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International audience The period of the Convention has been one of the most studied and the most interpreted, but no research has been done on the whole body of legislation that it enforced. Too much importance has been attached to some of these laws – like the law of 22 Prairial – whereas others have been absolutely neglected. Furthermore, almost no attention has been given to the Legislation committee, although its members were the ones who proposed and drafted all these laws. Amongst them were two key lawyers, Merlin de Douai and Cambacérès, who were responsible for devising the civil and penal texts of this period – except for the law of 22 Prairial. Not only is it essential to know more about their proposals on this topic, but it is also salient to realize that the Convention was busy with the classification and simplification of all laws implemented since the very beginning of the Revolution. A commission was appointed to do the job. At its head was Louis Rondonneau, the great collector and publisher of revolutionary and imperial legislation – until the 1830s.Such an approach can be useful to help us gain a better understanding of the French Revolution. Indeed, it allows us to rediscover some secondary actors who are considered moderates although they were the authors of the most repressive laws of 1793. They even wanted these laws to be perpetuated after Thermidor. Moreover, such an approach gives us concrete proof that the Convention was also preoccupied by common (civil) laws – or what they called 'democratic laws'- and not only by penal and criminal issues – or what has been called revolutionary government. And this revolutionary government was maintained until the enforcement of the 1795 Constitution. ; La Révolution a énormément légiféré, c'est bien connu. Des milliers de lois ont alors été discutées et rédigées par le Comité de législation, qui touchaient à la justice pénale et criminelle mais aussi à la société civile et aux institutions républicaines. C'est de ce comité qu'il sera question ici, ...

In this article we try to come back to reflections circulating through the group that is part of the University Extension Programme "The Right to have Rights" (UNLP). For these days, we are asking us about the possibilities for action by popular organisations to advance the fight for the law of the city. That question inevitably leads us to adopt a broad definition of that concept and put it in context or, rather, to place it in different contexts, namely: the theoretical discussion on human rights and the definition of the right to the city itself; reflections on the ways in which these rights are required, as opportunities in popular struggles, and how to exercise them; and the context of analysing the forms of production and ownership of the city today and historically, in order to enrich possible ways of fighting. We start this article by looking at how metropolitan urban area1 in our country, which has been released to market forces, has been built up, and we wonder whether the recovery of the economy that Argentina has experienced since the exit from convertibility has led to more and better possibilities of access to the city. We look at the mechanisms of collective production and differential ownership of the city, to see whether this has contributed some further elements to the understanding of the problem and the content of the popular demands. In the process of giving consensual content to the concept of the law of the City, we have found ourselves in discussions about the potential of fighting by means of requiring compliance with the obligations assumed by the State following the signing of international agreements and their inclusion in the National Constitution. We believe that something can be taken forward in this direction, provided that not all hopes are met there alone: the city's production and ownership is in line with the logic of the capital and attempts to enforce rights will never go beyond it if there is no impact on it. The debate on the law of the city necessarily involves rethinking ...

International audience The formulation of legal rules is a challenging issue for lawmakers. Trade-offs are inevitable between providing more guidance by specific rules and enlarging the scope by general rules. Using real options theory we show that the degree of precision should be considered as a degree of flexibility which increases the value of the text. Thus, we derive a normative principle for a draftsman to choose between rules versus standards and to decide when the law should be enacted. In highly innovating environments, delaying the enactment allows lawmakers to obtain more information. Therefore, the lower the degree of precision of the law, the shorter the delay. ; La formulation des règles juridiques est un véritable défi pour les producteurs de droit. Des arbitrages sont inévitables entre des règles spécifiques et des règles générales. Les premières apportent de la précision dans les signaux envoyés aux agents, les secondes ont un champ d'action plus large. En utilisant la théorie des options réelles, nous montrons que le degré de précision d'une règle peut être analysé comme un degré de flexibilité qui accroît la valeur de cette règle. Ainsi, nous dérivons un principe normatif pour les producteurs de droit confrontés aux choix entre règles et standards et devant décider de la date d'application de d'une nouvelle règle. Nous montrons en particulier que plus le degré de précision de la règle est faible, plus le délai optimal diminue.

No acceptable alternative : Mobutu in the Congo -- Degrading freedom : the Johnson administration and right-wing dictatorships -- Madmen : Richard Nixon, Henry Kissinger, and the quest for order -- Morality and diplomacy : the Church Committee and post-Vietnam foreign policy -- A fundamental tenet of foreign policy : Jimmy Carter and human rights -- What is the alternative? : the Reagan Doctrine and authoritarian regimes

Die 17 Aufsätze beschäftigen sich mit dem ethnischen/innenpolitischen Konflikt in Burundi und Ruanda. Neben Konfliktentstehung und -eskalation stehen Menschenrechte, Strafverfolgung sowie die Frage der Nutzung traditioneller Strukturen und Werte für einen Wiederaufbau im Mittelpunkt des Interesses. Zentral ist das Aussehen der Demokratie. Von daher werden die Vergangenheit nachgezeichnet und die gegenwärtige nationale Debatte analysiert. Im Hinblick auf den Justiz-Sektor interessieren besonders lokale Rechtsformen wie die Gacaca-Gerichtsbarkeit in Ruanda. Weitere Themen betreffen die Lage der Flüchtlinge, die wirtschaftliche Modernisierung, die Entwicklung der Zivilgesellschaft sowie die Entstehung eines regionalen politischen Gleichgewichts in Zentralafrika. (DÜI-Wgm)

Im Lischka-Prozess standen von Oktober 1979 bis Februar 1980 drei Mitverantwortliche für die Deportation der jüdischen Bevölkerung Frankreichs während der deutschen Besatzung im Zweiten Weltkrieg vor dem Kölner Landgericht. Die kurze Verhandlungsdauer sowie die Verurteilung der Angeklagten Kurt Lischka, Herbert Hagen und Ernst Heinrichsohn zu mehrjährigen Haftstrafen heben den Prozess von den meisten anderen westdeutschen NS-Strafverfahren ab. Die Studie untersucht den Einfluss der Strafverfolgung auf die öffentliche Debatte um die Shoah in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und in Frankreich. Mithilfe des Ansatzes der Histoire croisée analysiert sie, wie die erinnerungskulturelle Auseinandersetzung um den Lischka-Prozess in beiden Ländern geführt und wechselseitig rezipiert wurde.