Suchergebnisse

Odgovornost međunarodnih organizacija za međunarodno protupravne čine privukla je veliku pozornost doktrine i prakse posljednjih godina, otkad je Komisija za međunarodno pravo UN-a izradila Nacrt članaka o toj materiji. U radu razmatramo osnovna rješenja Nacrta, a posebnu pozornost posvećujemo slučajevima višestruke pripisivosti te odgovornosti država za međunarodno protupravne čine međunarodne organizacije. ; The responsibility of international organizations attracted special attention in theory and practice of international law after the International Law Commission began its work on the topic in 2002. The Commission ended its work in 2011 by adopting the Draft Articles on the Responsibility of International Organization. In this contribution we give an overall review of the Draft articles with special a emphasis on the cases of multiple attribution and responsibility of states for internationally wrongful acts of international organizations. Analyzing the critical remarks raised in regard to the Draft, we concluded that they cannot diminish the successful outcome of the work of the Commission, which is, a coherent and consistent system of rules devoted to the responsibility of international organizations.

Koncept ljudske sigurnosti prvi put je istaknut u izvješću UNDP-a (United Nations Development Programme: Razvojni program Ujedinjenih naroda) 1994. i bazira se na slobodi od oskudice (freedom from want) i slobodi od straha (freedom from fear). Na Svjetskom samitu o hrani (World Food Summit) 1996. sigurnost hrane je definirana na način koji naglašava dostupnost hrane, pristup hrani te korištenje i stabilnost kao ključne dimenzije sigurnosti hrane. Iako najčešće nije jedini uzrok sukoba, nesigurnost hrane predstavlja sigurnosnu prijetnju jer služi kao pokretač nasilnog djelovanja. Glad i nesigurnost hrane povećavaju vjerojatnost da će doći do prosvjeda i nereda što potiče nesigurnost među stanovništvom i ostavlja dugotrajne posljedice na cjelokupan razvoj zajednice. S druge strane, sukobi uzrokuju degradaciju okoliša, raspad ekonomije i prisilno raseljavanje stanovništva što u konačnici uzrokuje glad i, naposljetku, bolest i smrt. U posljednjem desetljeću mnoge zemlje ulažu napore u provođenje zakona i strategija usmjerenih na rješavanje problema gladi. Nastoji se potaknuti i društvene skupine da aktivno sudjeluju kako bi uz pomoć međunarodne zajednice unaprijedili sigurnost hrane i osigurali pozitivne transformacije. ; The concept of human security was first highlighted in the UNDP report of 1994 and is based on two freedoms; freedom from want and freedom from fear. The widely accepted World Food Summit definition from 1996 emphasizes the importance of food availability, food access, food use and stability of food as key dimensions of food security. Although usually not the only cause of conflict, food insecurity represents a security threat since it serves as an initiator of violent actions. The presence of hunger and food insecurity increase the probability of protests and riots, which further causes insecurity among the population and leaves long-term consequences to the overall development of the community. On the other hand, conflicts cause the degradation of environment, economic disruption, forced displacement of the population which, in the end, causes hunger and ultimately disease and death. In the last decade, many countries have invested their efforts in law enforcement and strategies aimed at solving the problem of hunger. Countries also seek to activate social groups for participating actively in cooperation with international communities in order to enhance food security and ensure positive transformation.

Dugo je vremena koncept suvereniteta smatran kamenom temeljcem domaćeg i međunarodnog prava te političke misli. Koncepcija suvereniteta blisko je povezana s koncepcijom države. Bilo je to »normalno« stanje države, u kojem ona ima vrhovnu ili konačnu vlast u unutarnjim političkim i pravnim pitanjima, a svojstvo neovisnosti prema drugim državama. Međunarodnu zajednicu činile su ravnopravne i neovisne države. Danas, na početku 21. stoljeća, koncept suvereniteta izložen je mnogim izazovima, od kojih je najznačajniji proces globalizacije koji je doveo do sve veće međupovezanosti ljudi širom svijeta vidljive na svim poljima: političkim, vojnim, ekonomskim, kulturnim i pravnim. U ovom radu usredotočit ćemo se na pitanje kako globalizacija utječe na državni suverenitet te da ti pregled argumenata korištenih u novijoj literaturi. ; The concept of sovereignty was for a long time considered as one of the cornerstones of national and international law, and of political thought. The concept of sovereignty was closely connected with the concept of the state. It was a »normal« situation of a country where it had supreme or final power in political and legal matters in its domestic affairs, while at the same time it was independent in relation to all other countries. The international community used to consist of equal and independent states. At the beginning of the 21st century, the concept of sovereignty is faced with many challenges, both in theory and in practice. What happens within a country's territory and to its inhabitants is now less a consequence of national politics than the result of international circumstances – the difference between internal and foreign affairs is becoming increasingly vague. Several processes are happening simultaneously: globalisation (the development of information and communication technology; increase in foreign investments, the development of multinational corporations, and strengthening of the international economic and trade organisations' role), the process of European integration, the development of international protection of human rights (the development of cogent rules of international law, humanitarian interventions, the role of transnational non- governmental organisations), and the phenomenon of »failed states«. All the above mentioned has created a need to redefine the concept of sovereignty.

Dugo je vremena koncept suvereniteta smatran kamenom temeljcem domaćeg i međunarodnog prava te političke misli. Koncepcija suvereniteta blisko je povezana s koncepcijom države. Bilo je to »normalno« stanje države, u kojem ona ima vrhovnu ili konačnu vlast u unutarnjim političkim i pravnim pitanjima, a svojstvo neovisnosti prema drugim državama. Međunarodnu zajednicu činile su ravnopravne i neovisne države. Danas, na početku 21. stoljeća, koncept suvereniteta izložen je mnogim izazovima, od kojih je najznačajniji proces globalizacije koji je doveo do sve veće međupovezanos- ti ljudi širom svijeta vidljive na svim poljima: političkim, vojnim, ekonomskim, kulturnim i pravnim. U ovom radu usredotočit ćemo se na pitanje kako globalizacija utječe na državni suverenitet te dati pregled argumenata korištenih u novijoj literaturi. ; The concept of sovereignty was for a long time considered as one of the corner- stones of national and international law, and of political thought. The concept of sovereignty was closely connected with the concept of the state. It was a »normal« situation of a country where it had supreme or final power in political and legal matters in its domestic affairs, while at the same time it was independent in relation to all other countries. The international community used to consist of equal and independent States. At the beginning of the 21st Century, the concept of sovereignty is faced with many challenges, both in theory and in practice. What happens within a country's territory and to its inhabitants is now less a consequence of national politics than the result of international circumstances - the difference between internal and foreign affairs is becoming increasingly vague. Several processes are happening simultaneously: globalisation (the development of information and communication technology; increase in foreign Investments, the development of multinational corporations, and strengthening of the international economic and trade organisations' role), the process of European integration, the development of international protection of human rights (the development of cogent rules of international law, humanitarian interventions, the role of transnational non/governmental organisations), and the phenomenon of »failed States«. All the above mentioned has created a need to redefine the concept of sovereignty.

Liga naroda prva je moderna međunarodna organizacija koja je počivala na ideji kolektivne sigurnosti na globalnoj razini. Imajući to u vidu, u radu se nastoji na sustavan način razmotriti kolektivnu sigurnost i njezine mehanizme sadržane u Paktu Lige naroda. U tom cilju, nakon uvodnih razmatranja i kraćeg osvrta na pojmovno određenje, pretpostavke, korijene i kritike kolektivne sigurnosti, u radu se pobliže razmatraju njezini mehanizmi u Paktu Lige naroda kako bi se istražilo, prvo, u kojim su odredbama bili sadržani ti mehanizmi i u čemu su se oni sastojali; drugo, zašto ti mehanizmi nisu uspjeli ostvariti svoju svrhu. Iz tog razloga, zaključci u radu temeljeni su na normativnoj analizi Pakta Lige naroda, ali i na pojedinim primjerima iz povijesti međunarodnih odnosa u tom razdoblju. ; Although the idea of collective security has long existed in the history of international relations, the League of Nations was the first modern international organisation based on the idea of collective security at the global level. In this context, the author aims at giving a systematic review of collective security and its mechanisms comprised in the Covenant of the League of Nations. To this end, after introductory considerations and a short review of the conceptual definition, postulates, roots, and critiques of collective security, the paper discusses its mechanisms in the Covenant of the League of Nations in order to examine, firstly, which provisions encompassed these mechanisms and what they were composed of and secondly, why these mechanisms failed to achieve their purpose. For this reason, the conclusions in this paper rely on a normative analysis of the Covenant of the League of Nations, as well as on the specific examples from the history of international relations during the period considered.

Although the idea of collective security has long existed in the history of international relations, the League of Nations was the first modern international organisation based on the idea of collective security at the global level. In this context, the author aims at giving a systematic review of collective security and its mechanisms comprised in the Covenant of the League of Nations. To this end, after introductory considerations and a short review of the conceptual definition, postulates, roots, and critiques of collective security, the paper discusses its mechanisms in the Covenant of the League of Nations in order to examine, firstly, which provisions encompassed these mechanisms and what they were composed of and secondly, why these mechanisms failed to achieve their purpose. For this reason, the conclusions in this paper rely on a normative analysis of the Covenant of the League of Nations, as well as on the specific examples from the history of international relations during the period considered. ; Liga naroda prva je moderna međunarodna organizacija koja je počivala na ideji kolektivne sigurnosti na globalnoj razini. Imajući to u vidu, u radu se nastoji na sustavan način razmotriti kolektivnu sigurnost i njezine mehanizme sadržane u Paktu Lige naroda. U tom cilju, nakon uvodnih razmatranja i kraćeg osvrta na pojmovno određenje, pretpostavke, korijene i kritike kolektivne sigurnosti, u radu se pobliže razmatraju njezini mehanizmi u Paktu Lige naroda kako bi se istražilo, prvo, u kojim su odredbama bili sadržani ti mehanizmi i u čemu su se oni sastojali; drugo, zašto ti mehanizmi nisu uspjeli ostvariti svoju svrhu. Iz tog razloga, zaključci u radu temeljeni su na normativnoj analizi Pakta Lige naroda, ali i na pojedinim primjerima iz povijesti međunarodnih odnosa u tom razdoblju.

Pitanje prave mjere decentralizacije unutar Grada Zagreba analizira se u širem okviru. Ističe se decentralizacija kao jedan od temeljnih reformskih procesa u suvremenim političko-upravljačkim sustavima europskih zemalja. No, decentralizacija nije jedini proces koji utječe na formiranje dobrih standarda upravljanja gradovima: nužno je uzeti u obzir i doktrinu dobrog upravljanja, koju podupire Europska unija, niz drugih međunarodnih organizacija, ali i sve veći broj zemalja. U ostvarenju standarda dobrog gradskog upravljanja razmatra se uloga mjesne samouprave u Hrvatskoj, a napose u velikim gradovima i Gradu Zagrebu. Upozorava se da osnivanje preko dvije stotine mjesnih odbora kao zasebnih pravnih osoba vodi prema fragmentaciji Grada Zagreba i bitno otežava ili čak i onemogućuje integrirano gradsko upravljanje i smisleno rješavanje urbanih i upravljačkih problema. ; The issue of adequate decentralisation within the City of Zagreb is analysed in the broader frame. Decentralisation is one of the main reform processes of the current governance system in European countries. However, decentralisation is not the only process that influences the standards of good urban governance. Good governance doctrine, supported and implemented in the European Union, many other international organisations, and increasing number of countries world-wide, should be taken into consideration as well. The role of territorial selfgovernment below municipal level in implementation of good urban governance standards in Croatia, especially within large cities and the City of Zagreb, is discussed. It should be emphasised that establishing more than two hundred of territorial committees as separate and full legal entities can cause managerial fragmentation in the City of Zagreb and hinder or even impede integral urban management and sound solving of numerous urban and managerial problems.

Ovaj naslov podsjeća neminovno na ljudska prava i kao da inzistira na nekom novom pravu čovjeka i građanina, poput npr. "prava na vodu", koje je bilo predmetom građanske zakonotvorne inicijative prošle godine pred Europskom komisijom. Pravo na "dobru javnu upravu" često se poistovjećuje s pravom na "dobro upravljanje", pa će stoga u uvodnom dijelu biti potrebno razjasniti razliku između tih dvaju pojmova, te se potom pozabaviti "dobrom javnom upravom", njezinim načelima i deontologijom u dvjema europskim integracijama – članice koje su i Hrvatska i Francuska – a to su, najprije ona starija, politička integracija Vijeća Europe, a zatim i ona malo mlađa, još uvijek pretežito ekonomska integracija, a to je Europska unija. Promotrimo stoga najprije što ta dva pojma znače u međunarodnim organizacijama, a što na internom planu demokratskih država. ; This title inevitably makes us think of human rights as if it is insisting on some new human and citizen rights such as for example "the right to water", which was the subject of a civil law creating initiative last year before the European Commission. The right to "good public administration "is often identified with the right to "good management". So, in the introduction it will be necessary to differentiate between these two concepts. Then "good public administration "will be dealt with; its principles and deontology in two European integrations or member states who are Croatia and France. These are primarily the old political integration of the European Council and then the more recent ones mainly including economic integration which is the European Union. Therefore, these two concepts will firstly be observed as to their definition in international organisations and in the internal plan of democratic states.

Negativni ishod referenduma o Ustavu Europske unije u Francuskoj i Nizozemskoj doveo je u žarište alternativu između preoblikovanja Europe u federativnu državu i njezinog zadržavanja statusa svojevrsne međunarodne organizacije. U radu se naglašava da je ta alternativa manje oštra nego što se čini. Europska je unija proces koji obje mogućnosti drži otvorenima. Europa se može istodobno razvijati i prema čvršćim strukturama u nekim područjima i prema većoj elastičnosti i prilagodljivosti u drugima: sigurnost, regulacija, javne službe, socijalna skrb, snaženje kapaciteta za ekonomsku kompeticiju, poboljšanje sposobnosti za suočavanje s globalnim izazovima. Uspoređuju se rezultati radova o upravljanju višerazinskim teritorijalnim sustavima, osobito u njemačkoj i američkoj tradiciji, u pogledu kapaciteta rješavanja problama u višerazinskim sustavima pod uvjetima pregovaranja i labave skopčanosti među razinama. U konačnici, taj je kapacitet važniji od formalnih obilježja europskog integracijskog oblika. ; The negative out come of the referenda about the European Constitution in France and the Netherlands have, apparently, put the alternative between the transformation of Europe in a federative State and its remaining an international organization in to sharper focus. The argument in this paper is that this alternative is less sharp than it might appear. The European Union is an evolving proces that keeps both alternatives open. Europe could move simultaneously towards tighter structures in some fields and towards greater elasticity and adaptivenes in others: security, regulation, public services, social benefits, increasing capacity for economic competition, better ability to face new global challenges. Work done about the govenance of multi level territorial systems, particularly in the German and American traditions, is compared from the point of view of the problem-solving capacity of multi level systems under conditions of bargaining and loose coupling among its levels. This capacity, in the final analysis, is more important than the formal attributes of the European construction.

Djelatna uloga Međunarodnoga odbora Crvenoga križa (MOCK) do izražaja dolazi u ratnim okolnostima u provođenju aktivnosti utemeljenih na međunarodnom ratnom pravu da bi se osigurala pomoć za sve ratne stradalnike. U osiguravanju uvjeta rada tijekom Drugoga svjetskog rata MOCK je pokušao uspostaviti službene odnose sa svim zaraćenim državama, odnosno svim vojnim snagama bez obzira na to je li im bio priznat status zaraćene strane. Stoga su u radu prikazani i napori koje je MOCK uložio u pokušaje da pripadnici Narodnooslobodilačke vojske i partizanskih odreda Jugoslavije steknu službeni položaj zaraćene strane, odnosno službeni status ratnih zarobljenika, te da se na njih dosljedno primijene odredbe međunarodnoga ratnog prava. Usprkos prethodnim kontaktima MOCK je tek nakon imenovanja stalnoga predstavnika u Nezavisnoj Državi Hrvatskoj (1943.) započeo opsežne aktivnosti u korist pripadnika partizanskoga pokreta Jugoslavije, od kojih su najvažnije bile praktična primjena odredaba međunarodnoga ratnog prava na zarobljene pripadnike partizanskih jedinica te osiguravanje raznih oblika pomoći. S istom je nakanom predstavnik MOCK-a uspostavio kontakt i s Vrhovnim štabom Narodnooslobodilačke vojske i partizanskih odreda Jugoslavije, a suradnja je olakšana tek nakon potpisivanja sporazuma Tito-Šubašić, što je rezultiralo uspostavom službenih odnosa krajem 1944. godine. Na temelju izvornoga arhivskoga gradiva, objavljenih izvora i literature autor pokazuje i neke aspekte suradnje do završetka rata te u neposrednom poraću. ; The active role of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) comes to the fore in wartime circumstances, in carrying out activities based on international war law (the Geneva and Hague Conventions) regarding providing assistance to all war victims. In securing working conditions during World War II, the ICRC attempted to establish official relations with all belligerent parties regardless of whether they were or were not recognised as belligerent parties. Therefore, the author presents part of the ICRC efforts made in the process of recognising the international war law-regulated status of belligerent party to members of the People's Liberation Army and Partisan Detachments of Yugoslavia, i.e. the status of prisoners of war. Despite some earlier contacts, after the designation of a permanent representative to the Independent State of Croatia (1943), the ICRC launched extensive activities in favour of members of the Yugoslav Partisan movement, the most important of which was the practical application of the international law of war. Permanent representative Schmidlin constantly intervened in the ministries and the prime minister of the Independent State of Croatia through the Central Office of the Croatian Red Cross and as well through prominent figures in the political and social life of the State. However, although the Partisans de facto achieved the position of a belligerent party in their relations with the German military forces, this status was strongly opposed by the ISC authorities. Due to the change in the British attitude towards the Yugoslav Partisans, in the summer of 1943 the ICRC leadership ordered its permanent representative in Zagreb to establish contact with members of the People's Liberation Army of Yugoslavia as soon as possible. Very soon, Schmidlin contacted the Supreme Headquarters of the People's Liberation Army and Partisan detachments of Yugoslavia. In late November 1943, shortly after the beginning of the Allied Conference in Tehran, the ICRC leadership also received an Allied recommendation on the same subject. The existence of the Yugoslav Committee of the Red Cross in London, which had legitimacy and was the only recognised Yugoslav national Red Cross society, was a major problem in establishing relations between the ICRC and the Yugoslav Partisans. The ICRC leadership remained committed to not recognising the new societies created during the war. After the signing of the Tito-Šubašić agreement in mid-June 1944, the ICRC leadership changed its position, and representatives of the Yugoslav government and Marshal Tito sent several letters to the ICRC Permanent Delegation in London in late September and early October 1944. In those letters, they informed the ICRC leadership of the establishment of the Central Committee of the Yugoslav Red Cross on the island of Vis. At the same time, the Royal Yugoslav Red Cross Society in London was dissolved. All of this resulted in the unification of the national organisation of the Red Cross in Yugoslavia, which led to the establishment of official relations between the ICRC and Yugoslav Partisans at the end of 1944. Based on original archival sources and literature, the author points to some aspects of cooperation until the end of World War II and in the early post-war period. One of the main aspects of the ICRC's work during this period was the practical application of the provisions of the international law of war to prisoners of war in Yugoslavia. Tito himself made the same promises, though the Yugoslav Ministry of Social Policy made this conditional: they would be applied only if it was proven that captured members of the Partisan movement had been treated in the same way during the war. The treatment of prisoners of war in Yugoslavia could only be speculated about, and the authorities immediately refused to allow foreign diplomatic or ICRC representatives to gain insight into the treatment of prisoners of war. It is clear that the ICRC faced the same problems in its relations with the authorities of the Independent State of Croatia and the German Reich during the war and the Yugoslav authorities at the end of the war and in the immediate post-war period.

The education system per se, despite its central position in the field of study proclaimed by the scholarly community of Comparative and International Education, has never taken a central stage/role in Comparative and International Education scholarly enquiry. Through the various stages of its history, Comparative and International Education research has either focused on the societal-contextual forces (geography, demography, social system, economy, political system, religio-philosophical viewpoints) shaping education or on the societal outcomes/effects of education, to such an extent that the education system has always remained the blind spot in the centre of the field. A model explaining the structure of the education system which shows the components of "the" education system and their interrelationships has resultantly not been developed. This article attempts to address this shortcoming by discussing and outlining the structure of the education system on the basis of recent epistemological developments. Four components of the education system, along with their elements, are identified: education system policy, organisation and administration, structure for teaching, and support services. ; Obrazovni sustav per se, usprkos svojoj središnjoj ulozi za koju se zauzimaju stručnjaci unutar Komparativne i međunarodne edukacije nikada nije bio u žarištu znanstvenih istraživanja u spomenutom području. Istraživanja unutar Komparativne i međunarodne edukacije do sada su, u različitim razdobljima svoje povijesti, bila usredotočena ili na društveno-kontekstne snage (geografiju, demografiju, društveni sustav, ekonomiju, politički sustav, religijsko-filozofski svjetonazor) koje oblikuju obrazovanje ili na ishode/učinke obrazovanja na društvo do te mjere da je obrazovni sustav uvijek ostajao nejasan u odnosu na glavni dio toga područja. Stoga još uvijek nije razvijen model koji bi objasnio strukturu obrazovnog sustava prikazujući komponente ,,obrazovnog sustava" i njihove međusobne odnose. U ovom se radu nastoji istaknuti taj nedostatak putem rasprave i prikaza strukture obrazovnog sustava na temelju novijih epistemoloških razvojnih ideja. Identificirane su četiri komponente obrazovnog sustava, kao i njihovi elementi, a to su: politika obrazovnog sustava, organizacija i administracija, struktura potrebna za nastavu i službe podrške.

Normama se utvrđuju standardna obilježja proizvoda i njihove specifi kacije. Utvrđuju se konsenzusom svih zainteresiranih subjekata, od gospodarskih do tijela državne uprave. Njihova je primje na dragovolj na, ali značenje im je veliko, u Europskoj uniji povezano sa slobodom kretanja robe. Normizacijom se bavi niz međunarodnih, jednako kao i nacionalne normizacijske organizacije. U okviru Europske unije važni regulativni instrument u području normizacije predstavlja ju direktive novog pristupa. Hrvatska je značajno modernizirala zakonodavstvo u području norma te je značajno napredovala u procesu usklađivanja s tehničkim propisima Europske unije, europskom normizacijom, mjeriteljstvom i akreditacijom, kao i postupcima za ocjenu sukladnosti proizvoda. ; Norms and standards define standard product characteristics and their specifications. They are established by consensus of all interested parties, from businesses to state administrative bodies. Although their implementation is voluntary, they are extremely important, particularly in the European Union where they are essential for the free movement of goods. Numerous international and national organisations deal with standardisation. Within the EU, new approach directives are an important regulatory instrument of standardisation. Croatia has significantly modernised its legislation on standardisation and has made considerable progress in the process of harmonisation with technical regulations of the EU, European standardisation, measurement, and accreditation, as well as with the procedures for the assessment of product compatibility.

Zaštita žrtava intenzivirala se posljednjih 40-ak godina uz znanstvenu podršku i razvoj viktimologije. Paralelno s međunarodnim ustrajanjem na zaštiti ljudskih prava te s jačanjem stručne spoznaje o važnosti povijesno marginalizirane uloge žrtve u kaznenim postupcima europskog kontinentalnog kruga međunarodnopravna svijest o obvezi države da zaštiti žrtve najtežih kaznenih djela i pruži im potporu defi nirana je brojnim međunarodnim dokumentima. U tom smislu za europski pravni prostor značajnu ulogu ima i Direktiva 2012/29/EU o uspostavi minimalnih standarda za prava, potporu i zaštitu žrtava kaznenih djela, koja je izmjenama i dopunama Zakona o kaznenom postupku implementirana u hrvatsko zakonodavstvo. Međutim osim danas već nesporno dostatne normativne podloge o zaštiti žrtava u kaznenom postupku postavlja se pitanje dobivaju li doista žrtve u praksi zaštitu i podršku koja im je osigurana kroz zakonske odredbe. Vođene tom mišlju, autorice su provele istraživanje među odjelima za podršku žrtvama i organizacijama civilnog društva kao glavnim službama za pružanje pomoći i podrške žrtvama tijekom kaznenog postupka u svrhu preispitivanja načina, učestalosti i potencijalnih praktičnih izazova s kojima se žrtve susreću prilikom korištenja svojih prava u praksi. ; Victim protection has intensifi ed in the last 40 years with the scientifi c support and development of victimology. In parallel with international insistence on the protection of human rights and the strengthening of professional knowledge on the importance of the historically marginalised role of the victim in criminal proceedings in the European continental circle, international legal awareness of the state's obligation to protect and support victims of serious crimes is defi ned by numerous international documents. In this sense, Directive 2012/29/EU on the establishment of minimum standards on the rights, support and protection of victims of crime, which was implemented in Croatian legislation by amendments to the Criminal Code, also plays a signifi cant role in the European legal area. However, apart from the already unquestionably suffi cient normative basis of the protection of victims in criminal proceedings, the question arises as to whether victims in practice really receive the protection and support provided to them through legislation. Guided by this opinion, the authors conducted a short survey among victim support departments and civil society organisations as the main services for assistance and support during criminal proceedings in order to review the ways, frequency and potential practical challenges that victims face in exercising their rights in practice.

Pedeset godina nakon stjecanja neovisnosti države Afrike su i dalje u lošijoj ekonomskoj situaciji nego ostatak svijeta. Cilj ovog rada je analizom dostupnih znanstvenih radova i literature ocijeniti predstavljaju li državne granice prepreku ekonomskom razvoju Afrike. Granice koje su ucrtavali kolonijalni vladari uzrok su brojnim ratnim sukobima. Brojni narodi u Africi su dolaskom kolonizatora izgubili svoje države i kraljevstva. Važan segment kulturnog identiteta nekog naroda je granica. Granice su podijelile narode između dviju ili više država te im znatno otežale položaj u novostvorenim državama. Afričko rudno bogatstvo predstavlja problem u pograničnim područjima, gdje je nerijetko dolazilo do ratnih sukoba. Međunarodni sud pravde je u zadnjih pedeset godina riješio brojne granične sporove, no brojni su ostali neriješeni. Na prostoru Afrike djeluje mnogo međunarodnih i regionalnih ekonomskih organizacija koje pokušavaju potaknuti ekonomski rast i razvoj Afrike. Sadržaj diplomskog rada dobra je podloga nastavnicima geografije za pripremu i izvedbu nastavnih sati za realizaciju ishoda u četvrtom razredu gimnazije o državnim granicama. ; Fifty years after independence, African countries are still in a worse economic situation than the rest of the world. The aim of this paper is to analyze the available scientific papers and literature to assess whether state borders are an obstacle to the economic development of Africa. The borders drawn by the colonial rulers are the cause of numerous war conflicts. Numerous peoples in Africa lost their states and kingdoms with the arrival of the colonizers. An important segment of a nation's cultural identity is the border. Borders divided peoples between two or more states and made their position in the newly created states much more difficult. African mineral wealth is a problem in border areas, where war conflicts have often occurred. The International Court of Justice has resolved several border disputes in the last fifty years, but unfortunately there are still many ...

U ovom se radu istražuje odnos između nacije, nacionalizma, građanstva i strategija europskih integracija. Propituje se problem odnosa između 'nacionalnog' i 'građanskog' aspekta u postojećoj nacionalnoj državi i problem odvajanja nacionalnog od građanskog u nekim opravdanjima transnacionalnih političkih integracija. Propituje se i teza nekih autora da su i nacija i država zapreka afirmaciji građanstva kao univerzalnog statusa u slobodi i jednakosti svih. Zapravo, analizira se krucijalno pitanje je li neka transnacionalna politička organizacija moguća kao "zajednica građana" prema konceptu 'konstitucionalnog patriotizma' ili kao internacionalna zajednica "društva narodā" s "pravom narodā" na pretpostavkama političkog liberalizma ili pristojno uređene državne vlasti. Autor analizira i pojam 'nacionalizma' te neopravdanost njegova proskribiranja per se. Na kraju komentira i analizira uočene nacionalne (nacionalističke) strategije integracije u Europsku uniju. ; This paper explores the relationship between the nation, nationalism, citizenship and European integration strategies. It addresses the problem of the relationship between the 'national' and 'civil' aspects of the existing nation state and the problem of separating the national from the civil in some justifications of transnational political integrations. It also examines the thesis of some authors who claim that both the nation and the state are obstacles to asserting citizenship as a universal status in the freedom and equality of all. In fact, it analyses the crucial issue whether a transnational political organisation is possible as a 'community of citizens' in line with the concept of 'constitutional patriotism', or as an international community in the sense of a 'Society of Peoples' with the 'right of nations' under the assumptions of political liberalism or of a properly ordered state government. The author also analyses the concept of 'nationalism' and the unjustifiableness of its proscription per se. In the final section, he comments on and ...