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As a focal point of public spectacle and communal enjoyment, the Victorian sentimentalized child has earned considerable scholarly attention, and scholars typically read the good will and fellow feeling of sentimentality in opposition to capitalism's individualism and rationalism. The sentimentalized child is, according to this line of thinking, a reaction against modernity or a symbol of anti-rational, anti-utilitarian ideals. But to what degree is this child also a product of the individualist, capitalist, and imperialist drives of the mid-nineteenth century? My dissertation examines representations of Victorian children at the intersection of sentimental and economic discourse in order to show their complicity. Through readings of Dickens novels, Victorian boys' magazines, radical poetry, and a range of other period texts, I contend that the sentimentalized child relies on bourgeois class assumptions and can only exist because of market forces. At the same time, a capitalist approach to childhood must hide itself in the trappings of sentiment in order to be palatable to the reading public. The sentimental narrative's excessive suffering and tears can disguise a hidden economic agenda, as the tropes of pathos usually (but not always) come together to enforce a middle-class interpretation of appropriate family and public values. When taken together, these supposedly competing visions of childhood teach the core values of liberalism to the reading subject, who must learn to be hard working and individualistic yet, because of his strong emotional ties to others, able to self-regulate so that he does not become an egotistical menace to the wider community. Taken in a wider context, my project demonstrates that humans' emotional lives do not exclusively inhabit some private, interior realm; instead, they can bow to economic forces and social pressures, and they frequently conspire towards socio-political ends.

This article explores the UK government's first foray into cultural diplomacy by focusing on the activities of the British Council's Students Committee in the run-up to the Second World War. Students were placed at the heart of British cultural diplomacy, which drew on foreign models as well as the experience of intra-empire exchanges. While employing cultural internationalist discourse, the drive to attract more overseas students to the United Kingdom was intended to bring economic and political advantages to the host country. The British Council pursued its policy in cooperation with non-state actors but ultimately was guided by the Foreign Office, which led it to target key strategic regions, principally in Europe and the Mediterranean Basin.

The September, 1971 issue of the Journal contained A. G. Ford's article, "British Investment in Argentina and Long Swings, 1880–1914." For total U.K. overseas issues, Professor Ford used as his source, Matthew Simon, "The Pattern of New British Portfolio Foreign Investment 1865–1914," which appeared in J. H. Adler, editor, Capital Movements and Economic Development.

Addresses itself to some of the major policy issues of direct investment in the EC with particular reference to the employment impact of British, French and German multinationals in the new Member States, namely Greece, Portugal and Spain. (AM)

SummaryFrom this brief survey, it is apparent that Greece, Portugal and Spain are all heavily dependent on foreign investment for industrial and commercial development. In each country, critical industries such as chemicals, electrical engineering, motor vehicles and information based technologies are heavily dependent on foreign investment. Consequently, the decisions of multinationals on where to invest and how to service markets will have a profound effect on employment in these countries. These issues are discussed in detail in sections V and VI.France, Germany and the United Kingdom are major origins of firms with considerable investments in each of the countries, although British firms are under‐represented in Greece. France is the largest country of origin for multinationals investing in Portugal, and it has recently begun to invest heavily in Spain. In Greece, French firms represent a quarter of all authorized foreign direct investment (second only to the USA). West German firms are represented at a modest level in Greece but are consistently heavy investors in Spain and also contribute to investment and employment in Portuguese industry. Compared to France and West Germany, British firms have neglected these three host countries as investment targets. Their tiny representation in Greece has been mentioned, and whilst investment in Portugal matches that of West German firms, British firms' investment in Spain has recently been small relative to French and German firms.Overall, investment by multinationals from France, West Germany and the United Kingdom has played an important role in the industrial development of the three host countries, and their location and market servicing policies continue to have a major impact on employment in Greece, Portugal and Spain.The recent entry (1 January 1986) of the Iberian countries into the EC is likely to have a major impact on their prospects of attracting foreign direct investment, and, although this will have been anticipated to a certain extent by investors, its impact is worthy of further analysis. The following section begins this process by outlining the legislative measures of the three host countries.