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In the beginning of the 21st century different features of the transformation of the contemporary international system could be studied. Among these features changes in nature of threats, actions of main actors of international system concerning changing security environment, appearance of new centers of power and military confrontation between the USA and Russia could be distinguished. Impact of polarity of the international system towards international security was one of the most popular topics of international relations in the second half of the 20th century. Concept of polarity as certain distribution of power in international system became very popular due to Realism school of international relations. Many different studies were made concerning this topic in the Cold War period, but after the end of the Cold War topics of international system and polarity in the international system seemed as unimportant and lost its significance. The new importance of polarity conception was brought by the emergence of new types of threats to international security and by unequal distribution of power in the international system that created unipolar structure with one superpower and several smaller centers of power in the beginning of the 21st century. In this article few presumptions and conclusions concerning the transformation of the contemporary polar structure of international systems were made. First presumption is that contemporary international system is transforming from strict unipolarity with one exceptionally strong superpower to modified unipolarity with one superpower and several emerging centers of power.[.].

In the beginning of the 21st century different features of the transformation of the contemporary international system could be studied. Among these features changes in nature of threats, actions of main actors of international system concerning changing security environment, appearance of new centers of power and military confrontation between the USA and Russia could be distinguished. Impact of polarity of the international system towards international security was one of the most popular topics of international relations in the second half of the 20th century. Concept of polarity as certain distribution of power in international system became very popular due to Realism school of international relations. Many different studies were made concerning this topic in the Cold War period, but after the end of the Cold War topics of international system and polarity in the international system seemed as unimportant and lost its significance. The new importance of polarity conception was brought by the emergence of new types of threats to international security and by unequal distribution of power in the international system that created unipolar structure with one superpower and several smaller centers of power in the beginning of the 21st century. In this article few presumptions and conclusions concerning the transformation of the contemporary polar structure of international systems were made. First presumption is that contemporary international system is transforming from strict unipolarity with one exceptionally strong superpower to modified unipolarity with one superpower and several emerging centers of power.[.].

In the beginning of the 21st century different features of the transformation of the contemporary international system could be studied. Among these features changes in nature of threats, actions of main actors of international system concerning changing security environment, appearance of new centers of power and military confrontation between the USA and Russia could be distinguished. Impact of polarity of the international system towards international security was one of the most popular topics of international relations in the second half of the 20th century. Concept of polarity as certain distribution of power in international system became very popular due to Realism school of international relations. Many different studies were made concerning this topic in the Cold War period, but after the end of the Cold War topics of international system and polarity in the international system seemed as unimportant and lost its significance. The new importance of polarity conception was brought by the emergence of new types of threats to international security and by unequal distribution of power in the international system that created unipolar structure with one superpower and several smaller centers of power in the beginning of the 21st century. In this article few presumptions and conclusions concerning the transformation of the contemporary polar structure of international systems were made. First presumption is that contemporary international system is transforming from strict unipolarity with one exceptionally strong superpower to modified unipolarity with one superpower and several emerging centers of power.[.].

SUMMARY The aim of this work is to exam international social security standards and their implementation in Lithuania social security system. The work is divided into two parts. The first part "International social security standards" is defined. The place of international treaties in Lithuanian legal system is analyzed as international social security standards are basically established in these documents. Further based on the geographical criterion social right and social security standards established in the universal, European and European Union levels are analyzed. The chapter "Social rights and social standards established in the universal human rights documents" the provisions of Universal Declaration of Human Rights, International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights are examined together with the conventions of the International Labour Organization. In the chapter "Social rights and social protection standards established in the European human rights documents" there are examined the provisions of European Social Charter (revised) and the European Social Code. Taking into consideration the impact of European Union law on the Lithuanian legal system in the chapter "Social rights and social standards established in the European Union law" the provisions of European Union Charter of Fundamental Rights and Charter of Fundamental Social Rights of the Workers are analyzed. In the following part of the work social security standards established for the protection of such social risks as maternity, family circumstances and aging are consistently examined based on the analysis of the provisions on the Lithuanian social security is defined. In the chapter of the work analyzes the entitlement of elderly people to pension, social services and other social support also their right to housing and medical care. In the chapter based on the provisions of above mentioned international conventions and Convention of the Rights of the Child the system of support for the household incomes and non-cash benefits for children is analyzed. In the last part the issues of pregnancy, childbirth leave and parental guarantees are defined.

SUMMARY The aim of this work is to exam international social security standards and their implementation in Lithuania social security system. The work is divided into two parts. The first part "International social security standards" is defined. The place of international treaties in Lithuanian legal system is analyzed as international social security standards are basically established in these documents. Further based on the geographical criterion social right and social security standards established in the universal, European and European Union levels are analyzed. The chapter "Social rights and social standards established in the universal human rights documents" the provisions of Universal Declaration of Human Rights, International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights are examined together with the conventions of the International Labour Organization. In the chapter "Social rights and social protection standards established in the European human rights documents" there are examined the provisions of European Social Charter (revised) and the European Social Code. Taking into consideration the impact of European Union law on the Lithuanian legal system in the chapter "Social rights and social standards established in the European Union law" the provisions of European Union Charter of Fundamental Rights and Charter of Fundamental Social Rights of the Workers are analyzed. In the following part of the work social security standards established for the protection of such social risks as maternity, family circumstances and aging are consistently examined based on the analysis of the provisions on the Lithuanian social security is defined. In the chapter of the work analyzes the entitlement of elderly people to pension, social services and other social support also their right to housing and medical care. In the chapter based on the provisions of above mentioned international conventions and Convention of the Rights of the Child the system of support for the household incomes and non-cash benefits for children is analyzed. In the last part the issues of pregnancy, childbirth leave and parental guarantees are defined.

The functioning of the modern regulatory system for customs duties, which combines unilateral and multilateral (regional) levels, is currently based on the World Trade Organization (WTO) Agreements (1994) and on the provisions of the Convention on the Harmonised Commodity Description and Coding System (1983). However, the practical application of these provisions is related to conflicts between the sources of national and international law and even the different sources of international law itself. It should be noted that at the present time, individual states have not yet formed a unified approach on whether the WTO Agreements should have a direct effect in their national legal system, as most of the states are following the doctrine of dualism and deny this possibility, although the practices followed by the national courts of the Republic of Lithuania have shown the elements of a monistic approach to this problem. The increasing use of international preferential trade agreements and the prevalence of agreements, which establish the customs unions, could also be regarded as a challenge to the development of international economic law and international trade system. Moreover, analysis of the judicial practices of national courts (in the Republic of Lithuania) and the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union has confirmed that an explicit approach to the relationship existing between international, EU and national customs law has not yet materialised.

The functioning of the modern regulatory system for customs duties, which combines unilateral and multilateral (regional) levels, is currently based on the World Trade Organization (WTO) Agreements (1994) and on the provisions of the Convention on the Harmonised Commodity Description and Coding System (1983). However, the practical application of these provisions is related to conflicts between the sources of national and international law and even the different sources of international law itself. It should be noted that at the present time, individual states have not yet formed a unified approach on whether the WTO Agreements should have a direct effect in their national legal system, as most of the states are following the doctrine of dualism and deny this possibility, although the practices followed by the national courts of the Republic of Lithuania have shown the elements of a monistic approach to this problem. The increasing use of international preferential trade agreements and the prevalence of agreements, which establish the customs unions, could also be regarded as a challenge to the development of international economic law and international trade system. Moreover, analysis of the judicial practices of national courts (in the Republic of Lithuania) and the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union has confirmed that an explicit approach to the relationship existing between international, EU and national customs law has not yet materialised.

The Professor Mykolas Romeris discussed about political systems advantages e disadvantages. He compared a multi-party system in which three or more political parties have the capacity to gain control of government separately or in coalition. And a two- party system which is a form of party system where two major political parties dominate the voting in nearly all elections. As a result, all, or nearly all, elected offices end up being held by candidates endorsed by the two major parties. The ruling party's majority may still be based on a smaller segment of the population than coalition governments due to lower turnout, and votes cast that do not lead to the desired representative. According to the professor M. Romeris the two-party system does produce stable governments, but this comes at the expense of the preferred outcome of stable democracy. M. Romeris was disposed that political corruption is the misuse by government officials of their governmental powers for illegitimate, usually secret, private gain. He was pointed that politicians forgot the main ethical, political, moral principals. Favoring relatives or personal friends became too many powerful. Professor was sure that the nations will have to try the way to identity and eliminate such kind politics and parties.

Bu çalışma, Türkiye'de 1980'li yıllarda başlayan sistem değişikliği tartışmalarını konu edinmekte ve bunun bir çıktısı olarak ortaya çıkan Cumhurbaşkanlığı Hükümet Sistemi üzerinde odaklanmaktadır. Özellikle Türkiye'de uzun yıllar uygulanan parlamenter sistemin sebep olduğu hükümet bunalımları; siyasi krizlere, istikrarsız yönetimlere ve de vesayet odaklarının etkisini arttırmasına sebep olmuştur. Bu durumlar ise hükümet sistemi değişikliğini kaçınılmaz hale getirmiştir. Çalışma içerisinde; kuvvetler birliği ile kuvvetler ayrılığına dayanan hükümet sistemleri irdelenerek, tarihsel süreç içerisinde Türkiye'de uygulanan hükümet sistemleri ele alınmıştır. Genel olarak Parlamenter sistem özünde birçok olumlu yönleri içerisinde barındırsa da; parlamenter sistem altında Türkiye'de cereyan eden yönetim aksaklıları mahut sistemin günah keçisi olarak görülmesine sebep olmuştur. Özellikle Türkiye'de vesayet odaklarının, halk iradesi ile seçilen siyasi iktidarı etkisi altına alma çabaları yeni bir sisteme duyulan ihtiyacı arttırmıştır. Bu kapsamda 16 Nisan 2017 Referandumu ile inşa edilen Cumhurbaşkanlığı Hükümet Sistemi'ne, 24 Haziran 2018'de yapılan Cumhurbaşkanlığı ve 27. Dönem Milletvekilliği Genel Seçimi ile birlikte geçilmiştir. Böylece yeni sistemde yürütme yetkisi Cumhurbaşkanlığında toplanarak Türkiye'nin ekonomik kalkınma, bilimsel atılım, sosyal devlet ve bölgesinde lider ülke olma yolunda emin adımlarla ilerlemesi hedeflenmiştir. Kuşkusuz bütün bu gelişmeler bürokrasinin asgari düzeye indirilerek etkin, etkili ve de hızlı kararların alınması noktasında Türk yönetim sisteminde birçok değişimin ortaya çıkmasına sebep olmuştur. Yeni sistemle Türkiye'de, güçlü yürütme ve güçlü meclis anlayışı ile Türkiye'nin daha da güçlenmesi öngörülmektedir. ; The case of this study will be discussions about system change began in 1980's and it will focus on Presidency Government System, as an output of these discussions. Particularly, the parliamentary system used in Turkey led to the cabinet crisis, political crisis, unstable governments and the increasing power of the centers of tutelage. The system change in government structure became unavoidable following the aforementioned incidents. In our study, the government systems based on the unity of power and separation of powers are analyzed and the governmental systems in Turkey in historical process are discussed in detail. Although the parliamentary system in itself includes many positive aspects; the administrative problems in Turkey under the parliamentary system gave cause for the parliamentary system to be known as scapegoat. The requirement for a new system is increased after the incidents organized by the centers of the tutelage against the political power elected by the public's will. In this context, the Presidency Government System, formed by the 2017 Constitutional Referendum held on 16th April 2017, activated after the Turkey's June 24, 2018 presidential elections and the 27th Term Parliamentary Elections. Thus, in the new system the president will acquire all executive power and this change will lead to Turkey's economic development, scientific progress, and social state. Turkey aims to be a leading country in its region with a strong sense of self-belief. Doubtless, all of these struggles led to many modifications in the system of government in Turkey by reducing the role of the bureaucracy and laid the foundation of the efficient, productive and quick judgments. The Turkish government intended to be a more powerful country within the new system based on the strong legislative and the strong parliament concept.

Bu çalışmasının amacı, Türkiye'de parlamenter sistem'e yapılan eleştiriler ışığında, Türkiye demokrasi tarihinde Başkanlık Sistemi'nin yönetim istikrarı açısından incelenmesidir. Çalışmanın yöntemi derleme olup, bu konuda bilimsel kitap, makale, dergi v.b. materyaller kullanılmıştır. Çalışma beş bölümden oluşmaktadır: Birinci bölümde; siyasal rejimler hakkında genel eğilimler, siyasal rejimlerin bugünkü durumu ile Türkiye'de siyasal rejim sorunu, ikinci bölümde; Başkanlık Sistemi'nin ortaya çıkışı, sert kuvvetler ayrılığı, yürütme organının hegemonyası ile Latin Amerika Devletlerinde Başkanlık Hükümeti Sistemi, üçüncü bölümde; Başkanlık Sisteminin organları hakkında bilgi ve aralarındaki ilişki, dördüncü bölümde; Başkanlık Sistemindeki güçlükler, çözümler ve öneriler, son bölümde ise Türkiye için Başkanlık Sistemi'nin faydaları, sakıncaları ve analizi yapılmıştır. Demokratik sistemlerde sistem tıkanıklığı seçim yoluyla giderilmektedir. Aksi takdirde politik, sosyolojik, iktisadi ve kültürel çatışmalar beraberinde askeri darbelerle sonuçlanabilir, Türkiye'de demokratik sistem, askeri darbe ve muhtıralar ile sekteye uğrayabilmektedir. Bu tür sorunlar beraberinde devlet erklerinin etkinliğini sorgular hale getirmektedir. Çalışmamızda parlamenter ve başkanlık sisteminin uygulandığı ülkeler baz alınarak Türkiye için getireceği çözümler ele alınmaya çalışılmış, ayrıca konuyu daha iyi kavrayabilmek açısından Osmanlı İmparatorluğunun son dönemlerine rastlayan Birinci Meşrutiyetten 1982 anayasasına kadar geçen dönemler de değerlendirilmiştir. ; The purpose of this study, the Parliamentary System in Turkey in the light of the criticism, History of Democracy in Turkey to investigate the stability of the Presidential Management System. Compilation method for the study, and this issue of scientific books, articles, magazines, etc. materials used. Work consists of five sections: First, about the general trends in political regimes, political regimes, the current status of the problem and Turkey Political Regime, secondly, the emergence of the Presidential System, Hard Separation of Powers, the executive Presidential Hegemony and the Latin American States Government System, Third, the Presidential information about the system and relationship between the organs, Fourth, Presidential system challenges, solutions and recommendations, the last chapter for the Presidential system in Turkey benefits, drawbacks, and analysis was performed. Solved through democratic electoral systems, the system congestion. Otherwise, political, sociological, economic and cultural conflicts can result with military coups, the democratic system in Turkey, they are subject to a standstill by a military coup, and memorandums. This makes the kind of problems with it queries the effectiveness of state powers. Parliamentary and Presidential System applied on the basis of study for Turkey, countries tried to bring solutions to handle it, as well as better understand this topic in the last periods of the Ottoman Empire until the 1982 constitution, which coincided with periods of the First Constitutional Monarchy was also evaluated.

İkinci dünya savaşından sonra dünyaya yön veren Avrupa çok yıpranmış ve bu savaşlardan güçlenerek çıkan Sovyet tehdidi karşısında güçsüz kalmışlardır. Avrupalılar Sovyet tehdidine karşı askeri ortaklıklarla karşı koymaya çalışsalar da ekonomilerinin iyi olmaması nedeniyle bunu başaramamışlardır. Sovyetler Birliği tehdidinin mutlaka önlenmesi gerektiğini düşünen Avrupalılar dünya savaşlarının diğer galibi olan ABD ile yakın bir iş bilirliği yaparak NATO'yu kurmuşlardır. Soğuk Savaş boyunca dünyadaki güvenlik, ABD'nin liderliğini yaptığı NATO ve Sovyetlerin öncülüğünü yaptığı Varşova Paktı askeri örgütleri tarafından yönlendirilmiştir. Ancak Berlin duvarının yıkılması ve Soğuk Savaşın sona ermesiyle Varşova Paktı dağılmış, NATO ise değişen ve gelişen uluslararası güvenlik ortamına göre stratejik konseptlerini sürekli yenileyerek günümüze kadar gelmeyi başarabilmiştir. Bu kapsamda NATO, Soğuk Savaş süresince Sovyet tehdidine karşı Kuzey Atlantik ve Avrupa bölgesini kolektif bir şekilde savunmayı misyon edinmiştir. Soğuk Savaş sonrasında ise kolektif savunmanın yanında çatışmaların önlenmesi, kriz yönetimi ve işbirliğine dayalı güvenlik misyonlarını üstlenerek görev alanlarını genişletmiştir. NATO hâlihazırda kullandığı stratejik konseptini 2010 yılında yapılan Lizbon Zirvesi ile yenilemiş ve bu konseptte füze savunma sisteminin konuşlandırılması benimseyerek kolektif savunma anlayışının temeline resmi olarak yerleştirmiştir. Bu çerçevede NATO, İran'ın balistik tehdidine karşı hem Avrupa bölgesini hem de harekât alanındaki kuvvetlerini korumaya yönelik balistik füze savunma sistemi kurmaya çalışmakta ve bu konuda başarılı gelişmeler kaydetmektedir. ; After the Second World War, the world-leading European states were very worn and they remained powerless in the face of the Soviet threat that the war strengthened. Europeans tried to fight against Soviet threat military by way of military partnerships but failed because of poor economic resources they have. Europeans, who thought that Soviet threat should have been absolutely prevented, established NATO with US. They closely cooperated with this country as another ally and winner of the World War II. During the Cold War, global security issues were generally handled by both NATO, which was dominated by US military power, and Warsaw Pact which was pioneered by USSR. However, after the end of Warsaw Pact and by implication end of cold war, NATO was alone and unrivaled. It was able to survive with continuous renewing of strategic concepts according to the changing and evolving international security environment. In this context, before the end of the cold war NATO's mission was mainly collective defense of North Atlantic and Europe region against the Soviet threat. But, after the end of cold war, allied countries' collective defense mission was expanded with other missions like conflict prevention, crisis management and cooperative security initiatives with Non-NATO Nations. NATO renewed its valid strategic concept in 2010 at the Lisbon Summit and it has placed officially 'the deployment of the missile defense system' issue at the center of collective defense concept. In this context, NATO is trying to build a ballistic missile defense system to protect both Europe region and deployed forces in theatre against Iran's ballistic missiles and it has accomplished a lot as of today.

The aim of the dissertation is to prove that the contemporary neglect of Schmitt's early work "Political Romanticism" (1919) is an erroneous position adopted by the majority of contemporary scholars. Without paying enough attention to the study of political romanticism, we can not understand the systematic nature of Schmitt's researches during the years 1919-1927. By focusing on the arguments put forward in "Political Romanticism" we can achieve a new understanding of Schmitt's political philosophy. A detailed analysis of Schmitt's conception of political romanticism shows that "Political Romanticism" has to be seen as a starting point of his systematic intellectual enterprise. The research shows that "Political Romanticism" is the source of many of the most important conceptions of Schmitt's political philosophy. The idea about the close relationship of theological and political concepts was already formulated in this work in 1919. It was explicated in more detail in the following studies. Research has shown that Schmitt's conception of political theology should be understood as a philosophical depolyment of theological arguments. Political romanticism, political theology and the concept of the political are united by Schmitt's unorthodox Catholic perspective. Some inner incosistencies of Schmitt's conception of political romanticism are revealed in the dissertation.

The aim of the dissertation is to prove that the contemporary neglect of Schmitt's early work "Political Romanticism" (1919) is an erroneous position adopted by the majority of contemporary scholars. Without paying enough attention to the study of political romanticism, we can not understand the systematic nature of Schmitt's researches during the years 1919-1927. By focusing on the arguments put forward in "Political Romanticism" we can achieve a new understanding of Schmitt's political philosophy. A detailed analysis of Schmitt's conception of political romanticism shows that "Political Romanticism" has to be seen as a starting point of his systematic intellectual enterprise. The research shows that "Political Romanticism" is the source of many of the most important conceptions of Schmitt's political philosophy. The idea about the close relationship of theological and political concepts was already formulated in this work in 1919. It was explicated in more detail in the following studies. Research has shown that Schmitt's conception of political theology should be understood as a philosophical depolyment of theological arguments. Political romanticism, political theology and the concept of the political are united by Schmitt's unorthodox Catholic perspective. Some inner incosistencies of Schmitt's conception of political romanticism are revealed in the dissertation.

The aim of the dissertation is to prove that the contemporary neglect of Schmitt's early work "Political Romanticism" (1919) is an erroneous position adopted by the majority of contemporary scholars. Without paying enough attention to the study of political romanticism, we can not understand the systematic nature of Schmitt's researches during the years 1919-1927. By focusing on the arguments put forward in "Political Romanticism" we can achieve a new understanding of Schmitt's political philosophy. A detailed analysis of Schmitt's conception of political romanticism shows that "Political Romanticism" has to be seen as a starting point of his systematic intellectual enterprise. The research shows that "Political Romanticism" is the source of many of the most important conceptions of Schmitt's political philosophy. The idea about the close relationship of theological and political concepts was already formulated in this work in 1919. It was explicated in more detail in the following studies. Research has shown that Schmitt's conception of political theology should be understood as a philosophical depolyment of theological arguments. Political romanticism, political theology and the concept of the political are united by Schmitt's unorthodox Catholic perspective. Some inner incosistencies of Schmitt's conception of political romanticism are revealed in the dissertation.