinskem konfliktu preučuje, kako pojmovanje varnosti mednarodnih institucij vpliva na upravljanje (etničnih) konfliktov. Naloga pokaže, da sodobno pojmovanje varnosti presega dojemanje države kot edinega relevatnega referenčnega objekta varnosti in da je varnost intersubjektivna kategorija, ki odpira vprašanje glede procesa prepoznavanja (novih) varnostnih groženj. Posledično pojmovanje varnosti vpliva na diskurz in delovanje akterjev. Na primeru Varnostnega sveta tako vidimo, da se države članice zavedajo pomena vzpostavljene prakse delovanja, ki izhaja iz pojmovanja varnosti dotične institucije, ter njenega vpliva na odločanje v Varnostnem svetu. OVSE pa kljub prepoznavanju kršitev določenih prvin varnosti v praksi te kršitve težko naslavlja. Naloga pokaže tudi, kako specializirano znanje posameznih institucij vpliva na diskurz držav v teh institucijah ter da pojmovanje varnosti v posameznih institucijah ni statično, temveč rezultat nenehnih (re)interpretacij. ; Changes in the international community after the end of the Cold War have led international institutions working in the field of peace and security to face new challenges that have highlighted the disadvantage of existing norms, mechanisms and conceptual apparatus for addressing new security threats. International institutions are struggling to deal with modern security threats, including ethnic conflicts, while the process of identifying security threats is complex. The master's thesis examines how the concept of security of international institutions influences the management of (ethnic) conflicts through a study of the functioning of the Security Council and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe in the Ukrainian conflict. Thesis demonstrates that modern concept surpasses the perception of the state as the only relevant referent object of security and that security is an intersubjective category that raises the issue of the process of identifying (new) security threats. As a consequence the concept of security affects the discourse and the functioning of the actors. In the case of the Security Council, we can see that Member States are aware of the importance of the established practice, which stems from the concept of security of the institution, and its impact on decision-making in the Security Council. Despite the recognition of violations of certain elements of security in practice, the OSCE has difficulty addressing this violation. The thesis also shows how the specialized knowledge of individual institutions influences the discourse of states in these institutions, and that the concept of security in individual institutions is not static, but the result of continuous (re)interpretations.

Termin samoodločbe je zapisan v ustanovitvenih dokumentih večine državnih ustav ter mednarodnega prava, prav tako pa predstavlja sredstvo za legitimizacijo države ter nadnacionalnega reda. Točna definicija in njeni parametri pa so v resnici stvar debate, ne glede na to ali izhajajo iz logike notranjosti državniškega sistema ali iz logike njegove zunanjosti. Magistrsko delo najprej sledi "klasičnemu" pojmu samoodločbe v njegovi zgodovinski partikularnosti znotraj mednarodnega sistema, pri čemer poudari veliko napetost med samoodločbo in državno suverenostjo. Nakar se obrne h kritični politični teoriji, da bi izkopalo definicijo samoodločbe, pri kateri popusti poseben odnos samoodločbe z državnim sistemom in pojmom suverenosti. Takšno pojmovanje samoodločbe je za potrebe naloge poimenovano "rizomatično" in se nato uporabi pri analizi štirih primerov z namenom, da se pokaže, kako lahko tak pojem samoodločbe uporabimo za razumevanje možnosti, ki jih vzpostavljajo najnovejša politična gibanja. Temeljni argument magistrskega dela je, da ko jih razumemo v okvirju državnega sistema kot sedanjo ali prihodnjo "aktivno" pravico, se dejanja samoodločbe zreducirajo na normativni determinizem zgodovinsko kontingentnih odnosov sil, saj se bodisi ujamejo v pogoje obstoječih dejavnikov znotraj konstituiranega sistema bodisi njihovo uresničitev pogojuje učinkovitost sile, ki jo lahko izvršujejo, da bi izničili funkcije sistema, ki slonijo na obstoječih pravilih. Ko pa jo razumemo onkraj zaprte logike državnega sistema, lahko samoodločba pomeni izražanje neomejene konstituirajoče oblasti in kolektivne imaginacije, ki sprosti nove vektorje možnosti človeških političnih odnosov. ; The notion of 'self-determination' is enshrined in the founding documents of international law and most state constitutions as a means of legitimating the current state and supranational order. However, its precise definition and parameters are the subject of debate—both when understood from within the logic of the state system and from outside it. This thesis situates the "classic" notion of self-determination within its particular historical position inside the international system, highlighting its deep tension with the norm of state sovereignty, before turning to critical political theory to unearth a definition of self-determination wherein its particular relationship to the state system and the total notion of sovereignty is relaxed. This conception of self-determination is, for the purposes of this thesis, termed 'rhizomatic,' and applied to four case studies to demonstrate how it might be used to understand the possibilities created by recent political movements. The primary argument of this thesis is that, when understood inside the state system as a present or future 'active' right, acts of determination reduce to the normative determinism of historically contingent relations of force because they are either resolved on the terms of existing actors within the constituted system or by the effectiveness of force they can exert to deny the system's function based on its previous rules. However, when understood beyond the closed logic of the state system, self-determination can be taken to mean manifestations of boundless constitutive power and collective imagination that unleash new vectors of possibility for human political relations.

Odgovornost zaščititi (R2P) je bila sprejeta kot odziv na humanitarne katastrofe ob prelomu tisočletja, ko države niso zaščitile svojega prebivalstva pred grozodejstvi. Čeprav formalno ne gre za pravno normo, vsebinsko odraža obstoječe mednarodnopravne obveznosti držav, ki vključujejo preprečevanje hudodelstev zoper človečnost, vojnih hudodelstev in genocida. (Ne)spopadanje s pandemijo per se ne sodi v okvir R2P, vendar to ne pomeni, da zanjo ni izjemnega pomena. Izbruh pandemije COVID-19 je mednarodno skupnost postavil pred resen izziv. Poleg zdravstvene je prinesla še ekonomsko in socialno krizo, kar predstavlja resen dejavnik tveganja za pojav ali pospešitev grozodejstev, ki jih morajo države skladno z R2P preprečevati. K dolgotrajnejši prekinitvi sovražnosti, ki bi omogočila dostavo humanitarne pomoči najbolj ranljivim in uspešnejšo zajezitev pandemije, pa jih niso prepričali niti pozivi generalnega sekretarja Organizacije združenih narodov niti Generalne skupščine, Varnostnega sveta ali Sveta za človekove pravice, kar je posledično že tako marsikje težke življenjske razmere prebivalstva le še poslabšalo. Glede na takšno ravnanje držav se postavlja vprašanje, ali bi lahko neustrezno spopadanje s pandemijo rezultiralo celo v hudodelstvu zoper človečnost ali v kontekstu oboroženega spopada v vojnem hudodelstvu. Magistrsko diplomsko delo se tako osredotoča na vprašanja kako, če sploh, se spremeni odgovornost držav v času pandemije, kakšen vpliv ima slednja na R2P, ali je pandemijo mogoče nasloviti v okviru R2P ali pa bi le-to pomenilo izkrivljanje doseženega konsenza iz l. 2005. ; The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) was adopted in response to the humanitarian catastrophes at the turn of the millennium, as States did not protect their populations from atrocities. Although not formally a legal norm, its content reflects the international legal obligations of States, which include the prevention of crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide. Addressing the pandemic itself does not fall within the scope of R2P, however it is of extreme importance for it. The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic presents a serious challenge to the international community, as it not only presents health but also an economic and social crisis, which is a serious risk factor for the occurrence or acceleration of atrocities that States must prevent according to the R2P. However, neither the calls of the Secretary-General of the United Nations nor the General Assembly, the Security Council or the Human Rights Council, convinced them of longer-term ceasefires, which would enable delivery of humanitarian aid to the most vulnerable population and a more successful containment of a pandemic. Consequently, already difficult living conditions of the population have only worsened. Given the States' conduct, the question arises whether inappropriate responses to the pandemic could result in a crime against humanity or in the context of armed conflict in a war crime. The master's thesis thus focuses on how, if at all, the responsibility of the States changes during a pandemic, what impact it has on the R2P, whether the pandemic can be addressed under R2P, or the latter would only distort the 2005 reached consensus.

V magistrskem delu smo raziskali dejavnike poslovnih pogajanj med partnerji iz Slovenije v odnosu s partnerji iz držav razpadle Jugoslavije. Opisani so dejavniki in karakteristike poslovnih pogajanj v splošnem pomenu, kot tudi vpliv dejavnikov kulture, ki se odražajo v sklopu mednarodnih poslovnih odnosov in pogajanj. Kulturna dejstva so temelj, na katerem slonijo poslovni odnosi, kadar se v procesu srečujejo poslovni partnerji iz različnih držav, kar pomeni, da moramo biti pozorni na razlike v komunikacijskem procesu, spoštovanju tuje kulture in njihovih navad, ponekod celo religije. Razlike med našimi in tujimi dejavniki kulture, oz. vsaj poznavanje in spoštovanje le-teh, so ključ za graditev in ohranjanje dolgoročnih poslovnih odnosov. Razlike so pravzaprav prisotne povsod, ne le na globalni ravni poslovanja, najdemo jih že tudi na lokalni ravni, saj so si podjetja, njihove usmeritve in cilji, drugačni. Potrebno se je prilagoditi drugim, če želimo doseči nekaj, kar nam predstavlja korist. Soočanje in osvajanje medkulturnih razlik nam pomaga pri razumevanju medkulturnih dimenzij, pri čemer se je potrebno zavedati, da se bomo tega učili skozi celotno življenje. Kultura je namreč širok spekter pojmov, družbenih norm in vrednot, da bi jih lahko popolnoma prevzeli in se z njimi popolnoma poistovetili. V magistrskem delu so zaradi tega razloga predstavljeni le določeni dejavniki in definicije. Teoretični del ob definicijah in opredelitvah poslovnih pogajanj in mednarodnih pogajanj vsebuje še predstavitev držav nekdanje Jugoslavije, v raziskovalnem delu pa smo povzeli še dejanske izkušnje respondentov poglobljenega intervjuja, ter pridobili pomembne informacije in smernice, ki bodo koristno predstavljene za druge poslovneže, ki že aktivno sodelujejo ali pa imajo namen v prihodnosti sodelovati s poslovnimi partnerji v raziskovani regiji. V sklepnem delu so povzete glavne ugotovitve, in sicer lahko zapišemo, da je za uspešna poslovna pogajanja z državami, ki so nekoč sestavljale mogočno Jugoslavijo, potrebno poznavanje oz. bolje rečeno spoštovanje njihove religije, ki je ponekod zelo izrazita, dejavnik, ki pa zagotavlja pristne in dolgoročne odnose z njimi, pa je faktor človečnosti. Odnosi namreč temeljijo na poznavanju ljudi na osebni in poslovni ravni, ki ju je potrebno usklajeno vzdrževati (tudi v času, kadar nismo v proaktivnem sodelovanju s partnerjem, je potrebno ohranjanje odnosa v obliki osebnega stika in poslovnih daril). Prav tako smo ugotovili tudi, da se način pogajanj iz držav nekdanje Jugoslavije ne razlikuje več močno od evropskega, saj aktivno stremijo evropskim standardom. ; In this work, we examined the factors of business negotiations between partners from Slovenia in relation to partners that came from the stats of former Yugoslavija. The factors and characteristics of business negotiations in the general sense are described, as well as the influence of cultural factors, which are reflected in the framework of international business relations and negotiations. Cultural facts are the foundation upon which business relations are based, when business partners from different countries meet in the process, and that means that we must pay attention to the differences in the communication process, respect for foreign culture and their habits, and sometimes even religion. Differences between our and foreign factors of culture, at least knowing and respecting them, are the key to building and maintaining long-term business relationships. The differences are actually present everywhere, not only at the global level of business, but also at the local level, as companies, their policies and goals are different. It is necessary to adapt to others if we are to achieve something that benefits us. Facing and conquering intercultural differences helps us to understand intercultural dimensions, and we must be aware that we will learn this throughout our lives. Culture is a wide range of concepts, social norms and values, so that they can be completely taken over and fully identified with them. For this reason, in this work only certain factors and definitions are presented. Theoretical part of this work contains the definitions of negotiations and the international negotiations. There is also the presentation of countries that form ex Yugoslavija, while while in the empirical part of this work we summarized the actual experiences of the employees, that have been conducted in the in-depth interview, and obtained important information and guidelines that will be usefully presented to other business people who are already actively involved or have the intention to cooperate with business partners in the research region in the future. The concluding part summarizes the main findings. We can say, that for successful negotiation in the countries of former Yugoslavija, you need to know ther religion and respect it, and that is the factor that will guarantee long term relationships with them. Most of all, they need you to be a person, a good man. Personal relations are more important than making business, relationships are based on knowledge of people on a personal and business level, which need to be maintained in a coordinated manner (even when we are not in proactive cooperation with a partner, it is necessary to maintain a relationship, to contact or to visit them, to bring them gifts). We can also conclude that the way of negotiations in the countries of the former Yugoslavia does not differ much more strongly than the European one, since they actively strive for European standards.