"Desde que el gas natural superó al carbón en el consumo energético de EE.UU., las emisiones de dióxido de carbono de este país han registrado una disminución. Sin embargo, el auge del gas de esquisto no traspasó las fronteras de Estados Unidos. De hecho, es cuestionable si el gas de esquisto podrá originar un giro radical en las emisiones globales mientras continúe en aumento la demanda mundial de carbón. Considerando el panorama actual, puede esperarse que el gas de esquisto produzca como mucho un impacto climático general mixto, ya que su consumo futuro depende de las decisiones en materia de políticas ambientales y energéticas de Estados Unidos y otros países. La evolución de los mercados internacionales también está signada por la incertidumbre. El alcance político del apogeo del gas natural en Estados Unidos confronta la política clímatica en Europa y en todo el mundo con nuevos e inesperados desafíos." Autorenreferat)
Las preocupaciones ecológicas y sociales están cada vez más ancladas en los tratados de libre comercio. Por parte de la UE, esto se hace a través de un enfoque al diálogo («soft approach»); los EE. UU., a su vez, optan por amenazar con sanciones comerciales. En este contexto Colombia es un caso interesante. El país ha firmado acuerdos con los Estados Unidos, Canadá y la UE, que solo han sido ratificados por los respectivos parlamentos cuando allí también se estableciera que la situación de los sindicatos y los trabajadores debiera ser mejorada. En los últimos años, la relación entre la política comercial, la sostenibilidad y los derechos humanos fue objeto de una polémica fundamental. Las experiencias adquiridas con las cláusulas laborales permiten sacar conclusiones para la configuración de instrumentos de política comercial. Aquí se confirma la importancia de las disposiciones relativas a la sostenibilidad en los acuerdos comerciales y el fortalecimiento de las instituciones nacionales.
Croatian foreign policy is undergoing a transition. The practical/theoretical model of foreign policy seems a suitable choice for achieving optimal foreign policy results. It presumes the identification of foreign policy priorities. The author focuses on four key foreign policy priorities: (1) respecting & adopting the globalization standards as a stepping stone to the EU & NATO membership; (2) fostering relations with the strategically significant countries; (3) cooperating with the Hague tribunal; & (4) establishing good relations with the neighboring countries & the countries in the region. Adapted from the source document.
The author explores the operational capability of the European defense policy in the last 3 years. From the creation & adoption of the European Security Strategy, the European Union has made several specific steps in the development of the European Security & Defence Policy. Despite the disagreements with the United States about Iraq & the internal divisions in the "New & Old Europe" EU has shown the ability to set new military & civilian goals, make a small, but effective battle group concept for crisis management & conflict prevention as well as the European Defense Agency. The author also describes the main operations & missions of EU in the world, ranging from the Balkans & Africa to the Middle East & Eastern Asia. Finally, the paper analyses the Constitution for Europe & the articles concerning ESDP. References. Adapted from the source document.
Hans J. Morgenthau, utemeljitelj realističke teorije međunarodne politike četrdesetih godina 20. stoljeća, donedavno se smatrao pozitivističkim teoretičarom "tvrde" politike moći u međunarodnoj politici. No sve veći akademski interes za njegovo djelo posljednjih godina pokazao je kako je riječ o kompleksnom misliocu koji je ponajprije teoretičar politike. U ovome rada autor prikazuje Morgenthauovu političku teoriju i njezine temeljne pojmove u trima razdobljima njihova razvoja: do Drugoga svjetskog rata, od kraja rata do šezdesetih godina i poslije šezdesetih. Posebno se osvrćući na glavne studije iz svakoga od tih razdoblja, autor nastoji dokazati da je svrha Morgenthauove teorije međunarodne politike bio pokušaj da se politika i političko konstituiraju kao odgovor na duboku društvenu i političku krizu modernog Zapada. Njegova realistička teorija međunarodne politike nije samo akademski pothvat nego i svojevrstan politički projekt. ; Hans J. Morgenthau, who founded realist theory of international politics in the 1940s, has until recently been considered a positivist theorist of crude power politics in international relations. However, in recent years, with rising academic interest for his works, Morgenthau has been seen as a complex thinker and primarily a political theorist. This article aims to show Morgenthau's political theory and its fundamental concepts that run through the three periods of his writing: up to the Second World War, during the post-war period, and in the 1960s. With a special overview of the pivotal studies from each of the above periods, this article will show that the purpose of Morgenthau's theory of international politics is an attempt at constructing politics and the political as an answer to the deep social and political crisis of the modern West. His realist theory of international politics is not just an academic endeavor but also a political project of sorts.
Globalizacija i povećana međunarodna međuovisnost pridonose tomu da se ponovno povećava interes utjecaja strukture međunarodnog sustava na međunarodne odnose. Međunarodni sustav od kraja Hladnog rata neprestano proživljava promjene. One se najviše odlikuju u političkim i sigurnosnim novitetima. U takvim je uvjetima struktura sustava postala glavnom odrednicom ponašanja država koje se, promatrajući ih kroz perspektivu strukturalnog realizma ili neorealizma, ponašaju isključivo u skladu s vlastitim interesima, u uvjetima anarhičnog sustava. S obzirom na geopolitički položaj te veličinu Hrvatskoj je izrazito bitno čvrsto članstvo unutar NATO-saveza i Europske Unije. Kontekst razvoja sigurnosti i obrane time postaje više usmjeren na činjenicu da se zemlje članice saveza obvezuju pomagati jedna drugoj u slučaju pojave ugroze, te se time jača stabilnost nacionalne sigurnosti potrebne da se omoguće dugoročni mir i stabilnost u zemlji, ali i u susjedstvu. Kao središnji i konstantan fenomen u proučavanju međunarodnih odnosa, savezi nastaju jer su vlade svih razvijenih država svjesne da su dio jednog većeg entiteta u međunarodnoj politici u kojoj, prema postavkama neorealističke škole među-narodnih odnosa, postoje prijetnje koje su uzroci stvaranja saveza. ; Globalisation and increased international interdependence have contributed to the fact that once again the interest of the impact on the structure of the international system to international relations is increased. The international system, since the end of the Cold War, is constantly going through changes. They are the most distinguished in political and security innovations. In such circumstances, the structure of the system has become the main determinant of behaviour of states that, looking through the perspective of structural realism or neorealism, act solely pursuing their own interest, in terms of an anarchic system. Given the geopolitical position and size of the country, it is extremely important for Croatia to have a firm membership within the NATO and the European Union. The context of development of security and defence thus becomes more focused on the fact that the member states of the alliance commit to assist each other in case of threats, so the stability of national security needed to enable long-term peace and stability in the country, but also the neighbourhood, is strengthened. As a central and constant phenomenon in the study of international relations, alliances are formed because the governments of all developed countries are aware that they are part of a larger entity in international politics, in which, according to the neorealist school of international relations, there are threats that cause creating alliances.
