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Internet fraud has become an increasing form of computer crime. This study investigated the effects of internet fraud on Nigeria's image in international relations. The study adopted quantitative method and descriptive survey. Journals and materials from internet complemented the major sources. Findings showed that unemployment and poverty are major causal factors of internet fraud. The study concluded that, internet use by Nigerians has come with fraudulent acts, and this has put Nigeria under scrutiny and brought negative image in international relations. The study recommended that, government should enact a comprehensive law on internet fraud and empower graduates by providing employment.

Computational Social Science emerged as a highly technical and popular discipline in the last few years, owing to the substantial advances in communication technology and daily production of vast quantities of personal data. As per capita data production significantly increased in the last decade, both in terms of its size (bytes) as well as its detail (heartrate monitors, internet-connected appliances, smartphones), social scientists' ability to extract meaningful social, political and demographic information from digital data also increased. A vast methodological gap exists in 'computational international relations', which refers to the use of one or a combination of tools such as data mining, natural language processing, automated text analysis, web scraping, geospatial analysis and machine learning to provide larger and better organized data to test more advanced theories of IR. After providing an overview of the potentials of computational IR and how an IR scholar can establish technical proficiency in computer science (such as starting with Python, R, QGis, ArcGis or Github), this paper will focus on some of the author's works in providing an idea for IR students on how to think about computational IR. The paper argues that computational methods transcend the methodological schism between qualitative and quantitative approaches and form a solid foundation in building truly multi-method research design.

Computational Social Science emerged as a highly technical and popular discipline in the last few years, owing to the substantial advances in communication technology and daily production of vast quantities of personal data. As per capita data production significantly increased in the last decade, both in terms of its size (bytes) as well as its detail (heartrate monitors, internet-connected appliances, smartphones), social scientists' ability to extract meaningful social, political and demographic information from digital data also increased. A vast methodological gap exists in 'computational international relations', which refers to the use of one or a combination of tools such as data mining, natural language processing, automated text analysis, web scraping, geospatial analysis and machine learning to provide larger and better organized data to test more advanced theories of IR. After providing an overview of the potentials of computational IR and how an IR scholar can establish technical proficiency in computer science (such as starting with Python, R, QGis, ArcGis or Github), this paper will focus on some of the author's works in providing an idea for IR students on how to think about computational IR. The paper argues that computational methods transcend the methodological schism between qualitative and quantitative approaches and form a solid foundation in building truly multi-method research design.

the importance of internet consultation on health has given rise to comments and concerns in the medical world. Some consider that the proliferation of non-hierarchical, unvalidated information is a source of confusion, which could damage the patient's confidence in his/her doctor. The available literature tends to shift questions: there is no consensual method of measuring the quality of information and, above all, the importance of this issue is put in perspective: the collective nature of both the content produced and the internet consultation and the judgement shown by individuals guarantee against the possible effects of a lack of quality. Patients seem to seek stronger cooperation with doctors rather than conflict, and professionals adjust to this more informed patient, thus more responsive to arguments and more responsible for their behaviour. The internet could be seen as a facilitator of the relationship. This should be qualified in the case of rare or poorly known health problems, or where medication is controversial. The Internet makes it possible to build up a form of lay expertise that competes with or conflicts with the expertise of doctors, whether at individual level or even more clearly in health bodies open today to representatives of users, as part of a strengthened health democracy. ; International audience The increasingly popular practice of consulting the Internet on health issues has led to much commentary and concern in medical circles. Some observers believe that the proliferation of unstructured and non-validated information is a source of confusion which is likely to erode patients' confidence in their physicians. The literature on the subject tends to shift the emphasis of the question, pointing out that there is no agreed-upon method for measuring the quality of the information available. Moreover, and notably, it puts the significance of the issue in perspective, pointing out that the collective nature of the content produced online and of the consultations made, as well as the ...

International audience ; The political life of the States refers to a number of issues, particularly in the social, economic and cultural fields, specific to each society. The specialty of any activity in international politics would be to make collective problems emerge, to reveal the demands of political power and to propose solutions. In this context, the media would be involved in actions of socialization, mobilization, negotiation, promotion and participation. As the fourth power, they would play alongside the executive, legislative and judicial branches an essential role of actors and witnesses in the life of modern States and in relations between States. By their intervention in the process of pacifying conflicts, their power is no longer in doubt since they have proved their indispensable role both in liberal democracies and in other political systems. ; La vie politique des Etats renvoie à quantité d'enjeux notamment dans le domaine social, économique et culturel, propre à chaque société. La spécialité de toute activité en politique internationale, consisterait à faire émerger les problèmes collectifs, à révéler les demandes au pouvoir politique et de proposer des projets de solutions. Dans ce contexte, les médias seraient impliqués dans des actions de socialisation, de mobilisation, de négociation, de promotion et de participation. En tant que quatrième pouvoir, ils joueraient aux côtés des pouvoirs exécutif, législatif et judiciaire, un rôle essentiel d'acteurs et de témoins dans la vie des Etats modernes et dans les rapports entre Etats. Par leur intervention dans le processus de pacification des conflits, leur puissance ne fait plus aucun doute dès lors qu'ils ont prouvé leur indispensable rôle tant dans les démocraties libérales que dans les autres systèmes politiques.

The overall objective of the dissertation is to analyze the interaction of national development in developing societies and the world political economy. It is an attempt to challenge the bidden selectivity of present day IR by going beyond the partial explanations of the bits and pieces of the whole international system and at the same time uncover claims of scientific "objectivity" and "natura) laws" in human nature. It is also challenging the mainstream discourse of IR, which denotes that development has been consigned to the realm oflow pol i tics, except when the international order, as it has been constructed, is threatened. The objective then is to "connect the dots" by providing an overall theoretical framework for the concepts and empirical material presented in five sections and chapters of this dissertation. This is done by examining competing views of what development and later on international relations means and how they may be intertwined. The idea is not necessarily to reach a unified approach but to investigate the different theories, concepts and methodologies involved in a search for a valid framework, which may give explanatory value to a merger of the two disciplines "Development studies" and "International Relations".

International audience ; The past decade of information technology governance issues and opportunities related to development has been tumultuous and transformation-filled. Much work has been done on nation-states, new institutions such as ICANN or the now ten year old and newly renewed Internet Governance Forum (IGF), civil society or even the private sector. (See, for example, Denardis (2014), Franklin (2013), Mueller (2010), Powers & Jablonski (2015).) Less work focuses on the roles of international organizations such as UNESCO or long-standing regional international organizations such as the Council of Europe (CoE) and their interactions with other key actors in complex, cross-national technology governance ecosystems as they relate to development. This paper focuses on major questions related to technology and sustainable development, reporting findings from a four-year project examining international organization roles in the context of nation-states, regions, civil society, technical communities, and the private sector. Particular attention is given to internet governance against the backdrop of the United Nations' newly adopted Sustainable Development Goals and its very recent review of the World Summit On The Information Society (WSIS) action goals. The project uses interviews and document analyses rooted in political science, communication and organizational sociological conceptual frames. In sum, the paper provides an in-depth and new view of international organizations' transformative roles and actions in addressing major challenges related to internet governance and developing nations.

International audience ; The past decade of information technology governance issues and opportunities related to development has been tumultuous and transformation-filled. Much work has been done on nation-states, new institutions such as ICANN or the now ten year old and newly renewed Internet Governance Forum (IGF), civil society or even the private sector. (See, for example, Denardis (2014), Franklin (2013), Mueller (2010), Powers & Jablonski (2015).) Less work focuses on the roles of international organizations such as UNESCO or long-standing regional international organizations such as the Council of Europe (CoE) and their interactions with other key actors in complex, cross-national technology governance ecosystems as they relate to development. This paper focuses on major questions related to technology and sustainable development, reporting findings from a four-year project examining international organization roles in the context of nation-states, regions, civil society, technical communities, and the private sector. Particular attention is given to internet governance against the backdrop of the United Nations' newly adopted Sustainable Development Goals and its very recent review of the World Summit On The Information Society (WSIS) action goals. The project uses interviews and document analyses rooted in political science, communication and organizational sociological conceptual frames. In sum, the paper provides an in-depth and new view of international organizations' transformative roles and actions in addressing major challenges related to internet governance and developing nations.

The article examines the issues of Internet legal relations and conflicts of jurisdiction between the states when resolving disputes. The interrelation of Internet legislation and private international law is investigated. The application of Russian legislation in Russian Federation in the regulation of human rights activities is analyzed. Judicial practice of the countries of the Anglo-Saxon legal system is considered.

Governments of the Industrial World, you weary giants of flesh and steel, I come from Cyberspace, the new home of the Mind. On behalf of the future, I ask you of the past to leave us alone. You are not welcome among us. You have no sovereignty where we gather. By linking with the Internet, we don't mean absolute freedom of information. I think there is a general understanding about this. If you go through customs, you have to show your passport. It's the same with management of information. There is no contradiction at all between the development of telecommunications infrastructure and the exercise of state sovereignty. Will cyberspace exercise its own sovereignty? Does it do so already?

"Suggested readings" at end of each chapter. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Internet is a global market place. The rapid development of the Internet, and especially of Internet-based commerce, has largely taken place outside the standard trade-regulatory frameworks that cover most other forms of cross-border commerce. As the size of the Internet markets has grown, and as their contribution to the overall economy has become more pronounced, more attention has been given to regulatory concerns, such as traderestrictive measures, damaging the climate of trade and investment in the fields of e-commerce, informationbased services and online transmissions. One such measure is the blockage of access to websites. This paper suggests that many WTO member states are legally obliged to permit an unrestricted supply of crossborder Internet services. And as the option to selectively censor rather than entirely block services is available to at least some of the most developed censorship regimes (most notably China), there is a good chance that a panel might rule that permanent blocks on search engines, photo-sharing applications and other services are inconsistent with the GATS provisions, even given morals and security exceptions. Less resourceful countries, without means of filtering more selectively, and with a censorship based on moral and religious grounds, might be able to defend such bans in the WTO. But the exceptions do not offer a blanket cover for the arbitrary and disproportionate censorship that still occurs despite the availability to the censoring government of selective filtering.

Defence date: 26 March 2015 ; Examining Board: Professor Christian Reus-Smit, University of Queensland (Supervisor); Professor Jennifer Welsh, EUI; Professor Thomas Biersteker, Graduate Institute, Geneva; Professor Edward Keene, University of Oxford. ; Much of both the academic and practical discourse about international politics implies conceptions of states as, in one way or another, free or unfree. We talk about state autonomy, suggesting states have the capacity to deliberate and determine their own destiny. We discuss constraints on state action and debate the legitimacy of interference in the affairs of other states. We also measure and assess state development, suggesting a potential in states for self-realisation. The concept of sovereignty, and the belief that this principle demands the rejection of the subjection of states to higher authority, frames much of our thinking about world politics. Such issues lie at the heart of much of our theorising of IR: in realism's security dilemma, for example; in liberal debates about humanitarian intervention; or in constructivist analyses of the relationship between sovereignty and state identity. It is a central contention of this thesis that conceptions of state freedom are present in the deep analytical and normative presumptions of much of the theory of international relations. The conceptions of state freedom that inform such theorising remain, however, for the large part implicit. The principal purpose of this thesis is to remedy the absence of sustained, explicit consideration of the concept of state freedom, and it does this by historically excavating ideas about what it means for states to be free. While explicit discussion of the freedom of states was prominent in the 17th and 18th century, as the state's position as the locus of political authority was gradually consolidated the terminology of state freedom diminished in salience. Ideas of state freedom did not disappear, however; they continued to be expressed in analogous areas of international discourse. Drawing on philosophical ideas about individual freedom, this thesis presents a theoretical approach to making such implicit ideas visible. It makes the case for a 'grammar' of freedom, which, it is argued, enables one to distinguish ideas about freedom from other species of ideas but does not prejudice their substance. The thesis then employs this grammar to identify ideas of state freedom in international debate surrounding three cognate concepts: non-intervention, sovereign equality and self-determination. Through analysis of the arguments made by states-people about these three concepts, the thesis articulates a number of evolving ideas about what it means for states to be free and unfree. That historical investigation uncovers both a strong normative preference among practitioners of international relations for the freedom of states and sharp disagreement about what constitutes that freedom. The thesis argues that the contestation surrounding ideas of state freedom have played an important role structuring legitimate relations of control between states. The thesis concludes by reflecting on the implications of these observations for the approaches of theorists of international relations to the key concepts of sovereignty and the state.

Master's thesis at the Department of Political Science, University of Copenhagen ; The thesis analyses the Internet, a political space that transcends state borders. The Internet is not chaos, but has emerged as an efficient system of governance with clear standards, norms and values. At the same time, it is a system without a centralised state authority. The three classical paradigms of realism, rationalism and revolutionism are applied in analysing the Internet as an evolving case. The following two research questions are explored: 1. Which of the three classical approaches best explains the development of the Internet? 2. Is the emergence of the Internet enhancing the power of the individual at the expense of the state? Using the three classical paradigms, pluralist theories of democracy, and Austrian coordination theory, the agenda is to find out whether the Internet has shifted the balance of power between the individual and the state. Has the Internet as a political space, in other words, given the individual opportunities to bypass state power? Has it enhanced the ability of the citizen to coordinate and act? Finally, the thesis addresses the possible reactions of the state to this apparent challenge to state sovereignty in the image of the individual, the state, and the international society of states. The Internet emerged as a spontaneous order between 1973 and 2003 as the result of contributions by various members of the international scientific community. The first phase in the evolution of the Internet is aimed at the world society, mankind, in what is mainly a revolutionist normative approach. A rationalist approach can be detected in the attempt by the Internet pioneers to transfer control of the Root file to the International Telecommunications Union - a part of the UN system - in 1997. As the economic and political importance of the Internet increases, a decidedly realist approach becomes evident. Should a national or world government destroy the efficient and free working of the Internet, the ...

Master's thesis at the Department of Political Science, University of Copenhagen ; The thesis analyses the Internet, a political space that transcends state borders. The Internet is not chaos, but has emerged as an efficient system of governance with clear standards, norms and values. At the same time, it is a system without a centralised state authority. The three classical paradigms of realism, rationalism and revolutionism are applied in analysing the Internet as an evolving case. The following two research questions are explored: 1. Which of the three classical approaches best explains the development of the Internet? 2. Is the emergence of the Internet enhancing the power of the individual at the expense of the state? Using the three classical paradigms, pluralist theories of democracy, and Austrian coordination theory, the agenda is to find out whether the Internet has shifted the balance of power between the individual and the state. Has the Internet as a political space, in other words, given the individual opportunities to bypass state power? Has it enhanced the ability of the citizen to coordinate and act? Finally, the thesis addresses the possible reactions of the state to this apparent challenge to state sovereignty in the image of the individual, the state, and the international society of states. The Internet emerged as a spontaneous order between 1973 and 2003 as the result of contributions by various members of the international scientific community. The first phase in the evolution of the Internet is aimed at the world society, mankind, in what is mainly a revolutionist normative approach. A rationalist approach can be detected in the attempt by the Internet pioneers to transfer control of the Root file to the International Telecommunications Union - a part of the UN system - in 1997. As the economic and political importance of the Internet increases, a decidedly realist approach becomes evident. Should a national or world government destroy the efficient and free working of the Internet, the netizen may make use of his inaliable right to establish new information spaces outside state control. The technical standards – as well as norms and values – that have emerged as the Internet over the last 35 years, makes it possible for mankind to establish as a digital commonwealth, what Kant called the ius cosmopoliticum.