Suchergebnisse

The intrusion of management as major referenceof the functioning of our societies, raises thequestion on the de-institutionalization of theinstitution and, as reflection, that of theinstitutionalization of the organization, in a dualevolutionary perspective and directed asunavoidable. The modalities of businessmanagement are placed in effect between theinstitutionalization (caused by the generalization of their practices in the "corporate purposes")and the institutional frame that surrounds them,and understood in their extension in terms ofgovernance. This ambiguity is tied to the vaguedefinition of the institution and the organizationand to their reciprocally problematic location. Thegeneral hypothesis of this text will be theorthogonality (and not the opposition) between"institution" and "organization". It will bereasoned generally from the point of differencesand not from the opposition of both terms basedon three arguments: a political argument, atheoretical argument and an epistemologicalargument. ; La intrusión de la Administración como referencia principal del funcionamiento de nuestras sociedades, plantea el interrogante sobre la desinstitucionalización de la institución y, como reflejo, aquella de la institucionalización de la organización, en una perspectiva evolucionista dual y direccionada como ineludible. Las modalidades de gestión empresarial se sitúan en efecto entre la institucionalización (causada por la generalización de sus prácticas en los «objetos sociales») y el marco institucional que las rodea, incluso en su extensión en términos de gobernanza. Esta ambigüedad está ligada a la vaga definición de la institución y de la organización y a su localización recíprocamente problemática. La hipótesis general de este texto será la ortogonalidad (y no la oposición) entre «institución» y «organización». Se razonará generalmente a partir de las diferencias y no por la oposición de los dos términos á partir de tres argumentos: un argumento político, un argumento teórico y un argumento epistemológico

In a moment where credibility and citizen support towards international organisations are suffering, it is necessary that these organisations make efforts in communicating the importance they have in the lives of the citizens as well as the achievements their actions represent in both the national and international levels. Some examples of the citizen disaffection are the rise or even the victory of parties and candidacies that challenge the benefits and the importance or organisations like the UN or the European Union. Trump, the brexit or the fact that Marine Le Pen made it to the second round of the French presidential elections, make it clear that there is a hostile environment for multilateralism.Communication must represent a key element for achieving the objective of showing the benefits and usefulness of international organisations. Therefore, we will analyse the current communication strategies of the UN and the EU in order to highlight the positive and improvable aspects of such strategies.The objective of this study is to focus on the constructivist approach of international organisations, where the management of intangible assets is key in order to change norms at the service of the common good. For that, it is vital to use soft power, which has communication as a key tool. Today, there are mechanisms that enable the direct interaction with the citizens, so a good investment in this sense can generate very positive results that return credibility to international institutions. ; En un momento en el que la credibilidad y el apoyo ciudadano a las organizaciones internacionales se resiente, es necesario que estas inviertan sus esfuerzos en comunicar la importancia que tienen en la vida de los ciudadanos y los logros que sus acciones representan a nivel nacional e internacional. Ejemplos de este desapego ciudadano son el auge o incluso la victoria de partidos y candidaturas que ponen en tela de juicio la utilidad y el sentido de organizaciones como la ONU o la Unión Europea. Trump, el brexit o el hecho de que Marine Le Pen pasara a la segunda vuelta de las elecciones presidenciales en Francia evidencian un entorno hostil para el multilateralismo.La comunicación ha de constituir un elemento clave para lograr el objetivo de mostrar la utilidad y la necesidad de las organizaciones internacionales. Se analizarán, por tanto, las estrategias comunicativas actuales tanto de la ONU como de la UE para señalar aspectos positivos y aspectos mejorables de dichas estrategias.El objetivo de este estudio es profundizar en la visión constructivista de las organizaciones internacionales, donde la gestión de los intangibles resulta clave para cambiar normas al servicio del bien común. Para ello, resulta imprescindible acudir al poder blando, que tiene como una de las herramientas fundamentales la comunicación. Hoy en día hay mecanismos que posibilitan la interacción directa con los ciudadanos, por lo que una buena inversión en este sentido puede generar resultados muy positivos que devuelvan la credibilidad a las instituciones internacionales.

Les Etats en développement ont consenti de nombreuses dettes, surtout depuis le début des années 1980, à l'égard des créanciers publics. Ceuxci peuvent être soit des Etats soit des Institutions Financières Internationales. Cela étant, quelque soit ce débiteur public, ces dernières vont intervenir de manière plus ou moins directe, en devenant progressivement des interlocuteurs incontournables de toute tentative de renégociation, voire d'annulation de la dite dette. Cette omniprésence n'est pas sans susciter de nombreuses interrogations quant à son objet et sa nature. C'est particulièrement le cas de la nature politique des régimes des Etats endettés. En effet, la démocratisation de ces Etats est devenue, de manière discutable, à la fois un moyen et une finalité de l'intervention des Institutions Financières, comme le montre l'Initiative Pour les Pays Pauvres Très Endettés. Dès lors, la question est de savoir si l'annulation totale est envisageable ou une chimère? DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.22518/16578953.739

The British Council has operated in Ghana since 1943, continuing with its role of building long term relations between the people of Ghana and the UK through their work in education and culture with the aim of enhancing learning opportunities and promoting understanding between Africa and the global community. Over the years, however, the role of the Council, an international charity organization representing the interests of the United Kingdom in Ghana, have evolved encompassing not only education and culture, but entering into the world of business concentrating on boosting their performance by creating a link between this and the sector of knowledge. The question however, is, are these objectives set by the council in Ghana and the Sub-Saharan region being met and do they really factor into its overall development. This paper therefore seeks to investigate the current role of this institution in the growth of Ghana in specific and the region in general and how this has impacted on the foreign relations with the United Kingdom in terms of building cooperation or generating dependence. ; El Consejo Británico ha operado en Ghana desde 1943, continuando con su papel de construir relaciones de largo plazo entre el pueblo de Ghana y el Reino Unido a través de su trabajo en la educación y la cultura con el objetivo de mejorar las oportunidades de aprendizaje y promover el entendimiento entre África y la comunidad mundial. Con los años, sin embargo, el papel del Consejo, una organización de caridad internacional que representa los intereses del Reino Unido en Ghana, se ha desarrollado hacia áreas que abarcan no sólo la educación y la cultura, sino el mundo de los negocios concentrando su atención en aumentar su rendimiento mediante la creación de un enlace entre éste y el sector del conocimiento. La cuestión es sin embargo, si estos objetivos fijados por el Consejo en Ghana y la región sur del Sahara se han logrado y si realmente componen un factor de de desarrollo global. Este documento por lo tanto, tiene por objeto investigar el papel actual de esta institución en el crecimiento de Ghana a nivel local y en la región de manera global así como el impacto en las relaciones internacionales con el Reino Unido en términos de construcción de cooperación o generación de dependencia.

The objective of the article was to determine how effective international institutions are in the mechanism for the protection of human rights and freedoms in the context of national security. The methods of statistical analysis, correlation analysis, generalization and analogy, hypothetical-deductive model were used to achieve the proposed objective. In addition, international institutions were identified that are directly concerned with the protection of rights and freedoms in the event of their violations at the regional level. The correlation was established between the level of human rights protection and the level of national security, the number of international human rights treaties ratified, the number of cases brought before international regional human rights courts. It concludes that international institutions are effective in the mechanism for the protection of human rights and freedoms in regions with a weak national system for the protection of human rights and freedoms. Identifying factors affecting the level of protection of human rights and freedoms in the context of national security in countries with a weak national protection system may be the prospect of further investigation.

Face à la crise économique le droit du travail grec a été marqué par certaines modifications. Les modifications concernant le droit du travail individuel sont particulièrement importantes et elles sont, toutes, orientées vers la déréglementation. De cette façon on peut parler d'une déconstruction des relations collectives de travail. Quand on essaie de comprendre les réformes liées à la crise, on constate qu'elles sont le fruit de pressions provenant de l'étranger et plus particulièrement des créanciers. Ce qui est pourtant choquant est que si l'influence d'une instance extra-communautaire d'ordre économique (FMI) s'avère déterminante, celle d'autres instances de caractère social, comme le BIT ou des organes du Conseil d'Europe, apparaîtra comme n'ayant aucune valeur. On est ainsi en droit de se demander sur l'orientation sociale de l'Union Européenne. --- This In the face of the economic crisis, Greek labour law has been marked by several changes. The amendments made to individual labour law are particularly important. They are moving towards deregulation. Concerning collective labour law these amendments appear to alter its nature. One can speak of a deconstruction of the collective labour relations. When we try to understand the reforms related to the crisis, we see that they are the result of pressure from abroad and more particularly from the part of creditors. What is shocking, however, is that whereas the influence of a non-Community body of economic order (IMF) proves decisive, that of other social institutions, such as the ILO or organs of the Council of Europe, appears as having no value. One is thus entitled to ask about the social orientation of the European Union.

The need for qualitative changes in the field of national security also requires the transformation of international institutions responsible for the protection of human rights and freedoms. Therefore, the aim of the article was to identify the role of international institutions in the protection of human rights and freedoms in the field of national security. The main methodological tools were the observational method and the comparative legal method. There is currently a dynamic increase in the number of international treaties ratified in the field of human rights. International institutions are making many efforts to achieve the highest level of efficiency of adequate protection mechanisms. The authorization of an illegal war exposes states to prosecution in international courts. Everything leads to the conclusion that the competence capacity of institutions seems to be limited in the face of increasing violations of human rights in many regions of the world, which leads to the need to reform international legal instruments and relevant procedures for the protection of human rights and freedoms in the field of national security.

As a consequence of the increasing international mobility of productive resources, national institutions and organizations relevant for the regulation of international trade are no longer, or mainly, those related with customs operating in the border. They now involve an increasing set of other institutions and organizations operating within nations that participate in this international flow of productive resources. This new scenario derives from the geographical presence of transnational corporations at least partially subject to the domestic legislation of nations where they are located. Consequently, the quality of national institutions directly affect international trade and, more generally, overall international economic relations. ; Como consecuencia de la creciente movilidad internacional de los factores productivos, las instituciones y organizaciones nacionales relevantes para la regulación del comercio internacional ya no son tan solo, y ni siquiera principalmente, las relacionadas con las aduanas que funcionan en las fronteras. Ahora involucran todo otro conjunto de instituciones y organizaciones que operan al interior de los países que participan en el flujo internacional de factores productivos. Este nuevo escenario deriva de la presencia geográfica de empresas transnacionales que al menos en parte están sometidas a la legislación interna de las naciones que las acogen. Por lo tanto la calidad de las instituciones nacionales influye directamente en el comercio internacional y, de manera más amplia, en el conjunto de las relaciones económicas internacionales.

Dottorato di ricerca in Storia d'Europa: società, istituzioni e sistemi politici europei,19.-20. secolo ; La tesi ripercorre le vicende dell'associazionismo internazionale delle donne dalla sua nascita - negli anni Ottanta dell'Ottocento- fino alla vigilia del Secondo conflitto mondiale. In particolare, la ricerca si sofferma sulle tre maggiori organizzazioni l' International Women's Council, l'International Woman Alliance, la Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, sulle politiche da esse perseguite, sulle loro differenze e i loro conflitti. Una parte specifica è dedicata al caso italiano. Al centro vi è l'ipotesi dell'esistenza di una cultura politica prodotta dai movimenti delle donne ed intesa come espressione di un soggetto sociale e politico autonomo. Elaborata dalle generazioni femminili del mondo occidentale, appartenenti alle classi medie e medio-alte, per superare le asimmetrie nelle relazioni tra i sessi e costruire una diversa rappresentazione del femminile, questa cultura si è misurata con le grandi questioni che hanno attraversato la storia dei primi decenni del nuovo secolo: patriottismo e pacifismo di fronte alla prima guerra mondiale; organizzazione istituzionale di una convivenza pacifica tra gli anni Venti e gli anni Trenta; infine il confronto tra democrazia e totalitarismi nella crisi degli anni Trenta. Nel corso della tesi ne sono state delineate le caratteristiche, le continuità e i mutamenti intercorsi nei primi decenni del XX secolo, con un'attenzione particolare al rapporto tra democrazie e diritti delle donne, all'internazionalismo e transnazionalismo femminile, alle politiche di pace e al dilemma tra pacifismo assoluto e accettazione di una nuova guerra nel cuore dell'Europa in difesa della democrazia. Alla base del lavoro vi sono una serie di importanti corpus documentari consistenti per la maggior parte di fonti a stampa e di fonti archivistiche conservate nei principali archivi e biblioteche specializzate presenti in Europa e negli Stati Uniti. ; The thesis explores the history of the international women's associations from their birth - in the eighties of the Nineteenth- up on the eve of the Second World War. In particular, the research focuses on the three main international organizations: International Women's Council, International Woman Alliance, Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, their politics, conflicts, and differences. A specific part is devoted to the Italian case. The central hypothesis of the research is the existence of a political culture produced by the women's movements as the expression of an autonomous political and social subject. Developed by female generations in the Western world, belonging to middle and upper middle classes, to overcome the asymmetries in gender relations, this culture challenged the great issues that have permeated the history of the first decades of the century: patriotism and pacifism in the face of World War I; institutional organization of peaceful coexistence; the confrontation between democracy and totalitarianism in the crisis of the Thirties. The thesis outlines the features, the continuities and changes , with specific attention to the relationship between democracy and women's rights, internationalism and transnationalism, peace policies and the dilemma between absolute pacifism and acceptance of a new war in the heart of Europe in defence of democracy. The work is based on a rich body of sources held in the main archives and specialized libraries in Europe and the United States.

The International Organisation for Migration (IOM) is a sparsely studied organisation, whose mandate includes, however, one of the most politicised issues currently present in Western countries. This article outlines the history, doctrine and practices of the IOM. We will show that although it has been a weak organisation for a long time, in a context where migratory policies don't respond to a robust international regime, the IOM has been able to impose itself -from the 1990s- as an essential actor in globalization and the externalization of such policies. The strategy of the IOM consists of depoliticising the challenges of the migratory phenomena, and of promoting the technical management of migrations, centering on the economic utility that these would represent for all parts (countries of origin, destination countries, and the migrants). Such a strategy allows it to seem like a neutral intermediary, accepted as much by states, civil society and the private sector. However, this depoliticisation finds itself accompanied by an alignment of the IOM with the immigration interests of Western countries, which makes highly political interventions possible, especially in the migrants' countries of origin. ; La Organización Internacional para las Migraciones (OIM) es una organización poco estudiada, cuyo mandato concierne, sin embargo, uno de los asuntos actualmente más politizados en los países occidentales. Este artículo presenta la historia, la doctrina y las prácticas de la OIM. Mostraremos que si bien durante mucho tiempo ha sido una organización frágil, en un contexto en el que las políticas migratorias no responden a un régimen internacional sólido, la OIM ha terminado imponiéndose - a partir de los años 1990 - como un actor imprescindible de la mundialización y la externalización de dichas políticas. La estrategia de la OIM consiste en despolitizar los retos de los fenómenos migratorios y en promover una gestión técnica de las migraciones, centrada en la utilidad económica que estas últimas representarían para todas las partes (países de origen, países de destino y migrantes). Dicha estrategia le permite aparecer como un intermediario neutro, aceptado tanto por los estados como por los actores de la sociedad civil y del sector privado. Sin embargo, esta despolitización se ve acompañada por un alineamiento de la OIM con los intereses de los países occidentales de inmigración, lo que posibilita intervenciones altamente políticas, especialmente en los países de origen de los migrantes.

In this article, the author analyzes the different "stressful" situations that present themselves in the main areas of international cooperation. Such situations may have the potential to endanger the future of complex multinational structures such as the World Trade Organization, the European Union and MERCOSUR. ; Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales

During the second half of the 20th century, there have been great transformations in the world's social and political organization. While the colonial system was being dismantled, international institutions were being built and the large multinational enterprises that took on the function of capital accumulation for the new transnational bourgeoisie began to emerge. This paper analyzes such transformation in the health sector and provides information on the role of international institutions in capital accumulation. The World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the World Trade Organization are used as examples, as well as international cooperation agencies. Two major policies are addressed: health reforms and medicine-related policies. The analysis shows that reforms and medicine-related policies have not aimed at complying with the Latin American countries' constitutional mandate requiring Governments to provide health services to everyone but at accumulating capital. Multinational enterprises have used international institutions to ensure their aim of accumulating capital, and the paper concludes by suggesting that they were created for that purpose. ; Durante la segunda mitad del siglo XX se han dado grandes transformaciones en la organización social y política del mundo. Al tiempo que se desmantelaba el sistema colonial se construían instituciones internacionales y se empezaban a formar las grandes empresas transnacionales que asumían la función de acumulación de capital para la nueva burguesía transnacional. Este trabajo analiza esta transformación en el sector salud, y presenta información sobre el rol que las instituciones internacionales juegan en la acumulación de capital. Se utilizan como ejemplos el Banco Mundial, el Fondo Monetario Internacional y la Organización Mundial de Comercio, así como las agencias de cooperación internacional. Se analizan dos políticas importantes: las reformas de salud, y las políticas de medicamentos. A través de su análisis se demuestra que el objetivo de las reformas y de las políticas de medicamentos no ha sido el cumplimiento del mandato constitucional de los países de América Latina que exige de los Estados salud para todos, sino la acumulación de capital. Las empresas transnacionales han utilizado las instituciones internacionales para asegurar su objetivo de acumular capital, y se concluye sugiriendo que fueron creadas para ello.

La Organización Internacional para las Migraciones (OIM) es una organización poco estudiada, cuyo mandato concierne, sin embargo, uno de los asuntos actualmente más politizados en los países occidentales. Este artículo presenta la historia, la doctrina y las prácticas de la OIM. Mostraremos que si bien durante mucho tiempo ha sido una organización frágil, en un contexto en el que las políticas migratorias no responden a un régimen internacional sólido, la OIM ha terminado imponiéndose - a partir de los años 1990 - como un actor imprescindible de la mundialización y la externalización de dichas políticas. La estrategia de la OIM consiste en despolitizar los retos de los fenómenos migratorios y en promover una gestión técnica de las migraciones, centrada en la utilidad económica que estas últimas representarían para todas las partes (países de origen, países de destino y migrantes). Dicha estrategia le permite aparecer como un intermediario neutro, aceptado tanto por los estados como por los actores de la sociedad civil y del sector privado. Sin embargo, esta despolitización se ve acompañada por un alineamiento de la OIM con los intereses de los países occidentales de inmigración, lo que posibilita intervenciones altamente políticas, especialmente en los países de origen de los migrantes ; The International Organisation for Migration (IOM) is a sparsely studied organisation, whose mandate includes, however, one of the most politicised issues currently present in Western countries. This article outlines the history, doctrine and practices of the IOM. We will show that although it has been a weak organisation for a long time, in a context where migratory policies don't respond to a robust international regime, the IOM has been able to impose itself -from the 1990s- as an essential actor in globalization and the externalization of such policies. The strategy of the IOM consists of depoliticising the challenges of the migratory phenomena, and of promoting the technical management of migrations, centering on the economic utility that these would represent for all parts (countries of origin, destination countries, and the migrants). Such a strategy allows it to seem like a neutral intermediary, accepted as much by states, civil society and the private sector. However, this depoliticisation finds itself accompanied by an alignment of the IOM with the immigration interests of Western countries, which makes highly political interventions possible, especially in the migrants' countries of origin

Panamanian society has been a victim of an uncontrolled development web sites, which includes the absence of guidelines. This affects the credibility of both the information posted on the pages, and the specialists who develop these resources. You need to know and distinguish what is and what is not a site that promotes knowledge, that is why our aim is to determine the status of compliance of websites developed in Panama, and provide a list of tools to detect quality failures in an easier way. This exploratory research is conducted submitting forty- six (46) Panamanian sites of companies and institutions, to a tool with the highest evaluation value, which is TAW, and that detects as many violations of the principles and guidelines proposed by the Web Content Accessibility Guidelines In addition, we include a validation using a check list, with the most relevant visual characteristics and quality indicators. The contribution of this study, promises to exceed our expectations, especially for the amount of information that, until now has been obtained, as the wide variety of tools and standards available for assessing websites. We propose the use of best practices and methodologies of work in that aspect, allowing the deployment of a different working culture based on international standards. This study presents the faults that mostly occur in websites, of companies or government institutions. It also suggests the need to strengthen the use of best practices by webmasters, and alerts the users to demand a change of culture based on international standards. ; La sociedad panameña ha sido víctima del desarrollo descontrolado y ausente de legislaciones de los sitos y páginas web, que proponen afectar la credibilidad tanto de la información que se publica en ellos, como de los especialistas que desarrollan los recursos en la web. Es necesario saber y diferenciar qué es y qué no es, un sitio que promueve conocimiento es por ello que el objetivo es determinar el estado de cumplimiento de los sitios web desarrollados en Panamá, además de proporcionar una lista de herramientas que permitan detectar con mayor facilidad las fallas en la calidad. Para ello se realizó una investigación exploratoria, sometiendo cuarenta y seis (46) sitios de empresas e instituciones en Panamá, a una herramienta con la más alta evaluación, el TAW y que permita detectar el mayor número de transgresiones a los principios y directrices Propuestos por las Pautas de Accesibilidad de Contenido Web 2.0. El aporte del proyecto de estandarización internacional desitios web para las empresas e instituciones del gobierno promete exceder nuestras expectativas, especialmente por la cantidad de información que hasta el momento se ha obtenido, como la gran variedad de herramientas y estándares disponibles para la evaluación de los sitios web. Este estudio presenta las faltas que más suceden en el desarrollo de los sitios, de donde provienen éstas y quiénes incurren en esas faltas. También fortalece las buenas prácticas de los desarrolladores de páginas, el empoderamiento de los usuarios no técnicos, además de exigir una cultura de trabajo diferente basado en estándares internacionales.