Suchergebnisse

Introduction.Conceptualizing education governance at the genesis of the fourth Industrial Revolution --Part 1.Re(framing) education governance.Chapter 1.Innovative orthodoxies and old bedfellows -- re(drawing) the geometries of education governance /Tavis D. Jules --Part 2.Educational mechanisms of governance.Chapter 2.Comparing the receptions and translations of global education policy, understanding the logic of educational systems /Gita Steiner-Khamsi --Chapter 3.Teachers and the global educational policy field /Tore Bernt Sorensen --Chapter 4.Toward the development of a gender equity scorecard: exploring the possibility for collaborative gender governance at the University of the West Indies /Halima-Sa'adia Kassim --Chapter 5.The next educational bubble: educational brokers and education governance mechanisms: who governs what! /Tavis D. Jules and Sadie Stockdale Jefferson --Part 3. Modes of education governance.Chapter 6.Navigating education policies in Oceania: civil societies and network governance in a decolonizing Pacific /Alexandra McCormick --Chapter 7."Decision-making by surprise": the introduction of tuition fees for university education in Barbados /Kristina Hinds --Chapter 8.Educational development in South Asia: from regionalism to interregionalism /Huma Kidwai and Monisha Bajaj --Chapter 9.From "growth driven" to "regulatory control": tertiary education governance in Jamaica and the Caribbean /Nigel O.M. Brissett --Chapter 10.Transformative agendas and educational demands in the British and Dutch overseas territories of the Caribbean /Emel Thomas and Peter Clegg --Chapter 11.Educational excellence versus educational justice: how Latin American policymakers respond to these competing demands with the evaluative state /Rolf Straubhaar.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of illustrations -- Notes on contributors -- Foreword: the 2015 review of the European Neighbourhood Policy -- Preface -- List of abbreviations -- Introduction -- 1 Theoretical approaches to the European Neighbourhood Policy -- Part I Rationalism vs. constructivism: inside-out and outside-in -- 2 Rationalist and constructivist approaches to the European Neighbourhood Policy: a growing prevalence of interests over identity? -- 3 Rational institutionalism, constructivism or both? A spatial econometric approach to measuring the impact of incentives and socialization in the European Neighbourhood Policy -- 4 The Russian Federation's posture towards the European Neighbourhood Policy: a neoclassical realist explanation -- 5 Russia's perception of the European Neighbourhood Policy: a constructivist explanation -- Part II Beyond EU-centrism: neglected (f)actors -- 6 The role of bounded rationality in explaining the European Neighbourhood Policy: the Eastern dimension -- 7 A structural foreign policy perspective on the European Neighbourhood Policy -- 8 Empowerment of domestic stakeholders: from outcome-orientedto process-oriented Europeanization in the ENP countries -- 9 The practice of EU power relations with international organizations in the neighbourhood: imperator or primus inter pares? -- Part III The EU and the other(s): conflict or cooperation? -- 10 Between the Eastern Partnership and the Eurasian Economic Union: competing region-building projects in the 'common neighbourhood' -- 11 Turning a problem into a solution? The potential of interregionalism between the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union -- 12 'The political' and the ENP: rethinking EU relations with the Eastern region

Le dialogue interrégional existant entre l'Afrique et l'Amérique du Sud a été marqué par des moments d'intensification et par des moments de distanciation. Dès 2006 commence une période d'accélération de ces liens à travers notamment la création d'un Forum de coopération ASA et par la revitalisation de la Zone de Paix et de Coopération de l'Atlantique sud (ZOPACAS). Cet article questionne l'importance stratégique de ces forum interrégionaux dans la Politique Extérieure du Brésil et dans sa stratégie d'insertion internationale. Il est défendu l'idée que le dynamisme qu'a connu le dialogue interrégional entre les deux rives de l'Atlantique Sud a offert de nouveaux espaces d'action au sein desquels le Brésil a exercé un leadership en promouvant à la fois ses propres intérêts et en impulsant une diffusion idéationelle à travers sa rhétorique. ; Peer reviewed

Cuando se piensa en la historia de la integración regional como fenómeno de las relaciones internacionales, se suele pensar en mediados del siglo XX, y siempre tomando como referencia el proceso de integración regional de la Unión Europea (UE). Del mismo modo ocurre con el uso del término "acervo", que usualmente es asociado al vocablo "comunitario", y por tanto se describe como "acervo comunitario", al conjunto de normas jurídicas que recogen los principios y objetivos políticos que han desarrollado las instituciones comunitarias de la UE. Toda iniciativa o proyecto de integración regional anterior al siglo XX es considerado como "sueños de unificación" o "anhelos de unidad". Sin embargo, ambas aseveraciones son incorrectas, por un lado, la historia de la integración regional no nace en el siglo XX, nace en los ciernes de la creación de los Estados-Nación en Europa y de las repúblicas en América, entre los siglos XVII–XX. Por otro lado, la interpretación del término "acervo comunitario", es sólo una acepción del mismo y desde una perspectiva jurídica, sin considerar en su conjunto la histórica, la política, filosófica y cultural. Acervo proviene del latín acervus que significa el conjunto de bienes morales o culturales acumulados por la tradición. Por tanto, a nuestro entender, las ideas de unificación y los proyectos de unidad, anteriores al siglo XX, deberían de ser considerados parte del acervo de integración de ambas regiones. Este trabajo presenta la teoría que el período de los siglos XVII–XX forma parte de lo que se suele denominar como acervo, por consiguiente, a este período lo denominamos período del "acervo integracionista", un acervo que es común tanto para Europa como para América, el cual forma parte de otra historia común, aún mayor entre ambos continentes, que es la historia de Occidente.When one considers the history of regional integration as a phenomenon, which is a product of international relations, it is usual to think of the mid-20th century, utilizing the process of the regional integration of the European Union (EU) as a reference. The same thing happens with the use of the term "acquis", which is usually associated with the term "community"; thus it is common to describe the assemblage of legal norms that gather the political principles and objectives developed by community institutions of the EU as an "acquis communautaire". Any initiative or regional integration project before the twentieth century has been considered as mere "dreams of unification" or a "longing for unity". However, both observations are incorrect; on one hand, the history of regional integration was not born in the 20th century, but at the earliest stages of creation of the European Nation-States and the American Republics, between the 17th and 20th centuries. On the other hand, the interpretation of the phrase "acquis communautaire" merely draws upon the strict meaning of the term from a legal perspective, and does not take into account the totality of its historical, political, philosophical and cultural context. The word "acquis" comes from the Latin term acervus, meaning a set of moral or cultural assets collected by tradition. Therefore, in our understanding, the ideas and projects of unification before the 20th century should be considered a part of the integrationist acquis of both regions. This work presents the theory that the period between the 17th and 20th centuries forms a part of what is usually termed an acquis, a historical repository; consequently, we denote this period an "integrationist acquis", a repository that is common to Europe as well as to America, and forms a part of another common history, an even greater one, which is the history of the West.

Defence date: 13 June 2016 ; Examining Board: Professor Adrienne Héritier, EUI (Supervisor); Professor Ulrich Krotz, EUI/RSCAS; Professor Alberta M. Sbragia, University of Pittsburgh; Professor Eugénia da Conceição-Heldt, TU Dresden. ; Since 2006, the European Union (EU) has increasingly made use of bilateral trade relations, and thus departed from its earlier commitment to interregionalism and multilateralism. Two examples for this are the EU's shift from interregional to bilateral relations with the Mercado Común del Sur (MERCOSUR) and its regional power, Brazil, and with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and its economically most important member Singapore. This turn to bilateralism is particularly puzzling in the cases of MERCOSUR and ASEAN because of the EU's long-lasting relationship with these regional organizations and because of the EU's financial support for their regional integration. Drawing on realist theorizing, this turn to bilateralism can best be explained by the EU's motivation to secure its economic and regulatory power in South America and Southeast Asia, and by the regions' varying levels of cohesion. Factors rooted in the international system rather than inner-institutional characteristics have shaped the EU's trade policy which calls the explanatory power of liberal approaches into question. Testing an alternative theoretical model coined commercial realism against commercial liberalism and the principal-agent framework, the analysis sets out the scope condition of theorizing and analyzing EU external economic policy from a realist perspective. Employing original data from 165 media press articles, 48 standardized interviews from a survey by Dür and De Bièvre (2007), 44 standardized interviews from an original survey with interest groups enrolled in the Civil Society Dialogue, 66 consultation sheets of the European Commission's consultation on EU future trade policy, and 46 elite interviews, this thesis analyzes the EU's recent switch in approach in a comparative fashion. A combination of primary and secondary cases, triangulation of data and methods, and a combination of research strategies, including rigorous process-tracing, maximizes the research design's external and internal validity.

This book analyses how closer regional connectivity and economic integration between South Asia and Southeast Asia can benefit both regions, with a focus on the role played by infrastructure and public policies in facilitating this process. Connecting Asia: Infrastructure for Integrating South and Southeast Asia analyses how closer regional connectivity and economic integration between South Asia and Southeast Asia can benefit both regions. With a focus on the role played by infrastructure and public policies in facilitating this process, it provides a detailed and up-to-date discussion of issues, innovations, and progress. Country studies of national connectivity issues and policies cover Bangladesh, India, Myanmar, Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Thailand, examining major developments in trade and investment, economic cooperation, the role of economic corridors, and regional cooperation initiatives. Thematic chapters explore investment in land and sea transport infrastructure, trade facilitation, infrastructure investment financing, supporting national and regional policies, and model-based estimates of the benefits of integration. They also identify significant opportunities for strengthening these integration efforts as a result of the recent opening up of Myanmar in political, economic, and financial terms. For the first time for these regions, the book employs a state-of-the-art computable general equilibrium (CGE) model incorporating heterogeneous firms to estimate the advantages of integration. Providing perspective on the latest thinking on integration policy, Connecting Asia is an essential resource for academics, policymakers, and business people alike.

This book analyses how closer regional connectivity and economic integration between South Asia and Southeast Asia can benefit both regions, with a focus on the role played by infrastructure and public policies in facilitating this process. Connecting Asia: Infrastructure for Integrating South and Southeast Asia analyses how closer regional connectivity and economic integration between South Asia and Southeast Asia can benefit both regions. With a focus on the role played by infrastructure and public policies in facilitating this process, it provides a detailed and up-to-date discussion of issues, innovations, and progress. Country studies of national connectivity issues and policies cover Bangladesh, India, Myanmar, Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Thailand, examining major developments in trade and investment, economic cooperation, the role of economic corridors, and regional cooperation initiatives. Thematic chapters explore investment in land and sea transport infrastructure, trade facilitation, infrastructure investment financing, supporting national and regional policies, and model-based estimates of the benefits of integration. They also identify significant opportunities for strengthening these integration efforts as a result of the recent opening up of Myanmar in political, economic, and financial terms. For the first time for these regions, the book employs a state-of-the-art computable general equilibrium (CGE) model incorporating heterogeneous firms to estimate the advantages of integration. Providing perspective on the latest thinking on integration policy, Connecting Asia is an essential resource for academics, policymakers, and business people alike.

The papers and essays in this volume examine several key areas of integration that are of critical interest to the AEC moving into 2025 and beyond. The rest of this integrative chapter weaves the papers together, highlights their key ideas and recommendations, and situates a number of them in terms of the changing international environment. Section 1 presents the results of the ERIA survey of ASEAN people on their aspirations, expectations, and perceived pressing problems into 2025. This is elaborated in Volume 2, Voices of ASEAN: What Does ASEAN Mean to ASEAN Peoples, a companion to this volume. The section also discusses the two key international developments that have a critical bearing on ASEAN's future. Thus, Section 1 provides the compelling contexts to the measures and initiatives that ASEAN needs to undertake to realise the four key features of the AEC 2025 listed above. Section 2 discusses the key strategies or measures for the AEC into 2025 and beyond, based mainly on the papers and essays in the volume. Section 3 concludes and summarises the key recommendations and presents a possible snapshot of ASEAN by 2025 and 2035.

This article seeks to discuss the origins and evolution of the Natuna Islands issue within the context of Indonesia's foreign policy, and in particular, its relations with China. It is argued that while the Natuna issue will continue to crop up from time to time and in the process elicit a variety of reactions and responses from Jakarta and Beijing, it is unlikely to bring about an outright naval confrontation between Indonesia and China in the short to medium term, not least because the governing elites of both countries appreciate the value of deepening bilateral economic engagement.

Against the backdrop of a recovering yet fragile international economy and considerable political uncertainty, it cannot be overstated how important it is that the G20 "stick to its job" at the Hamburg Summit in July 2017 and beyond without diluting its focus. When G20 developed and emerging economies came together to cooperate and coordinate their efforts in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, they defined their action based on a set of core values and a shared sense of responsibility towards strengthened global governance and effective stewardship of the world economy. Accordingly, successive G20 summits have focused on strategic "jobs" where the forum holds a comparative advantage and which can be better addressed than in alternative institutions or governance mechanisms. Two such advantages are the group's composition and the ability to take a holistic approach to world financial and economic affairs. This volume brings together a collection of short essays—a number of which were presented at an ICTSD workshop held in parallel to the G20 Trade and Investment Working Group meeting in Berlin in February 2017—that reflect on some of key areas where the G20 has a comparative advantage. The authors put forward a set of policy options for the G20 to support inclusive international trade and investment.

The outlook for Southeast Asia for 2017 reflects more than challenges this broader view. 2016 saw changes to major power interests in the region as well as disruptive political dynamics in five of the six most populous Southeast Asian countries. These will play out in 2017 and beyond.

Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen led a large delegation to attend the first Belt and Road Forum in Beijing on May 14 and 15 this year, and followed it up with a state visit from May 16 to 17. During the visit, China pledged US$240 million in grant to Cambodia, and both countries signed 13 agreements focusing on a wide range of areas including infrastructure development, production capacity, trade, finance, maritime cooperation, and tourism under the Belt and Road framework. Cambodia regards BRI as a new catalyst for its economic development strategy and for regional integration and connectivity.

ASEAN has been working towards the free movement of goods in the region. Although significant progress has been made in the opening up of markets through tariff elimination, addressing the issues of non-tariff measures (NTMs) remain. With the reduction in tariffs across the globe, increasing attention has thus shifted to the effects of these NTMs that become simply non-tariff barriers (NTBs) to trade. Non-Tariff Measures (NTMs) could be justified for different reasons such as health, security, environment, and consumer protection. However, they could adversely affect the global and regional production chains by unnecessarily increasing the cost of doing business. This paper reviews existing studies in Non-Tariff Measures for better understanding of NTM implications to international trade as well as local business and to propose some ways forward. For additional insights, it presents the results of the small sample survey (perception) among exporters on the types of NTMs encountered within and outside ASEAN and the perceived operating cost impact of NTMs. The survey identifies three main NTBs affecting operations of their businesses either within or outside ASEAN- these are (i) Custom Formalities (ii) Rules of Origin (iii) Technical Barriers to Trade. These are consistent with the findings of an International Trade Center (ITC) Business Survey on NTMs in the Philippines 2015-2016. Some of the policy recommendations of the paper are creating a comprehensive and updated database of NTMs, intensive reforms to streamline NTM procedures, improvements in testing laboratories and facilities, accreditation and certification process and capacity building on what and how to comply with applicable SPS and TBTs.