In society, at different levels, public territorial collectivities exist as component parts of the whole - the people in its entirety. Each of these collectivities perform, abiding by the principles of local autonomy, their respective public power which is exercised directly by the population or by the population's representative authorities. The functions of public power are realized at those levels where for their efficient realization there are adequate conditions and possibilities. As a consequence of the diversity and hierarchy of the public territorial collectivities, many authorities of different public powers may coexist in a single territory. The compatibility of activities of different public powers is solved by clearly delimiting the competences and responsibilities of said public powers. The objectives of public power regarding the order of the public relations determines the functional dimension of representative public authorities. This activity should be directed exclusively in realizing the interests of the collectivity by political, economical, social and spiritual development.
Until 2019 the parliamentary elections in the Republic of Moldova were based on a proportional system on party lists, at the parliamentary elections of February 24, 2019 it was applied the mixed voting system, an uninspired mix between the proportional and the majority system. There were created 51 uninominal constituencies for the parliamentary elections of February 24, 2019, of which 3 over the borders of the republic, 46 on the territory of the Republic of Moldova controlled by the constitutional authorities and 2 in the Transnistrian region. There are examined the particularities of conducting the parliamentary elections in the uninominal constituency no. 43, Cahul municipality: the profiles of the candidates, their electoral actions and the results obtained in this electoral constituency. It was found that a common tendency for candidates was, in many cases, the reorientation of the electoral discourse from the issues of "national interest" to those of "local interest", even if their solution is not within the competence of a deputy.
The issues related to the territorial organization of public power have existed from ancient times to the present. The territorial organization of public power has a special importance in the process of building a democratic state in the Republic of Moldova. It is necessary to clarify the essence of the concept of public power in order to reform the current system of territorial organization of public power. The author has analyzed the scientific publications from the Republic of Moldova that were designed to study the public power. The research results have found that the scientific publications do not offer competent answers to the existing problems related to the territorial organization of public power; the experience obtained in the process of reforming the territorial organization of the public power has not been systematized in theory; it is very important to give a scientific definition of the concepts related to that field for the efficient functioning of the system of public power; in the contemporary world, there is a growing interest about this issue, especially in the context of regional development, strengthening the local autonomy, deconcentration and decentralization.
Local power is carried out within the territorial boundaries of local municipalities that are delimited by each other through clearly defined borders and their degree of autonomy and vitality and depends, to a large extent, on the principles underlying the territorial organization of this public power. The author considers that the territorial organization of the public power in the Republic of Moldova must be carried out on the basis of the following principles: a) respect for human rights, b) respect for historical, national and local traditions, c) economic and financial sufficiency, d) ensuring the participation of the population in the management of local public affairs, e) maximum proximity of the local public authorities to the inhabitants, f) population consultation on issues related to the territorial organization of the public power, g) legality, h) respect of the scientific achievements. It was concluded that there is no strict dependence on the process of the territorial organization of public power to the objective criteria for creating territorial systems for the exercise of public power. Unlike other systems, the system of territorial organization of public power is much more static. This is a necessary condition for the proper functioning of the public authorities, which must have a permanent and clearly defined territorial area of activity. The territorial organization of power in the Republic of Moldova was influenced by the factors of social, economic, organizational, national, historical, political nature. Each of the listed factors can determine the most important aspects of the territorial structure at certain stages of state development.
The erosion of media trust raises concerns about the ways in which the conduit of political information could undermine citizens' trust in democracy. While a large body of research in western democracies shows that media trust is contingent on specific media-system, political and cultural factors pertaining to national contexts, little is known about the sources of media trust in the new democracies from Central and Eastern Europe. Based on statistical analyses of public opinion surveys, this research tests if levels of trust in various traditional (television, radio, written press) and alternative mediums (Internet and online social networks) are differentiated along political party lines and depending on media consumption patterns in post-communist Romania. The results reveal a stronger association between trust in political parties and trust in traditional mediums, while trust in online media is more strongly linked to consumption patterns. These findings have practical, theoretical and normative implications for the functioning of democracy in post-communist societies.
In: Situația evreilor din Europa Centrala la sfarsitul celui de-al doilea razboi mondial (The situation of the Jews from Central Europe at the end of the Second World War), S. 226-236
The Jews of Hungary had to face difficult situations at the end of the war. Before the Holocaust, they were approximatively 756 000-800 000 people in the extended Hungary, so it shows Tamás Stark in the study Hungarian Jewry during the Holocaust and after liberation. From them almost 600 000 died during Nazi and Hungarian persecutions. Budapest was an important train station for the returned Jews. Once they arrived in Hungary they saw that the series of difficulties continue. They were in impossibility to regain their old houses, they did not have sufficient money to survive. They were helped by the international organization Joint Distribution Committee to survive. Hungarian antisemitism was a feeling that did not manifest all of a sudden, it grew in time. The interwar period time was a time when this antisemitism manifested itself including through the law numerus clausus which limited the number of Hungarian students in universities and which was imposed in these years. Antisemitism was abolished immediately after the end of the war. Most Jews chose the path of assimilation in Hungarian communist state in spite of the persecutions which they had suffered before. A new system was emerging on the horizon, the communism, which promised the equality of all citizens in the Hungarian state, no matter of their ethnic background. A lot of Jews accepted this system and chose to keep secret the fact that they were Jews and did not tell their children about their origin.
Public access to accurate and reliable information is vital for democracies and the media play a key role in informing citizens about the political process. While a large body of research shows that media exposure influences electoral behavior, less is known about the factors that shape people's propensity to actively search information about politics in the media. Based on explanatory models of political participation and using public opinion survey data, the results show that material endowments and education along with motivational variables largely explain why some people are more prone to seek political information in the media. The results illustrate the importance of defining media exposure to political messages as a form of cognitive involvement in politics as this analytical strategy provides valuable insights into the socio-economic inequalities that bias public access to information.
In: Administraţia statului Republica Moldova la 20 de ani de independenţă: Materiale ale sesiunii de comunicări știinţifice, 29-30 octombrie 2011, S. 71-78
Territorial-administrative delimitation is a system of territorial organization, which serves as a legal basis for the functioning of local administrative institutions. Effectiveness of these institutions depends from rationality of territorial-administrative delimitation. Territorial-administrative delimitation follows location of local public administrative authorities at the first and second levels in a specific territorial, juridical and administrative framework for effective administration of locality, and in order to achieve principles of local autonomy and decentralization of public services. Under the chronological aspect, the process of territorial-administrative delimitation of the Republic of Moldova went through three distinct phases within two decades of independence: The first phase - perpetuation of centralized territorial-administrative delimitation of soviet type, which embraces the periods from declaration of Independence up to entry into force the Law no. 191 - XIV from 12.11.1998. Second phase - trying to build territorial-administrative system in the spirit of the principles of decentralization, which lasted from the date of entering into force of the Law no. 191 - XIV from 12.11.1998 until 29.01.2002, the date of entering into force of the Law no. 764191 - XIV from 27.12.2001. Third phase – returning to central territorial-administrative delimitation, which starts on 29.01.2002 and lasts till present. It is an axiom that the Republic of Moldova must give up the soviet system of territorial-administrative delimitation. It is more complicate to find the ideal model, which will correspond to new provocations that will face the Republic of Moldova in future. Determination of territorial limits of local collectivities is a very complex work and depends from a lot of facts. That is why, the judicious delimitation of territorial limits of local collectivities is important to consider the following moments: 1. Being by nature a matter of national interest, changing array of administrative organization of the territory of the state should be a result of public debates, determinedly with large participation of local authorities at the both levels as well as with citizens. 2. Territorial-administrative delimitation should be realized in a perspective of overall society development, as well as objectives and duties, which will return to administrative system in future. 3. The option for special model of territorial-administrative organization should be a result of one deep scientific survey. 4. For the delimitation of territorial-administrative units (as a number, structure, dimension, etc) can not be neglected social, material, financial and other nature costs, for short, medium or long term, that these activities involve and which the society must face. 5. Studying different models and practices of territorial organization of local autonomy has a great importance. Analyzing international practices in a matter of territorial delimitation, consequences of various options of local structures, such as studying arguments pro or contra of these structures in different states gave us the opportunity to establish that the process of territorial delimitation is determined not only by objective factors, but also by the subjective.
In: Reformarea administraţiei publice locale - imperativ al modernizării Republicii Moldova: Materialele conferinţei ştiinţifie internaţionale din 10 noiembrie, 2017, S. 63-80
From August 2009 and till present, the Republic of Modova is governed by the "pro-European" coalitions. This period has been marked by instability and, the governments have succeeded very often. The purpose of the study is to investigate the content of government programmes regarding the territorial organization of the local government. There were analyzed the actions that are tangent/relevant to the territorial organization of the public power. Also, the election programs of the electoral contestants, that in the 2014 parliamentary elections have passed the electoral threshold, have been examined.
The sovereignty of the people in democratic states is implemented through the system of public power at every level of existence of territorial collectivities. That is why studying and improving the mechanisms of realization of public power must not be made in isolation, but holistically. In order to define public power, it is necessary to address it not only from the constitutional law perspective, but also as a socio-political concept. The definition of the notion of public authority begins with the assumption that it is a socio-political category, and the study of it must consider its essence, its forms and levels of its realization. Only the theoretical clarification of these essential concepts could permit the "decoding" of the legalities of public governance and identification of the most efficient mechanisms applicable to contemporary society that would promote the efficient involvement of the people in the realization of public power.
The policy of colonies subjugation by the metropolis knows a great variety of methods and practices. A method of national oppression of Bessarabia, used by tsarism, was the administrative policy promoted in the region. Moreover, the respective administrative principles have been faithfully taken by the Soviet administration system. There are analyzed the particularities of the administrative policy of the Russian Empire in Bessarabia (1812-1917).
During the three decades of independence, in the Republic of Moldova has been undertaken several actions regarding the territorial reorganization of the local power and administrative mechanisms at subnational level. But these were insufficient, and in some cases badly achieved, being ostentatiously rejected by the political actors and officials from the state and local public authorities. In general, the reforms and restructuring of the public administration at the local level and, implicitly, of the territorial organization of the local public power, have been achieved according to the political tactics and changes, but not on the basis of coherent strategies and with clearly defined goals. Chronologically, the process of reforming the territorial organization of the local power has covered three distinct stages: First stage: perpetuation of the soviet-type centralized territorial administrative delimitation, which covers the period from the declaration of Independence till the end of the 1998. Second stage: trying to build the territorial system of exercising the local public power in the spirit of the decentralization and local autonomy principles, which lasted from the end of the 1998 till 2003. Third stage: returning to the centralized territorial organization of the local public power, which started in 2003 and lasts until now. There was a return at the soviet system of local public power organization; the number of local collectivities of the first level was increased by 30% compared to the previous period. In this article has been analyzed these three distinct stages of the reforming process of the local power territorial organization in the Republic of Moldova.
In: Dezvoltarea economico-socială durabilă a euroregiunilor și a zonelor transfrontaliere / Sustainable economic and social development of Euroregions and cross-border areas, S. 196-202
In 2017 the Cahul District, the largest in the Republic of Moldova as an area (1545,28 km2) and the population (116,7 thousand) became part of the Siret-Prut-Nistru Euroregion. The natural, economic and human potential of the Cahul District is an important resource for cross-border cooperation. In this study is made an analysis of the human capital of the Cahul District from the perspective of its valorization in order to deepen the cross-border cooperation of the Cahul District within the Siret-Prut-Nistru Euroregion. The experience gained by the Cahul District in the field of cross-border cooperation shows that the cultural and spiritual actions must be followed by actions on the creation of common spaces in the informational, economic and commercial spheres. In this respect, it is important to complement the cultural actions with practical ones, thus constituting a systematic effort with clearly defined objectives. Human capital can be a catalyst factor for cross-border cooperation also due to the fact that in the Cahul district there are several educational institutions that can help train qualified staff for different areas of work relevant to cross-border cooperation.
The review in 2003 of the territorial-administrative structure for the purpose of replacing the 10 districts with 32 districts, and the creation of 252 new administrative-territorial units of the first level was, to a certain extent, a return to the old administrative organization of the Soviet period. Democratization of the society needs to change the focus towards local initiative and the strengthening of regional centers. The improvement of the administrative-territorial structure is an effective lever to encourage local initiative and to successfully implement the functioning of the public administration. The logical organization of a State's territory contributes to the judicious ordering of state power and administration. It meets the general interest and fully meets the local needs and requirements contained in the administrative-territorial units. The administrative organization of the territory must meet the judicious division of the territorial limits taking into account the traditions, mentalities and the needs for good governance and democratic criteria. The option for a particular model of administrative-territorial organization must be the result of deep scientific investigation. The territorial-administrative reform requires a thorough preparation. It is necessary to provide substantiation of political, economic, social and financial standing of such actions. The problem of financial resources, which primarily refers to training local taxation, is a vital issue. This is because it involves financial autonomy, a central component of local autonomy, without which the decentralization can not work. Insufficient training can lead to some unexpected consequences or compromising actions. In organization and demarcation of territorial administrative units (by number, structure, size, etc.) the social, material, financial costs and all the activities related to them can not be neglected for a short, medium or long term.
The European Charter of Local Self-Government is, so far, the first and most important international political tool which guarantees the development of decentralization of public power and local autonomy. It represents the commitment of the Council of Europe's member country to promote in the internal organization of their states, a new distribution of functions and powers in order to support the development of subnational levels. In carrying out the delimitation process of responsibilities between levels of public power's achievement we should start from the provisions of The European Charter of Local Self-Government which is based on institutional practices and structures, tested for decades in dozen of European countries. That means rationing, giving up improper structures, which would result the removing of the vertical power and as consequence the demolition of foundations on which inefficiency and corruption are based on. The necessity of transferring the resources and powers to the local level is dictated by a vital imperative – the strengthening of local public authorities' capacities and potential in order to locally provide a maximum volume of qualitative public services. This requires creating a clear and simple demarcation algorithm of responsibilities between the levels of exercise of public power.