Suchergebnisse

The subject of the international information structure is a matter of analysis and debate. Supporters of a New International Information Order have reasons to propose modifications to the "unbalanced" situation in terms of communications. To properly understand why the international information structure is being questioned, it is necessary to bear in mind its characteristics and the remarkable development recently achieved. This is the purpose of this paper, which is presented from a Latin American perspective. We maintain that although the scope and penetration of the international media are of concern to governments, institutions and individuals, the truth is that the world information system exceeds the news and involves a complex network of data communications and its processing, which is why those who intend to modify the current international information structure must consider its ramifications and the diversity of aspects that make up an extensive, complex and advanced system. ; El tema de la estructura informativa internacional es objeto de análisis y debates. Los partidarios de un Nuevo Orden Informativo Internacional tienen razones para proponer modificaciones a la "desequilibrada" situación en materia de comunicaciones. Para comprender adecuadamente por qué se cuestiona la estructura informativa internacional, es preciso tener presentes sus características y el notable desarrollo alcanzado últimamente. Es este el fin del presente artículo, que se presenta desde una perspectiva latinoamericana. Sostenemos que si bien los alcances y la penetración de los medios internacionales de comunicación preocupan a gobiernos, instituciones y personas, lo cierto es que el sistema mundial de información excede a la noticia e implica una compleja red de comunicaciones de datos y su procesamiento. Es por esto que quienes pretendan modificar la actual estructura informativa internacional, deben considerar sus ramificaciones y la diversidad de aspectos que integran un sistema extenso, complejo y avanzado.

In any study . of the topic of the freedom to create private (non State-run) schools, we must take two aspects into account: the rigbt which entities and individuals have lO undertake educative tasks, and the intetest which . those who receive schooling may have in there being a plurality of educational centers of dif~ ferent types, so that they may thus be able lO · choose that center which best corte~ ponds to their preferences. The fust aspect, which must be considered within the global context of freedom of expression, has not yet been fully dea1t with in international agreements. (si:e, however, ArticIe 13.4 of the International Agreement on Economic, Social and . Cultural Rights adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on December 16th, 1966). Nonetheless, we are dealing here with a right which is recognized in many constitutions and within the framework of the educational laws of many States, although it is a1so true that others may deny bis basic right. With regard lO the second aspect, various international · agreements have recognized the right of parents lO choose the type of training and schooling they prefer for their children. This right of election is at times expressed by explicitly mentioning moral, religious -er, in any case, ideological- training which must respond to the parents' convictions. Some constitutions have made this point particularly cIear. On the other hand, in order for this right of election to be truly real, it is not sufficient that it be legally recognized. There are, in fact, many collateral and derived problems -which in spite of their apparently secondary nature are no less gravewhich have to be considered and solved, if we are to hope for the survival, in practice, of the possibility of election, and to hope for the avoidance of limitations from outside forces. Thus, for example, the State must insure that the enrolling of a child in a particular school does not imply sensibly different tuition costs than jf he had been enrolled in another school. The State must a1so insure that studies undertaken in different schools (as long as said schools are appropriate) as well as diplomas granted have the same value before the Law, in the case of those countries in which school tides have legal validity. The State must a1so see to it that those schools which possess a particular religious or ideologicaI orientation be allowed to sever its ties with any professor whose activities ron counter to the aims and purposes of the school. Some States have fully examined these problerns and have tried to solve thero in a manner that does not contravene long-standing traditions or exigencies. Religious bodies also have the same right as secular institutions and individuals to create and maintaÍn educational centers. Sorne countries even uphold, in their legislative code, that religious institutions are the most ideally suited lO carry out educative tasks. Sorne States go as far as to not only permit but also opeuly encourage religious bodies to carry out educational tasks in schools and indeed in the course of their ordinary activities.

This paper attempts to show how the armed institutions of the Continent have been reinserted into a new structure of hemispheric military relations, as a result of the changes that have occurred in US strategic conceptions and of the role assigned to Latin America in those formulations. Likewise, the emergence of regional poles of power and new sources of political initiative allows this strategic military reintegration to take place under conditions of negotiation, rather than the imposition of collective agreements. In this way, the new links between the Armed Forces in the area must be seen within a broader scheme of strategic relationships, in which economic, political, ideological and international factors play a fundamental role. ; En este trabajo se intenta mostrar cómo las instituciones armadas del Continente se han reinsertado en una nueva estructura de relaciones militares hemisféricas, producto de los cambios ocurridos en las concepciones estratégicas estadounidenses y del papel asignado a América Latina en esas formulaciones. Igualmente, la emergencia de polos regionales de poder y de nuevos focos de iniciativa política, permite que esta reinserción estratégico militar se realice bajo condiciones de negociación, más que de imposición de acuerdos colectivos. De esta forma, los nuevos vínculos entre las FF.AA. del área deben ser vistos al interior de un esquema más amplio de relaciones estratégicas, en el cual los factores económicos, políticos, ideológicos e internacionales juegan un papel fundamental.