This paper tries to discuss diplomatic governance study on Indonesian decision-making and implementing foreign policy. Diplomatic governance is a concept that is adopted from democratic study on how to manage transparent and accountable decison-making policy. The discourse on diplomatic governance is expected to improve effectivity and efficiency of Indonesian foreign policy in achieving its national interests. Foreign policy that will be the focus of this paper is Indonesiaan foreign policy of administrative–based economy. In the last 10 years, this policy have been constractedserious problems such as corruption, lack of protection of Indonesian citizen abroad and crisis on law-politics issues such as dispute resolution in International Court of Justice in the case of Sipadan and Ligitan Islands.This paper considers that the lacks of effective and efficient of Indonesian foreign policy in articulating Indonesia"s national interests in international fora are closely related to the low governance negotiation discourse in the formulation and implementation of Indonesia's foreign policy.
This study aims to determine the background of Indonesia and Ethiopia conducting trade cooperation which has implications on diplomatic relations between Indonesia and Ethiopia. This study used a qualitative approach, which uses secondary and primary data, where the method of analysis is descriptive analysis. This study uses an analytical framework based on the concept: international trade, national interests and economic diplomacy, and international political economy.The results of this study indicate that the relationship between the political economy of Indonesia and Ethiopia is very closely where this is done through an economic diplomacy. The Economic Diplomacy of Indonesia and Ethiopia is very influential on the development of trade between Indonesia and Ethiopia. In fact, Politics between Indonesia and Ethiopia are only as a political representative, because the driving force of politics between Indonesia and Ethiopia is the economic diplomacy. The motor is the one who makes us move and makes the relationship between Indonesia and Ethiopia are dynamic and increasingly tight.Through economic diplomacy Indonesia and Ethiopia endeavor to establish and improve the bilateral relations that already exist more clearly, planned, systematic and focused to stabilize the diplomatic relations between the two countries and enhancing cooperation in the conducive situation that will produce the pattern and structure of regional security that is based on the economic motives together.
Dinamis komitmen Masyarakat Internasional dalam isu kontrol atas pemanasan global telah dikembangkan sejak tahun 1919 sampai sekarang. Dari daftar perjanjian - perjanjian internasional yang ada, dapat dilihat seberapa kuat komitmen komunitas global dalam isu-isu lingkungan, pemanasan global serta perubahan iklim. Sayangnya, dapat disimpulkan, bahwa perjanjian-perjanjian internasional begitu terfragmentasi dan oleh karena itu, sulit untuk dilaksanakan membandingkan dengan instrumen hukum lingkungan internasional pada umumnya. Namun, kemauan politik dari negara nasional adalah inti untuk membuat agenda internasional. Hal ini dikarenakan niat yang baik dari suatu pemerintahan dapat membawa hal yang baik bagi negara maupun rakyatnya, khususnya lagi dalam pengendalian global warming.Sehingga dalam hal ini negara juga mempunyai peranan dalam mewujudkan kelestarian lingkungan bagi rakyatnya, hal ini juga secara tidak langsung merupakan bagian dari kewajiban negara untuk menjaga stabilitas dan kelangsungan hidup rakyat dan kelestarian sumber daya alam yang di kandung negara tersebut, demi kesejahteraan dan kemakmuran seluruh rakyat.
Revolusi Iran tahun 1979 menjadi sebuah titik balik terhadap dinamika politik, budaya, dan sosial yang ada di Iran. Pemimpin revolusi, Khomeini, ingin Iran menjadi negara mandiri secara militer, salah satunya adalah membentuk milisi yang disebut Basij e-Mustafasin. Basij adalah milisi yang loyal terhadap Ayatollah yang terdiri dari masyarakat sipil. Basij telah begitu aktif terlibat dalam berbagai macam konflik yang melibatkan kepentingan Iran, seperti perang Irak-Iran 1980, perang Lebanon 2006, hingga perang sipil Suriah 2011. Menurut Paul Bucala (2017), penggunaan milisi Basij Iran dalam Perang Sipil Suriah yang terjadi dinilai tidak efektif, menghabiskan dana dan memunculkan korban yang cukup banyak, selain itu terdapat sebuah anomali dimana milisi yang seharusnya digunakan untuk bertahan di dalam teritorial negara (Calder, 1910). Namun hal ini tidak membuat Ali Khameini sebagai pemimpin agung untuk meminimalisir penggunaan milisi Basij pada Perang Sipil Suriah. Penelitian ini membuktikan bahwa terdapat konsistensi serta peningkatan dalam penggunaan milisi Basij dikarenakan budaya strategis yang mengakar dalam kultur militer Iran yaitu exporting sectarianism dan ideological army mobilization yang di sebutkan oleh Kamran Taremi (2014). Melalui hal tersebut peneliti akan menggunakan kerangka pemikiran Ole Waever tentang konstruksi sejarah sebagai identitas utama dari budaya strategis. Peneliti juga menggunakan kerangka beprikir militerisasi sipil oleh Julian Schofield (2007) untuk melihat fenomena milisi yang ada di Iran. Laporan penelitian ini kemudian menunjukkan bahwa adanya sebuah penyerapan pemahaman kolektif budaya strategis dalam perumusan kebijakan luar negeri Iran khususnya dalam bidang militer.
This research analyzes international refugees' presence in Indonesia, which gives local challenges for the Indonesian subnational Government as a transit location. This research uses a paradiplomacy perspective to analyze the West Jakarta Government's response to the foreign refugees in its territory. West Jakarta is one of the Administrative Cities in the Special Capital Region of Jakarta. This research uses a qualitative research method. The research data sources were collected and analyzed from literature studies, current news, and socio-political theories. This research found that West Jakarta Government's paradiplomacy occurs due to differences in regulations applies. Moreover, this process can be parallel alongside the Central Government (Indonesian Government) in handling refugees in their territory following a local-regional wisdom approach. The West Jakarta Government's paradiplomacy carried out by coordinating the distribution of aid to refugees, working with stakeholders in handling international and national refugee issues, and managing refugee handling policies in transit locations where refugees live, especially in Kalideres, West Jakarta, Indonesia. These handling efforts aim to prevent horizontal conflicts between refugees and local people and achieve subnational interests in the form of support materially, financially, and politically. ; Penelitian ini menganalisis keberadaan pengungsi internasional di Indonesia yang memberikan tantangan lokal bagi Pemerintah subnasional Indonesia sebagai lokasi transit. Penelitian ini menggunakan perspektif paradiplomasi untuk menganalisis respon Pemerintah Jakarta Barat terhadap pengungsi asing di wilayahnya. Jakarta Barat merupakan salah satu Kota Administratif di Daerah Khusus Ibukota (DKI) Jakarta. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif. Sumber data penelitian dikumpulkan dan dianalisis dari studi literatur, berita terkini, dan teori-teori sosial politik. Hasil penelitian menemukan bahwa paradiplomasi Pemerintah Jakarta Barat terjadi karena adanya perbedaan regulasi yang berlaku. Apalagi, proses ini bisa paralel dengan Pemerintah Pusat (Pemerintah Indonesia) dalam menangani pengungsi di wilayahnya dengan pendekatan kearifan lokal-regional. Paradiplomasi Pemerintah Jakarta Barat dilakukan dengan mengkoordinasikan penyaluran bantuan kepada pengungsi, bekerja sama dengan pemangku kepentingan (stakeholders) dalam penanganan permasalahan pengungsi internasional dan nasional, serta mengelola kebijakan penanganan pengungsi di lokasi transit tempat tinggal pengungsi, khususnya di Kalideres, Jakarta Barat. Upaya penanganan ini bertujuan untuk mencegah konflik horizontal antara pengungsi dan masyarakat lokal serta mencapai kepentingan subnasional dalam bentuk dukungan material, finansial, dan politik.
Indonesia's geographical conditions that sourrounded by ocean should be considered as an added value for maritime diplomacy for the sake of the development of Indonesia. Therefore, in terms of geoculture, Maritime Diplomacy should be taken into account as one of the main pillars to build maritime security in Indonesia including the use of maritime diplomacy in response to security threats, so that the defense capabilities will be gradually improved. This article will examine the importance of organizing Indonesia's maritime sector regarding the vision of the Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF) in order to see the strengths and weaknesses of Indonesian Navy's capabilities as an instrument of Indonesia's Maritime diplomacy to support the development of maritime security. This article also argued that the most important in Indonesia's Maritime Diplomacy is that Indonesia is capable to guarantee maritime security for all stakeholders regionally and globally. Indonesia needs to improve management and expand promotion for all trading ports available, namely Jakarta and Surabaya as well as other ports as a hub of global maritime prospects. By enhancing maritime safety and security, various international cooperation will be maintained and pro table for Indonesia.
The issues of Papua (Both Papua and West Papua Provinces) have been reached by international communities even though the government regulation; Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 21, Year 2001, concerning Special Autonomy for Papua Province becoming a central issue as a problem solving to make a special treat for people in Papua internally. Whereas, the regulation is expected to make people in Papua develop political, economic, and cultural also resolving the insurgency problems among them. The arrangements of social and political, economy and budget are as a special treatment, only develop economy and infrastructure but it does not solve the conflicts until today. In this case, the Counterinsurgency (COIN) strategic model needs to be implemented following the appropriateness of national policy and the condition in Papua. This research used a content analysis method to reveal the causes of an un-optimal policy in solving the insurgency. Based on the four elements of COIN, only two elements exist; community and state elements. While the international community element and private sectors do not appear on the special autonomy legislation for Papua. As a reason, the COIN model appropriates with the condition of the people that include some elements; government, local community, the non-state, international community, and private sectors. Comparing to the United States of America (USA) model where the community is not included in the COIN element since the community as an object. On the other hand, it is different from China where military and political parties as important elements since the government decisions are supported by military force to solve the insurgency problem. This research found that civil and military cooperation in the model of COIN Papua after special autonomy is reflected by the existence of Local Government Leaders Communication Forum of Papua to face all situations that happened in Papua, both in security and emergency. Active coordination among governors, local legislators, Adat communities (customary), police, and army for COIN strategy needs special coordination to global communities openly that affect opinions on the people and private sector interests in Papua. ; Persoalan Papua (Provinsi Papua dan Papua Barat) telah mengundang komunitas internasional, namun kebijakan Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia Nomor 21 Tahun 2001 Tentang Otonomi Khusus Bagi Provinsi Papua menjadi isu sentral dalam penyelesaian Papua hanya memberi perlakuan khusus terhadap internal masyarakat Papua. Padahal, melalui Undang-undang ini diharapkan dapat memberikan kesempatan kepada masyarakat Papua agar lebih cepat berkembang, baik politik, ekonomi, maupun budaya, disamping itu masalah gerakan insurgency (pemberontakan) juga dapat dituntaskan. Kenyataannya, penataan sosial politik, ekonomi dan anggaran yang bersifat khusus telah diberikan namun hanya mengembangkan perekonomian dan infrastruktur tetapi gerakan untuk memisahkan diri belum berakhir sampai saat ini. Untuk itu perlu suatu model strategi counterinsurgency (COIN) yang tetap sesuai dengan kebijakan nasional dan kondisi masyarakar Papua. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode content analysis untuk mengungkap penyebab kebijakan yang tidak optimal dalam menyelesaikan counterinsurgency. Berdasarkan empat elemen dasar dalam COIN hanya ada dua elemen yang ada, yaitu elemen masyarakat dan negara, sementara elemen komunitas internasional dan sektor privat tidak ditemukan dalam Undang-Undang Otonomi Khusus Papua. Sehingga, model COIN yang sesuai dengan kondisi masyarakat Papua harus memiliki unsur pemerintah, masyarakat lokal, non-state, komunitas internasional, dan sektor privat. Kalau dibandingkan dengan model United States of America (USA) yang memposisikan masyarakat tidak masuk dalam unsur COIN karena masyarakat diletakkan sebagai objek yang menentukan. Beda lagi kalau dibandingkan dengan strategi Cina yang menempatakan militer dan partai politik sebagai elemen penting karena keputusan pemerintah didukung oleh kekuatan militer untuk mengatasi masalah insurgency. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa kombinasi sipil dan militer dalam model kebijakan COIN Papua Pasca-Otonomi Daerah tercermin dengan adanya Forum Komunikasi Pemimpin Daerah (Forkompimda) Papua dalam menghadapi situasi, baik kondisi aman maupun kondisi darurat. Koordinasikan aktif antara gubernur, legislatif daerah, masyarakat adat, kepolisian, dan militer. Strategi COIN di masa mendatang perlu jalur koordinasi khusus dengan komunitas global secara terbuka yang mempengaruhi opini tentang masyarakat Papua dan kepentingan sektor privat yang cukup kuat di Papua.
Global Governance encompasses the world's political activities and the management of issues and phenomena that occurred on a nation-state, involving contributions from regional to the international environment. In the global security sector, there are numerous efforts carried out by a country to counter such external threats that can cause destabilization. Non-proliferation and nuclear developments for peace are such issues of the global defense-security concern. The attempts to control and ensure the use of nuclear has been carried out by enacting international law, resolutions, and multilateral agreements. The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) is one kind. Influencing the world's security, politics, and economy, JCPOA began to be disrupted since the U.S. withdrawal as one of the parties that initially signed the agreement. This research aims to analyze The Collapse of Global Governance: When the U.S. Leaves the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). This research used a qualitative method with analysis based on secondary data, validated by the triangulation technique in this qualitative study. The analytical procedure uses secondary data from journals, media, and literature related to the Iran nuclear agreement and previous analyses discussing the U.S. exit from the JCPOA agreement. The analysis technique performs by arranging the data sequence, organizing the data into a pattern, category, and basic description. This research has found that Global Governance has fundamental weaknesses in its application. Through an analysis of the U.S. exit from the Iran nuclear agreement, it can be said that the reins of control are in the hands of the U.S. The Trump administration's policy on behalf of the U.S. to leave JCPOA to thwart the achievement of Global Governance and significantly affects the multi-national economic, political, and security order. The implementation of Global Governance and the issues also raised based on the interests of the superpowers. ; Global governance meliputi kegiatan politik dunia dan pengelolaan isu dan fenomena yang terjadi pada suatu negara kebangsaan, yang melibatkan kontribusi dari lingkungan regional hingga internasional. Di bidang keamanan global, banyak upaya yang dilakukan oleh suatu negara untuk melawan ancaman eksternal yang dapat menyebabkan destabilisasi. Non-proliferasi dan perkembangan nuklir untuk perdamaian adalah isu-isu yang menjadi perhatian pertahanan-keamanan global. Upaya pengendalian dan penjaminan penggunaan nuklir dilakukan melalui penetapan hukum internasional, resolusi, dan kesepakatan multilateral. The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) adalah salah satunya. Mempengaruhi keamanan, politik, dan ekonomi dunia, keberadaan JCPOA mulai terganggu sejak mundurnya Amerika Serikat (AS) sebagai salah satu pihak yang awalnya menandatangani perjanjian. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis Runtuhnya Global Governance: Saat Keluarnya AS dari Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan analisis berdasarkan data sekunder, divalidasi dengan teknik triangulasi dalam penelitian kualitatif ini. Prosedur analitis menggunakan data sekunder yang diambil dari jurnal, media, dan literatur terkait perjanjian nuklir Iran dan analisis sebelumnya yang membahas keluarnya AS dari perjanjian JCPOA. Teknik analisis dilakukan dengan menyusun urutan data, mengorganisasikan data ke dalam suatu pola, kategori, dan deskripsi dasar. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa global governance memiliki kelemahan mendasar dalam penerapannya. Melalui analisis keluarnya AS dari perjanjian nuklir Iran, dapat dikatakan bahwa kendali kendali berada di tangan AS. Kebijakan pemerintahan Trump mengatasnamakan AS keluar dari JCPOA untuk menggagalkan pencapaian global governance dan secara signifikan mempengaruhi tatanan ekonomi, politik, dan keamanan multi-nasional. Implementasi global governance dan permasalahannya juga diangkat berdasarkan kepentingan negara adidaya.
This research attempts to analyze the reason or consideration of Indonesian government to not ratify Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) yet, in political economy analysis comprises interest of many actors, limitations of capacity of state, the influence of ratification towards Indonesian tobacco trade, FCTC implementation among the Parties, and projection of Indonesia's possibility to comply with this regulation. FCTC has a number of instruments in tobacco control which was arranged by World Health Organization since 1999. This research become necessary due to Indonesia as only one a country in Asia which have not ratified yet, whereas Indonesia has been the fifth biggest of tobacco consumer in the world. It is a qualitative research, where data were collected through interview technique to the certain sources, and other supporting data from books and publication document. It has been analyzed using Chayes concept about compliance and non-compliance with international regulatory agreement consist of ambiguity and lack of capacity, interests, norms, and efficiency. In observing this issue, we can clarify that different interests of actors have become major consideration of Indonesian government to not comply with this convention regarding on the differences priority within ministry, the existence of business actors to influence the decision maker, employment, tobacco farmers, and social cultural aspects. In the forthcoming, there is a possibility that Indonesia will ratify FCTC due to Tobacco Roadmap which is arranged by Ministry of Industry of Indonesia in long-term planning assert that health aspect will be the main priority more than state revenues and employment. In addition, there are a lot of regencies and cities in Indonesia which have been implementing tobacco control regulation. This research, eventually, is expected to provide input analysis to the government in accordance with FCTC.