The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) was established in 1996 as a joint response from China, Russia and the three Central Asian republics to growing threats to international security in the Central Asia region. Over the next two decades, the SCO has not only become an important guarantor of security and inter-state dialogue in the region but has also created a number of internal institutions specializing in, i.a. economic and energy cooperation. From the very beginning of its existence, China was its main patron and a strong supporter of tightening cooperation and expanding the organization to include more member states. China was also the author of the SCO rhetoric regarding the New Silk Road, which since 2013 has also become the leitmotif of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) established by China to develop economic cooperation with Asian and European countries. The main research issue of this paper is an answer to the question of how SCO has changed under the influence of the BRI. This problem will be analysed through two lenses: how has the Belt and Path Initiative influenced the direction of SCO development? And what effect does the rhetoric of the Silk Road have on international assessment of the SCO activities?
The purpose of the present paper is to characterise the UN General Assembly (UNGA) Resolution No. 65 276 on the 'Participation of the European Union in the work of the United Nations.' This resolution was adopted as a result of efforts undertaken by the EU following the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon which radically changed the principles and conditions of the EU's participation in other international organisations. Pursuant to the provisions of Resolution 65 276, the EU was granted a new set of new rights at the UNGA as well as in some of its subsidiary bodies, international conferences and meetings held under its auspices. Despite these changes, the status of the EU at the UNGA is not similar to the status of observer states, and Resolution 65 276 points out that the same rights may also be accorded to other regional international organisations. Consequently, the UNGA does not account for the uniqueness of the integration process in the EU member states, treating the EU like any other international organisation.
The book contains a thorough analysis of the European Union institutional system as a specific, sui generis international organisation, in the context of its legitimization (its validity and legitimacy). The book is mainly theoretical. Primarily, the author aims at presenting a reliable depiction of the EU institutional system legitimization through the prism of the theoretical output concerning legitimization of the political power, including and accentuating the indicated specificity of the EU as a distinct international organisation. Secondly, he took into consideration the changes introduced into the legal foundations of the EU functioning, pursuant to the Lisbon Treaty – the latest treaty reforming the structures of the Union. In the context of the main theme of the present study, these changes are important not only in terms of the EU institutions themselves, i.e. their competences and reciprocal relations, but also with regard to the fundamental change of the legal character of the EU, and the alterations introduced into the individual Union politics. Thirdly, the author attempts to present the problem of the EU institutional system legitimization in the special circumstances, i.e. in the situation of the most profound economic crisis that the EU members have faced since the beginning of the integration process. The EU is regarded as a specific structure, being neither a state nor a typical international organisation. Such an approach was the starting point for the main premise of the present book – the idea that the thesis about the deficiency of democracy in the EU, formulated in the literature on the subject and in the public debate, is a certain simplification, and the characteristic features of the EU and its institutions, which provoked the formulation of such a thesis, should be considered in a broader context, such as the problem of the EU institutional system legitimization and, alternatively, the deficiency of that legitimization. For the direct democratic legitimization is only one of many sources of legitimacy of the EU institutional system and of the Union as a specific international organisation in general – an extremely important source, perhaps the most important, yet not the only one. Thus, the legitimization of the EU and its institutions should be analysed in a broader perspective, which also includes other sources of legitimization – as it is done in case of every political power which, striving for its legitimization to be as strong as possible, attempts to derive it from the largest number of sources. According to the author of the book, to base the EU institutional system legitimization only on the grounds of the direct democratic legitimization characteristic of a democratic state, would be tantamount to a certain disruption of the right order. It would rather be a symptom of too advanced an integration on the "institutional" level in comparison to the extent of the "material" integration. Until the EU is a structure sui generis, in which case it is a combination of features characteristic of an intergovernmental, international organisation, a supranational organisation or a state, the nature of legitimization of this structure should also be specific. The most important role should be played by the democratic legitimization, which should be completed with other sources, owing to which the functioning of the EU institutional system, and the whole EU, could be recognised as legally valid. Apart from the main thesis also other theses and hypotheses are posed in the book. The first chapter is a certain theoretical introduction and a basis to the deliberations presented in the further parts of this study. In the first subsection, with reference to the literature on the subject, the problem of legitimization (legitimacy) of the political power, i.e. the concept, classifications and sources of legitimization (legitimacy) of the political power, have been synthetically depicted. In another part of chapter one, the author attempts to relate the problem of legitimization to the EU as a specific international organisation and to formulate his own definition of legitimization deficiency with regard to EU institutional system. Bearing in mind that the problem of legitimization deficiency in the EU (EC) has not been discussed on a larger scale until certain stage of development of integration process was reached, in 1.3. subsection, the author raises some questions concerning: the sufficiency of legitimization of the integration process during the first few decades after the Second World War, the grounds for that legitimization and the reasons why, at a certain stage of the EU (EC) development the legitimization of the Union's institutional system started to be considered insufficient, which was manifested in the opinions acknowledging the democracy and legitimization deficiency. The first chapter ends with a passage devoted to the importance of the EU institutional system legitimization, whereas the significance of legitimization to the political power and political institutions in general, consitutes its reference point. The second chapter (subsections 2.3.–2.8.) presents a synthesis of the evolution of the EU (EC) institutional system in the context of its legitimization, from the moment of the EC founding treaties ratification, till the time the changes pursuant to the Lisbon Treaty were introduced. The author focused here mainly on the competences of the particular EC (EU) institutions and their reciprocal relations, which should make it possible to observe two main tendencies in the dynamics of changes taking place in this field, and present its specificity and distinctiveness in comparison to the systems of democratic states. At the beginning of this chapter, a thesis has been formulated (simultaneously, becoming an extension of the attempt to determine why, at a certain stage of the integration process, the issue of democracy/legitimization deficiency started to be discussed – a question that was raised in the first chapter), which states that the legitimization of the EU institutional system will be sufficient, if the law regulations and political practice of their functioning are convergent with the level of advancement of the integration process in various spheres of social life; in other words, the "institutional" integration should correspond with the "material" integration (that is the Union politics). To that end, the author made an attempt to present, in a synthetized form, the development of the "material" integration (subsection 2.1.), which he completed with an analogical endeavour to illustrate the evolution of the EU (EC) institutional system in the context of its legitimization (subsection 2.9). For in accordance with the increasingly common approach, the EU institutions are treated as a system, the concept and principles of which have been presented in 2.2. subsection. In the third chapter, the author presents the EU institutional system in its current form, that is with the changes introduced under the Lisbon Treaty. Here, the selected aspects regarding competences and functioning of the particular EU institutions have been depicted, as well as the relations between them in the context of legitimization. Additionally, three selected problems regarding the EU institutional system have been raised, which are especially important in the context of its legitimization (the relation between the EU institutional system and the institutions of the EU member states, the question of transparency in the functioning of the EU institutions, as well as the Union budgets in the consecutive years). In the last subsection (3.9.) the specific features of the EU institutional system, significant in the context of its legitimization, have been identified. The fourth chapter is devoted to the functioning of the EU institutional system in the perspective of four basic sources of its legitimization, i.e. indirect and technocratic, direct and democratic, utilitarian, and one consisting of "values". The chapter ends with a conclusion outlining the specificity of the EU and its institutional system with regard to the sources of its legitimization, which is especially important in the context of the book's main thesis. The fifth chapter concerns the problem of legitimization of the EU institutions in the context of the economic crisis, which the EU member states struggle with since around the year 2008. The sixth chapter, in turn, regards the so called subjective (empirical, social) dimension of the EU institutions' legitimization, that is, the way this problem is perceived by the citizens of the EU member states. It has been based on the results of opinion polls conducted for the use of Eurobarometer, from among which these questions and answers were selected, which could be applied to illustrate the way the EU citizens perceive the Union institutions in the context of their legitimization. The closing remarks include the most important conclusions drawn from the conducted analyses and the potential reforms and modifications of the EU institutional system, which may allow for the reinforcement of its legitimization, primarily in its democratic aspect. The bibliography contains a list of sources which were cited and referred to in the book.
The subject of this paper is the institution of mediation, with a special emphasis on the formulation of postulates addressed to the Polish legislative, governmental institutions, local authorities, corporation of advocates, non-governmental organisations, and establishments of higher education. The Author outlines the general construction of mediation and the mechanisms of its functioning, the impact of the European Union on its Member States in the context of that institution, and touches upon the practical application of mediation in Poland, concluding that once the postulates enumerated in the paper have been addressed and realized, this will grossly reduce the piling number of unresolved disputes, and consequently will minimize the cost arising from the ever- -growing numbers of litigation and legal dispute. ; The subject of this paper is the institution of mediation, with a special emphasis on the formulation of postulates addressed to the Polish legislative, governmental institutions, local authorities, corporation of advocates, non-governmental organisations, and establishments of higher education. The Author outlines the general construction of mediation and the mechanisms of its functioning, the impact of the European Union on its Member States in the context of that institution, and touches upon the practical application of mediation in Poland, concluding that once the postulates enumerated in the paper have been addressed and realized, this will grossly reduce the piling number of unresolved disputes, and consequently will minimize the cost arising from the ever- -growing numbers of litigation and legal dispute.
Views on the institution of direct democracy have changed during the period of democratic transition. The various advantages and positive effects of direct democracy have been confirmed by the practice of some democratic countries. Its educational and political activation value for society was also noted, without which civil society cannot form. The referendum is especially treated as the purest form of correlation between the views of society and the decisions of its representatives. In a situation where two representative bodies are present – the parliament and the president – a referendum is considered a means of resolving disputes between them in important state affairs. The referendum is nowadays becoming more than just a binding or consultative opinion on a legislative act, especially a constitution. First and foremost, it is important to see the extension of the type and scope of issues that are subject to direct voting. Apart from the traditional, i.e., constitutional changes, polarising issues that raise considerable emotion have become the subject of referenda. Problems of this type include, in particular, moral issues, membership in international organisations, and so-called 'New Policy'. This article presents the role and importance of the referendum as an institution shaping the democratic systems of the Black Sea Region.
The first part of the article is dedicated to the classic approach to security in three areas: the security of the individual, the state and on the international stage. Then the author conducts an analysis of the interdisciplinary approach to security. He characterised the behavioural as well as sociological and economic theories. The author analyses the government policies pertaining to internal security in the last fifteen years. He explained the legal and constitutional rules of the government administration in Poland and then characterised the system of institutions responsible for security within the country involving a critical analysis of internal security policy, i.a. its effectiveness and efficiency. The author formulates the thesis which holds that within the last fifteen years the governments have failed to design an effective policy of internal security, so far. The postulated concepts and governmental proposals have been designed as temporary measures and under political pressure without much consideration for systemic solutions. The policy of internal security lacks the systemic approach deriving from the theory of organisation.
The purpose of the present paper is to characterise the UN General Assembly (UNGA) Resolution No. 65 276 on the 'Participation of the European Union in the work of the United Nations.' This resolution was adopted as a result of efforts undertaken by the EU following the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon which radically changed the principles and conditions of the EU's participation in other international organisations. Pursuant to the provisions of Resolution 65 276, the EU was granted a new set of new rights at the UNGA as well as in some of its subsidiary bodies, international conferences and meetings held under its auspices. Despite these changes, the status of the EU at the UNGA is not similar to the status of observer states, and Resolution 65 276 points out that the same rights may also be accorded to other regional international organisations. Consequently, the UNGA does not account for the uniqueness of the integration process in the EU member states, treating the EU like any other international organisation. ; Celem prezentowanego artykułu jest dokonanie charakterystyki rezolucji Zgromadzenia Ogólnego ONZ nr 65/276 w sprawie statusu uczestniczącego Unii Europejskiej w pracach ONZ. Powyższa rezolucja przyjęta została w rezultacie zabiegów podjętych przez UE po wejściu w życie Traktatu z Lizbony, który zmienił zasady i warunki udziału UE w innych organizacjach międzynarodowych. Na podstawie postanowień rezolucji 65/276 UE otrzymała zupełnie nowe prawa w ZO ONZ, a także w niektórych jego organach pomocniczych oraz międzynarodowych konferencjach i spotkaniach organizowanych pod jego auspicjami. Pomimo tych zmian status UE przy ZO ONZ nie jest podobny do statusu państw obserwatorów, a rezolucja nr 65/276 podkreśla, że takie same prawa, jakie posiada UE, mogą otrzymać również inne regionalne organizacje międzynarodowe. Tym samym ZO ONZ nie uwzględnia wyjątkowości procesu integracji państw w ramach UE i traktuje ją jak każdą inną organizację międzynarodową.
The article analyses the role of European Union (EU) and NATO in the system of the international security. The official documents often highlights that EU and NATO are unique and essential partners. Both organisations share common values and have 22 common members. Furthermore, it is stressed that UE and NATO can and should be complementary to one another and help one another in pressing area of international peace and security. Unfortunately co-operation between these both organisations still maintain difficult, complex and challenging problem. ; W artykule poddano analizie rolę Unii Europejskiej (UE) i NATO w systemie bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego. W oficjalnych dokumentach często pojawia się stwierdzenie, że UE i NATO to wyjątkowi partnerzy. Obie organizacje łączą wspólne wartości, a 22 państwa członkowskie NATO należą też do UE. Podkreśla się, że UE i NATO mogą, a nawet powinny wzajemnie się wspierać i uzupełniać w dziedzinie międzynarodowego pokoju i bezpieczeństwa. Niestety, współpraca pomiędzy nimi stanowi trudny i złożony problem.
This article is a case study of the role played by a non-governmental organisation in the development policy and development assistance on the example of the Coprodeli Foundation in Peru. In developed democratic countries, the organs of state power entrust part of their tasks to civil society organisations. However, these organisations can also become the leader in the development policy replacing or supporting the state. This determination is particularly important in the perspective of developing countries. However, the business model of these organisations must be inclusive and not substitute. The model developed by Coprodeli involves both beneficiaries, local and state power and business structures, and other aid organisations. Participation of many entities and the specifics of the work of the foundation, which places entire settlements in places neglected and affected by natural disasters, makes the model developed by Coprodeli important for the advancement of the theory of development assistance policy.
The subject of these reflections on the contemporary international relations is, on the one hand, sovereignty and, on the other, international security, and the analysis of the relationship between the system of collective security and the sovereignty of states in the context of sustainable peace and stability in the world. States have traditionally been tied to the idea of sovereignty. However, among the most characteristic features of the international relations of our time is the growing number of various types of threats originating in states (e.g. Iran, North Korea), in organisations or other entities (e.g. al-Qaeda). Security and sovereignty are two basic concepts most commonly discussed in literature and international legal doctrine. There are two reasons for that: (i) firstly, the main actors in international relations are states which are sovereign entities and the relations or cooperation between them is based on respect for the principle of that sovereignty, and (ii) secondly, the issue of safety is a key issue and a prerequisite for the performance of fully sovereign rights of these countries, necessary to ensure international cooperation and socio-economic development. This paper discusses the need to institutionalise legitimate use of force in global organisations as well as in their regional structures, and to rapidly and effectively manage situations and conflicts intercept to international peace and security. It also draws special attention to the role and place of international organisations in the maintenance of international peace and security both, at universal, and regional level. ; Przedmiotem niniejszych rozważań, dotyczących współczesnych stosunków międzynarodowych są z jednej strony suwerenność, a z drugiej – bezpieczeństwo międzynarodowe oraz analiza związku pomiędzy systemem bezpieczeństwa zbiorowego a suwerennością państw w kontekście utrzymania trwałego pokoju i stabilności na świecie. Państwa są tradycyjnie przywiązane do idei suwerenności, jednakże do najbardziej charakterystycznych cech stosunków międzynarodowych naszych czasów należy narastanie różnego rodzaju zagrożenia, zarówno ze strony państwa (np. Iran, Korea Północna), jak i ze strony innych podmiotów (np. Al-Kaida). Bezpieczeństwo i suwerenność to dwa podstawowe pojęcia w literaturze i doktrynie prawnomiędzynarodowej. Dzieje się tak z dwóch powodów: po pierwsze – głównymi aktorami w stosunkach międzynarodowych są państwa, będące suwerennymi podmiotami, a stosunki czy też współpraca między nimi oparte są w zasadzie na poszanowaniu owej suwerenności; po drugie – kwestia bezpieczeństwa jest podstawowym zagadnieniem i warunkiem niezbędnym do wykonywania w pełni suwerennych praw tychże państw oraz zapewnienia współpracy międzynarodowej i rozwoju społeczno-gospodarczego. W artykule tym poruszono również problem konieczności instytucjonalizacji legalnego użycia siły, zarówno w organizacjach ogólnoświatowych, jak i na gruncie struktur regionalnych organizacji międzynarodowych, aby szybko i skutecznie zarządzać sytuacjami i konfliktami zagrażającymi pokojowi i bezpieczeństwu międzynarodowemu. W artykule zwrócono również szczególną uwagę na rolę i miejsce organizacji międzynarodowych w procesie utrzymania pokoju i bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego, zarówno na poziomie ogólnoświatowym, jak i regionalnym.
Abstract One of the contemporary political powers characterised by an ambivalent attitude toward state authority are extreme organisations. Agata Kałabunowska undertakes this issue in the chapter The vision of authority in political programmes of contemporary German extreme right organisations, which aims at depicting the attitude of selected radical organisations toward a broadly defined authority. Based on qualitative content analysis of political programmes, declarations and performances of five German right-wing organisations the author tackles the question about their attitude towards the actual state authority, as well as about their desired model of executing power. Several elements of the far right' criticism towards authorities have been analysed, such as subservience to the foreign power of international organisations, faulty immigration policies, pressure within political parties or excessive bureaucratisation. The author points out that the multitude of far right' arguments against current authorities is not equaled by quality or quantity of suggested political alternatives. The potential efficiency of suggested solutions is uncertain, which is accompanied by lack of exact vision on how to put them in practice, which makes these proposals unrealistic. What is more, due to the fact that the German extreme right does participate in the contested political game its message seems untrustworthy. The far right appears not capable – and definitely not willing – to fix the current system, allegedly depriving the nation from its real influence on the decision making process. This observation leads to the conclusion that the far right' ideal vision of exercising power would be based on negation or distortion of current solutions. Although it was not possible to outline how this ideal would look like in details, the author concludes that we can expect from the extreme right that its imagined political authority will be inconsistent with liberal democratic rules, albeit not necessarily authoritarian nor ...
The purpose of the article was to present, with regard to Łódź multinational and multi-religious contexts of the 19th and 20th centuries, the type, course, and meaning of widely understood school celebrations, in which children were the main actors. The intention of the author was to answer the key issue of this study: did children, who rehearsed for school celebrations and events and participated in them, play the role of the subject of the educational process or were they a kind of a tool, i.e. the object of the influence of the school, that is to say its owners (e.g. boards of charitable organizations or municipal or church authorities), education authorities, teachers, or carers. To what extent did the organisation of school events result from rituals of the educational institution concerned and to what extent was the need for this kind of "ceremonies" influenced by the local (social and political) environment? The historical background of the paper is the time before the Great War, the years of 1914-1918, and Poland in the interwar period. Taking the historical and pedagogical aspects referred to above into account, the author tried to present the events with child participants held in institutions run by charitable organisations (the period until 1914); ceremonies related to the promotion of pupils in the first grades of municipal schools to next grades (the years of 1914-1918); and celebrations and ceremonies held in care institutions for girls and boys. The research is based on archive materials, newspaper articles, and historical and current literature. ; The purpose of the work was to present the type, course and meaning of the widely defined school celebrations with children as the main actors in the multinational and multi-religious contexts of Lodz in the 19th and 20th centuries. The author's intention was to provide an answer to the key question of this study: did children prepared for school celebrations and events and participating in them, were the subjects of the education process or rather, were they tool on which the school (e.g. boards of charitable organizations, municipal or church authorities, education authorities, teachers, or carers) exerted its influence. To what extent did the organization of school events result from the establishment's rituals and to what extent was the need for this kind of "ceremonies" affected by the local (social and political) environment? The historical background of the work is the time before the Great War, the years of 1914–1918, and the time of Interwar Poland. Bearing in mind the historical and pedagogical aspects referred to above, the author tried to present events with young participants held in institutions run by charitable organizations (by 1914); ceremonies related to the promotion of students of initial years of municipal schools (1914–1918) and celebrations and ceremonies held in care institutions for girls and boys. The research is based on archive materials, press materials, historical and contemporary literature on the subject.
The Impact of Great Powers on the Structure and Competences of the International Humanitarian Organisation the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA)UNRRA – United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration, whose achievements are not sufficiently reflected in the historiography of the post-war period, is an interesting object of research for many reasons. In this article, we have attempted to show the mechanisms which great powers resorted to in order to secure a dominant position not just in terms of prerogatives but also administrative structure. The main task of the UNRRA was to offer aid needed for the economic and moral reconstruction of the countries occupied by the Axis. This was a massive challenge in logistical and theoretical terms. An efficiently functioning aid organisation could serve not just peace building on humanitarian foundations but also be a test for the paradigm of the United Nations the founding of which it preceded. And it was for just those reasons that many countries expressed apprehension as to the US dominance visible in the negotiations while realising that humanitarian assistance without taking account of the economic potential of that power would have been doomed to fail.
When the European Union member states' attitude to Kosovo is not uniform, the EU's prestige and influence on the international arena deteriorates. As far as the issue of Abkhazia and South Ossetia is concerned, the EU's activities show that mere expressions of interest in the matter and providing 'apolitical' financial aid does not contribute to solving this thorny international problem, and undermines the international position of the European Union unless it is coupled with clear and precise political aims, the operations of institutions with a strong mandate or a process of active negotiation. Once more, member states show that the concept of the Common Foreign and Security Policy, supported among others by the European Neighborhood Policy, does not have firm foundations. ; When the European Union member states' attitude to Kosovo is not uniform, the EU's prestige and influence on the international arena deteriorates. As far as the issue of Abkhazia and South Ossetia is concerned, the EU's activities show that mere expressions of interest in the matter and providing 'apolitical' financial aid does not contribute to solving this thorny international problem, and undermines the international position of the European Union unless it is coupled with clear and precise political aims, the operations of institutions with a strong mandate or a process of active negotiation. Once more, member states show that the concept of the Common Foreign and Security Policy, supported among others by the European Neighborhood Policy, does not have firm foundations.
The aim of this paper is an analysis of development-induced displacement as a global social problem, diverse category of internal displacement and challenge for the international institutions and public international law. The problem in strongly linked with the reflection on the mechanisms of legal protection of particularly vulnerable communities and minorities. The paper complements the studies on empowerment of indigenous communities and more sustanaible development growth conducted on the basis of development studies.
