Med baggrund i de seneste års krigs- og terrorhandlinger – Afghanistan, Irak, den 11. september – reflekterer forfatteren over forholdet mellem krig, tilskuer, medier og forestillinger om virkeligheden. Forholdet mellem medier og virkelighed tenderer ifølge forfatteren mod at smelte sammen i en gennemmedieret kultur, hvor fremstillingsformer fra for eksempel film kan anvendes til at formidle faktiske begivenheder. Forfatterens blik på mediekulturen tager afsæt i flere aktuelle udgivelser fra postmodernis- mens centrale filosoffer, blandt andet Jean Baudrillard og Paul Virilio. Denne artikel er dermed samtidig en introduktion til deres refleksioner over terrorhandlingerne den 11. september og deres betydning i det moderne samfund.
Der folgende Beitrag befasst sich mit der Erfassung islamistischer Radikalisierungsprozesse durch die Rhetorik. Der Protest politischer Islamisten wird anhand von Indikatoren wie Protestaktionen oder einer konfrontativen Rhetorik zur Mobilisierung politischer Gewalt und terroristischer Anschläge gemessen. Das Ziel dieses Beitrages ist, das Gefahrenpotenzial durch politische Islamisten am Beispiel der mobilisierenden Rhetorik der islamistischen Hizb ut-Tahrir (HuT) besser einzuschätzen.English AbstractThe following article deals with the analysis of Islamic radicalization processes through rhetoric. The protest of political Islamists is measured by indicators such as protest actions or confrontational rhetoric to mobilise political violence and terrorist attacks. The aim of this article is to better assess the potential dangers posed by political Islamists using the example of the mobilising rhetoric of the Islamist Hizb ut-Tahrir (HuT). The article was written in German.
This study is an exploration of the logic of hegemony in one of the most significant policy areas of international relations: international security. I argue that despite huge international opposition during the Court's early years of existence as well as the fact that 3 out of 5 permanent United Nations Security Council (UNSC) members are not Parties to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, UNSC decision-making between 2002 and 2010 was framed by the hegemonic Justice discourse. The result of intense lobbying by international criminal law experts, NGO human rights activists, policymakers, journalists, and state representatives acting within the United Nations Security Council, the International Criminal Court Assembly of States Parties and the media, Justice was the new ideology of international security. In order to empirically analyze this process of hegemonization, I developed a hermeneutic conceptual framework based on Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe's Poststructuralist Discourse Theory (PDT) and an inductive qualitative research strategy that can be applied to concrete international policy discourses. I defined hegemony as a process of hegemonization that takes place under specific historical circumstances in a particular international policy area. In order to reveal its workings I relied on a comprehensive list of PDT concepts operationalized as meso-level Discursive Mechanisms. Through the linking of various political demands, the creation of a collective identity, the gripping of the floating signifiers "Peace", "Security", "Sovereingty", "Protection", "Accountability", and "Rule of Law", and institution of a new political imaginary, Justice became one of the most successful discourses in early 21st century international relations. The new security ideology withstood challenges from three major counterdiscourses: the homegrown American version of "Politicization", the African Union's institutional discourse, and the ongoing normative attack from the loose network of actors defending ...
If cultural practices shape experience and expectations, they need to be identified and made accountable based on empirical research. Drawing on international relations (IR) theory, international law and normative democratic theory this article develops a framework approach to studying the contested meaning of norms in international politics under conditions of constitutionalisation beyond the nation-state. The goal is to formulate observations and identify a design for empirical research, which is suitable to examining the "invisible constitution" of politics, that is, the individually held associative connotations which inform contested interpretation of normative meaning. To do so, the article is organised in two parts. Part I derives research assumptions and hypotheses from the literature. It turns to the distinction of types of norms and conditions of norm contestation in section 1, identifies research assumptions and hypotheses in section 2, argues to bring culture back into constitutionalism in section 3, and summarises the guiding question of convergence, divergence, or diffusion of normative meanings in section 4. Part II then focuses on research operationalisation. Section 5 elaborates on the rationale of the research framework and type of enquiry. Section 6 highlights the method of interview evaluation. Section 7 identifies the research indicators including type of social group to be interviewed, fundamental norms that are likely to be contested, domestic political arenas in which the social groups operate, and issue areas linked with core constitutional norms. Section 8 summarises the case study's design and procedure. ; Wenn es zutrifft, dass kulturelle Praxen Erfahrung und Erwartungen prägen, dann müssen sie eindeutig bestimmt und für die empirische Forschung als aussagekräftig gewertet werden. Mit Bezug auf die Theorie der Internationalen Beziehungen (IB-Theorie), Internationales Öffentliches Recht und normative Demokratietheorie entwickelt dieser Artikel einen Ansatz, um die umstrittenen Bedeutungen von Normen in der internationalen Politik unter der Bedingung von Konstitutionalisierung jenseits des Staates zu erforschen. Ziel ist es, ein Forschungsdesign zur Untersuchung der unsichtbaren Konstitution von Politik, das heißt, zur Erforschung von individuell gehaltenen assoziativen Konnotationen, die zur umstrittenen Interpretation normativer Bedeutung führen, zu entwickeln. Diese Überlegungen werden in dem Papier in zwei Teilen vorgestellt. Teil I entwickelt Forschungsannahmen und Hypothesen aufgrund der relevanten Literatur im ersten Abschnitt. Er zeigt unterschiedliche Typen von Normen und Bedingungen von Normumstrittenheit auf (Abschnitt 1), definiert Forschungsannahmen und Hypothesen (Abschnitt 2), argumentiert für die Rückbesinnung auf die Dimension der Kultur im Konstitutionalismus (Abschnitt 3) und schließt mit der Leitfrage nach Konvergenz, Divergenz oder Diffusion normativer Bedeutungen (Abschnitt 4). Teil II richtet den Blick auf die Operationalisierung des Forschungsdesigns. Er stellt die Forschungslogik und Art der Untersuchung (Abschnitt 5), die Methode der Interviewauswertung (Abschnitt 6) und die Forschungsindikatoren nach sozialer Gruppe, Fundamentalnormen und politischen Arenen (Abschnitt 7) vor. Abschnitt 8 fasst das Forschungsdesign und -vorgehen zusammen.
Gefahrenvorstellungen spielen seit jeher eine zentrale Rolle in der Außenpolitik. Dieser Band geht der Bedeutung der Angst für außenpolitische Entscheidungsprozesse anhand von ausgewählten Fallbeispielen in der Neuzeit nach. Nach theoretischen Vorüberlegungen differenziert der erste Themenkomplex die verschiedenen mit Angst verbundenen Emotionen, anschließend steht die Angst als Perzeptionsfaktor im Fokus. Die Instrumentalisierung von Angst wird ebenso in den Blick genommen wie die Angst der Regierenden vor der Angst der Regierten. Abgeschlossen wird der Band durch zwei historische Längsschnitte: Hier werden Angstmotive in den Blick genommen, deren Wirkung sich über mehrere Jahrhunderte erstreckte. Mit seinen vielseitigen Perspektiven gibt der Sammelband neue Impulse für die Untersuchung von Entscheidungsprozessen in den Internationalen Beziehungen und hebt die Notwendigkeit der historischen Analyse von emotionalen Faktoren hervor.
The contemporary economic imaginary of the 'knowledge-based economy is changing the perception of higher education in Europe. The goals of higher education are changing and reform of institutions is predicted. The present article examines these reforms and conceptualisations of higher education by presenting the results of discourse analysis of 47 international policy documents at the European level and two comprehensive national strategies of the Republic of Slovenia for higher education, research and innovation. Based on the analysis of the European documents, the article suggests that two main discourses are constructed: a) 'the research-based society and economy', and b) 'reforming the university'. These present the emergence of a new idea of higher education at the international and national levels. The article investigates the extent to which these discourses are present in Slovenian higher education policy. The findings show that Slovenian discourse hesitates to embrace them fully. In particular, the idea of the managerial university is marginal in Slovenian discourse. (DIPF/Orig.)
Trends in contemporary international polities in the post-cold war era should be observed and learned in the following phenomena: urupolansm of military and political forces under US hegemony, and mulupolansm in international economic forces. The relatively novel sacra-cultural values of the so-called 'pragmatr-sm ' and 'economism' are proliferating in response to and alongside with the most recent development of world capitalism. At the same time, actors in the international arena multiplies as the need to solve and manage various problems and issues crosses over the mandate and legitimacy of the state — long considered as the dominant actor in international politics.Agenda to be developed by nations should as well examine and look at carefully issues and problems generated by those aforementioned trends at the international arena. This is to underline the need to not overemphasizing high profile' foreign policies, while at the same time neglecting the so-called kw-politics' issues. Developing nations in parricularare among the first group to be concerned with as they mostly do not have adequate space to play with in -what Dudley Seers called as— their `morn to ma.noezi we'. That is the mom to being independent in taking steps, formulating policies, and maneuvering in (or resisting against) the globalized market forces
This article will explain the urgency of the maintenance of civil and political rights as objective needs for all people of a country, both domestically and internationally. In addition, this article will also elaborate the determinant factors of the civil and political rights in a country. The determinant factors include the characteristic of a regime holds power in a country, the inclusion of civil and political rights in a constitution and other regulations, the political culture of a society, and the aura of international politic in terms f human rights. Kata Kunci: Hak Asasi Manusia, hak sipil, hak politik, demokrasi, warga negara
Political issues on International media play significant roles in shaping world opinion. The world today is influence by the superpower of United State, so that the political campaign of United Stated president candidates broadcasted all over the world. The political battle between Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton is unnerved watched by people all over the universe. The world famous medias such as CNN, New Yorks Time and others were fully covered their campaign process. Indonesian newspaper such as Analisa, Medan, North Sumatera also covered the campaign of the United State president's candidate.Analisa is a newspapers that has huge readers in Sumatera. The readers come from wide range of different religion, culture, class and economic background. The political news that published by Analisa considered positive and able to develop a pluralism nation such as Indonesia. This research conducted at Analisa used Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) method. The research carried out during October 2016. The news that researcher analyzed were world news in page two on daily basis. The specific news was about the campaign of the United State president candidate for 2017-2022. Most of the issues that mentioned by the candidates are about racism, religion, gender and the miss used of West Superpower, America-Europa and East, Russia-China Middle East. America seem is reluctant the China and Russia to be future super power states.
1 Introduction – An Empirical-Normative Turn in Research on Legalization 2 Legalizing International Relations 3 Democratic Participation in International Institutions 4 Legalization, Democracy, and Politics – A Harmonious or Tension-Ridden Relationship? 5 Methodology 6 Biotechnological Patents – Regulation, Interests, and Affectedness 7 Empirical Analysis of Legalization across International Institutions – Selective Expansion with the Handbrake On 8 Empirical Analysis of Democratic Participation in International Institutions – Undemocratic Trends to Different Extents 9 Legalization's (Un)Democratic Forces at Work 10 Conclusion – Laying Down the Law Appendix Bibliography ; A deeper understanding of international legalization's effect on democratic participation in international institutions is urgently needed. Policies that were formerly regulated within the domestic context have been subjected to international law (IL). This has resulted in a growing number of international agreements and bodies. Some of these institutions gained new legal quality in terms of their legal obligations, procedural rules, and dispute settlement. With this trend of growing international legalization, also the normative expectations of IL have increased. In particular the key standard of democratic participation has to be met by international institutions to be considered legitimate in the long run. This crucial relationship between international legalization and democratic participation has been neither systematically theorized nor empirically researched so far. The project forms part of a larger research strand on the interplay between law, politics, and democracy. By introducing a model of legalization's structure-inherent and actor-dependent effects, I demonstrate that legalization's costs cause powerful actors to restrict democratic participation in highly legalized international institutions. Only a formalization of membership rules tends to have a positive impact on democratic access. Biotechnological patents serve as field of ...
Economic issue had emerged in international politics since Industrial Revolution in Europe and United State of America in the 1880s. In this period the issue created conflict relations pattern amongs states for creating competitions to conquer economic resources which are located either within or outside their regions. Unfortunatelly, it became less important because international relations had been dominated by power politics and military concern untill the world war broke. Post World War II and Cold War, economic issue became central approach in international politics. The post war destruction and socialism-communism collapse in Soviet Union and China resulted in world economy in terms of liberal capitalism became the winner. The reinforcing or economic regionalism and globalization have been creating a number of economic institutions which regulate interaction and integration of national economics into regional and global one. International relations pattern determined by economic issue rather than poltics or ideology. Although, economics issue not only become cohession between nation-state to cooperate but also conflict source to struggle over economic sources. Moreover, globalization as the foundation of world order have created hugh gap between developed countries and developing and less-developed countries, and created international poverty. Keywords: economic approach, international politics
This paper discusses the political identity of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS). PKS is one of the parties based on Islam but stands firmly in the auspices of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. PKS is born from movement, LDK-KAMMI-PK-PKS. The ideals of the Khilafah Islamiyah are always present in the ideals of the movement. Although in the auspices of plural and multicultural country, the PKS still exists to adjust with the Republic of Indonesia. PKS political identity for some may seem gray. This is understandable, especially if we look at it from the perspective of incomplete Islamic understanding. The concept of the caliphate of Islamiyah ala PKS is different from what is understood and developed in other activism. In essence, the Islamic caliphate that the PKS wants to uphold is international justice, international welfare, international harmony, and world prosperity. It starts from building prosperity, harmony, and national justice.
This study discusses the political identity of Prosperous Justice Party (PKS). PKS is one of the parties based on Islam, but stands firmly in the auspices of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. PKS is born from harakah (movement), LDK-KAMMI-PK-PKS. The ideals of the Khilafah Islamiyah are always present in the ideals of the movement. Although in the auspices of plural and multicultural country, but the PKS still exists to adjust with the Republic of Indonesia. PKS political identity for some may seem gray. This is understandable, especially if we look at it from the perspective of incomplete Islamic understanding. The concept of caliphate of Islamiyah ala PKS is different from what is understood and developed in other harokah (movement). In essence, the Islamic caliphate that the PKS wants to uphold is international justice, international welfare, international harmony, and world prosperity. It starts from building prosperity, harmony, and national justice.
This study discusses the political identity of Prosperous Justice Party (PKS). PKS is one of the parties based on Islam, but stands firmly in the auspices of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. PKS is born from harakah (movement), LDK-KAMMI-PK-PKS. The ideals of the Khilafah Islamiyah are always present in the ideals of the movement. Although in the auspices of plural and multicultural country, but the PKS still exists to adjust with the Republic of Indonesia. PKS political identity for some may seem gray. This is understandable, especially if we look at it from the perspective of incomplete Islamic understanding. The concept of caliphate of Islamiyah ala PKS is different from what is understood and developed in other harokah (movement). In essence, the Islamic caliphate that the PKS wants to uphold is international justice, international welfare, international harmony, and world prosperity. It starts from building prosperity, harmony, and national justice.
A political event is considered a crisis if it undergoes a perceived change as a possible threat that causes the beginning or end of an international political crisis. This research uses sampling method of international crisis behavior and yield of state bond with maturity of 3 years, 5 years, and 10 years since 2003 until 2015. Based on the analysis result, it can be concluded that the risk of international politics has a significant positive effect on the yield of Indonesian state bonds with 3 years, 5 years, 10 years and 15 years due to the more international political risks occurring at a given time so investors will expect more high yield. Likewise, inflation has fallen positively to international political risk, while stock market development has a negative effect on government bonds due to high market stock development letter indicating that the Indonesian capital market is good and many investors want to invest so that it will reduce the yield of Indonesian state bonds. Abstrak. Sebuah peristiwa politik dianggap sebagai krisis jika mengalami perubahan yang dirasakan sebagai kemungkinan ancaman yang menyebabkan awal atau akhir dari sebuah krisis politik internasional. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui pengaruh risiko politik internasional terhadap surat obligasi negara Indonesia. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode pengambilan sampel dari international crisis behaviour dan yield obligasi negara dengan jatuh tempo 3 tahun, 5 tahun, dan 10 tahun sejak 2003 sampai dengan 2015. Berdasarkan hasil analisis dapat disimpulkan bahwa risiko politik internasional berpengaruh positif signifikan terhadap yield obligasi negara Indonesia dengan jatuh tempo 3 tahun, 5 tahun, 10 tahun, dan 15 tahun dikarenakan semakin banyak risiko politik internasional yang terjadi pada suatu waktu maka investor akan mengharapkan yield yang lebih tinggi. Begitu juga dengan inflasi yang berpengatuh positif terhadap risiko politik internasional sedangkan stock market development berpengaruh negative terhadap surat obligasi negara dikarenakan surat tingginya stock market development menunjukan bahwa pasar modal Indonesia tergolong bagus dan banyak investor yang ingin melakukan investasi sehingga akan menurunkan yield obligasi negara Indonesia.
