Suchergebnisse

Rad kritički evaluira postoji li (ne)podudaranje između teorije javnog medijskog servisa i njegove politike i strateških dokumenata kada je riječ o idejama uključivanja medijskih publika u javni medijski servis. Najprije se teorijski nastoji uokviriti ova rasprava, tako da se razmatra pet zadaća uključivanja medijskih publika u javni medijski servis. Potom se istražuje kako BBC (Ujedinjeno Kraljevstvo), France Télévisions (Francuska), VRT (Flandrija, Belgija) i NPO (Nizozemska) trebaju (politika) i namjeravaju (strategija) uključiti svoje medijske publike. Odabrani slučajevi daju uvid u bolje financirane (BBC, FTV) i manje javne medijske servise (VRT, NPO), kao i u različite medijske sustave. Upotrijebljena je metoda goal-means tree analiza, tip kvalitativne analize dokumenata kojoj je svrha otkrivanje odnosa između cilja i sredstava u politici i strateškim tekstovima. Glavni je argument da je ovdje prije riječ o nekim upitnim, normativnim pretpostavkama iz teorije o javnom medijskom servisu i uključenosti publike, koje su prenesene i u tekstove o politici i strategiji javnog medijskog servisa, a ne o nepodudaranju između teorije, politike i strategije javnog medijskog servisa. ; The article critically evaluates whether there is a (mis)match between ideas on audience involvement in public service media (PSM) theory and the translation thereof in public broadcasters' policy and strategy documents. The literature section theoretically frames this discussion, first, discussing five objectives of PSM and audience involvement. Subsequently, it studies how the BBC (UK), France Télévisions (France), VRT (Flanders), and NPO (the Netherlands) have to (policy) and intend to (strategy) involve their audiences. These cases have been selected with an eye on including both better-funded (BBC, FTV) and smaller public broadcasters (VRT, NPO), as well as different media systems. For the analysis, the method of goal-means tree analysis is adopted, a type of qualitative document analysis that can be deployed to uncover goal-means relationships in policy and strategy texts. The main argument is that, rather than a mismatch, some of the questionable, normative assumptions made in theories concerning audience involvement and PSM are also present in the PSM policy and strategy texts.

The article analyses the main characteristics of a new German political party -- Piratenpartei, its genesis and the impact it has already had on German politics. The success of this party, which now has representatives in the Parliament of Berlin and four more regional parliaments in Germany city council, is an indication of the importance of the Internet, as well as of the need to address new issues on the political agenda. Some of these issues involve free access to information, as well as the need for abandoning periodical elections as the main method of citizens' involvement in politics. Instead, the Piratenpartei, as well as other similar parties in northern Europe, advocates a more permanent and direct involvement of people in the decision-making process. This is defined as the concept of "liquid democracy". The Piratenpartei has influenced the German political scene by forcing other political parties to adopt their programmes if they wish to preserve their influence in German politics. This is particularly important for the younger generation of voters, who are now increasingly using the Internet as an instrument of political activism. Adapted from the source document.

The author outlines a historical review of the Catholic Church's attitude toward democracy. The initial stance, as formulated by Pope Leo XIII at the end of the 19th century, was based on the equidistance of the Church from various political regimes, on the condition that they respect individual rights, family, & the Church. The term Christian democracy primarily denoted a drift within the ranks of the clergy, whose goal was helping people & proselytizing under the new circumstances. Further confluence between the Church & democracy occurred during the papacy of Pius XII, who emphasized the importance of the political involvement of a free & responsible individual in a democracy & who endorsed the concept of a people as opposed to anonymous masses. The complete acceptance of democracy by the Church occurred during the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965), when it gave its blessing to the involvement of Christian laity in the roles of religious & political activists. The latest convergence of the Church & democracy was embodied in the encyclical Centesimus annus, by John Paul II (1991), in which the demise of communism is attributed to the lack of democracy & in which democracy is singled out as the best form of government. Adapted from the source document.

The author outlines a historical review of the Catholic Church's attitude toward democracy. The initial stance, as formulated by Pope Leo XIII at the end of the 19th century, was based on the equidistance of the Church from various political regimes, on the condition that they respect individual rights, family, & the Church. The term Christian democracy primarily denoted a drift within the ranks of the clergy, whose goal was helping people & proselytizing under the new circumstances. Further confluence between the Church & democracy occurred during the papacy of Pius XII, who emphasized the importance of the political involvement of a free & responsible individual in a democracy & who endorsed the concept of a people as opposed to anonymous masses. The complete acceptance of democracy by the Church occurred during the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965), when it gave its blessing to the involvement of Christian laity in the roles of religious & political activists. The latest convergence of the Church & democracy was embodied in the encyclical Centesimus annus, by John Paul II (1991), in which the demise of communism is attributed to the lack of democracy & in which democracy is singled out as the best form of government. Adapted from the source document.

Geneza i razvoj specijalne policije u Republici Hrvatskoj nerazdvojan je i paralelan proces sa stvaranjem, izgradnjom, razvojem i djelovanjem hrvatske države, koji svoje izvorište ima u Domovinskom ratu. Hrvatska je već dokazala odlučnost u borbi protiv terorizma, što možemo identificirati kroz nekoliko ključnih faza razvoja međunarodnih odnosa i koalicija: aktivno uključivanje u antiterorističku međunarodnu koaliciju, odnosno ulazak u Vijeće sigurnosti Ujedinjenih naroda i suradnja u okviru Europske unije, te integracija u NATO i pristupanje organizaciji Atlas, mreži specijalnih policijskih postrojbi Europske unije. Takav pristup međunarodnoj suradnji možemo promatrati u kontekstu jačanja unutarnjeg sigurnosnog sustava Republike Hrvatske, a uključivanje specijalne policije u organizaciju Atlas kao jasnu poruku integriranja Hrvatske u međunarodnu antiterorističku koaliciju. ; The genesis and development of special police units in the Republic of Croatia is an inseparable and parallel process with the creation, development and activity of the Croatian state with its origins in the Croatian War of Independence. The Republic of Croatia has already demonstrated its determination in the fight against terrorism. It can be identified through several key phases of the development of international relations and coalitions: the active participation in the anti-terrorist international coalition, i.e. the involvement in the United Nations Security Council and the cooperation within the frameworks of the European Union, the integration into NATO alliance and the accession to the Atlas Network. This approach to international cooperation can be viewed in the context of strengthening internal security system of the Republic of Croatia, while the involvement of special police units in the Atlas Network can be seen as a clear message of the integration of the Republic of Croatia in the international anti-terrorist coalition.

Democracy, as the government of the people by the people, is an inadequately defined notion, giving room for rival concepts of democracy: liberal, socialist, & Christian. The distinguishing features of the Christian outlook are respect for other human beings, the demand for individual involvement in politics, & the government's duty to look after everyone's well-being. The author points to the fact that Christian democracy, with its highlighted moral component of politics, was particularly attractive for the countries that went through fascist totalitarianism. Although the standards of the grand Christian precept of altruism have not been met in social & political life, the author concludes that today's global challenges reemphasize the relevance of the gospel message. Adapted from the source document.

Democracy, as the government of the people by the people, is an inadequately defined notion, giving room for rival concepts of democracy: liberal, socialist, & Christian. The distinguishing features of the Christian outlook are respect for other human beings, the demand for individual involvement in politics, & the government's duty to look after everyone's well-being. The author points to the fact that Christian democracy, with its highlighted moral component of politics, was particularly attractive for the countries that went through fascist totalitarianism. Although the standards of the grand Christian precept of altruism have not been met in social & political life, the author concludes that today's global challenges reemphasize the relevance of the gospel message. Adapted from the source document.

Unlike the debates on terrorism in everyday discourse & the media that, as a rule, imply that terrorism is an activity of nonstate groups & organizations, the author defines "terrorism" by means of its acts' nature & goals & not by its perpetrators -- hence, state terrorism. The author outlines a typology of the state's involvement in terrorism & highlights the question of terrorism's moral status. His assumption is that any act of terrorism is an ultimate moral evil, but that state terrorism is a greater evil than terrorism as practiced by nonstate actors. The author offers four arguments to corroborate this view. The last paragraph of this article speaks about counterterrorism &, finally, about the "war on terrorism" waged today by the US & its allies. 18 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author reminds us that only after the Second Vatican Council did Catholicism change its reserved stance regarding contemporary politics & economy by starting to advocate a more positive political involvement of Catholic laity. However, it can be said that the political activism of Catholics confined to Christian-Democratic parties came to grief. This has been not solely the consequence of the ethical decadence of Christian Democratic politicians but also of increased secularization, which calls for a variety of forms of political activism on the part of Christians. Regarding the structuring of economy, the author goes along with the widespread belief in the superiority of capitalism over a totalitarian communist economy. At the same time, however, Christianity cannot accept "rampant capitalism" nor accept profit as the sole measure of good economic management, but must voice its views for social & humanistic correctives. Adapted from the source document.

The paper analyzes the European Community/ European Union experience in the Western Balkans in the period from 1990 onwards in different context in order to assess different mechanisms which the European Union has gained with building the Common Foreign and Security Policy and within the Enlargement Policy in the process of conflict prevention and conflict resolution. Additionally, the paper makes an assessment of the EU's involvement in the conflict prevention and conflict resolution in the Balkans after the Stabilization and Association Process was launched in 1999. The authors argue that in the case of the military conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, when the European Community was confronted with serious and hard security issues at the very beginning of creating its Common Foreign and Security Policy and in a period of time when the region was not part of the enlargement process, the Community and the Union afterwards proved to be extremely ineffective. In the second part, through three case studies, the paper demonstrate that with the combined use of CFSP mechanisms and SAP, positive examples of the EU acting as a provider of peaceful dispute settlement in the Western Balkans have been established. ; The paper analyzes the European Community/ European Union experience in the Western Balkans in the period from 1990 onwards in different context in order to assess different mechanisms which the European Union has gained with building the Common Foreign and Security Policy and within the Enlargement Policy in the process of conflict prevention and conflict resolution. Additionally, the paper makes an assessment of the EU's involvement in the conflict prevention and conflict resolution in the Balkans after the Stabilization and Association Process was launched in 1999. The authors argue that in the case of the military conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, when the European Community was confronted with serious and hard security issues at the very beginning of creating its Common Foreign and Security Policy and in a period of time when the region was not part of the enlargement process, the Community and the Union afterwards proved to be extremely ineffective. In the second part, through three case studies, the paper demonstrate that with the combined use of CFSP mechanisms and SAP, positive examples of the EU acting as a provider of peaceful dispute settlement in the Western Balkans have been established.

After the collapse of the bipolar world, multilateral initiatives & organizations entered a state of crisis, but at the same time, their importance increased. The author analyzes one form of multilateral involvement, the UN peacekeeping operations. In the last five years, their number has significantly increased, with the most important one in the territory of former Yugoslavia. Although many aspects of that operation are negative, in the future, they might prove useful for the reform of the concept of peacekeeping operations. The author particularly emphasizes the necessity for these peacekeeping operations to make a shift from the prevention of hostilities toward the imposition of peace, as well as the need to separate this aim from humanitarian activities, which should be assigned to specialized international organizations. The peacekeeping operations should evolve into a sort of multilateral interventionism that, while undoubtedly restricting individual states' sovereignty, strives to establish order. They could be supplemented with other means of pressure at the UN's disposal: sanctions, diplomatic isolation, or arms control. Adapted from the source document.

The paper deals with the evolution of the Catholic social & political movement & Christian democratic parties since the end of the 19th century. The origins of Catholic political involvement lie in the need to counter the challenges of capitalism, socialism, & liberal democracy. Its original platform was Pope Leo XIII's encyclical Rerum novarum. Christian democracy as a party option dates back to the emergence of the Popular Party (Partito popolare), first under the leadership of Romulo Murri, & after WWI by Luigi Sturzo, followed by the Christian democracy (Democrazia christiana) of Alcide de Gasperi & his successors. The political party that brings together Italian Catholics was at first totally independent of the Vatican. During Pius XII's papacy after WWII, it came under the Vatican's thumb. After John XXIII (1959-1963), the principle of the separation of the Church & politics, which was adhered to by all later popes, was stressed. The present-day crisis of Christian democracy is the outcome of the falling away from Christian social principles in the conduct of politics. Adapted from the source document.

The paper deals with the evolution of the Catholic social & political movement & Christian democratic parties since the end of the 19th century. The origins of Catholic political involvement lie in the need to counter the challenges of capitalism, socialism, & liberal democracy. Its original platform was Pope Leo XIII's encyclical Rerum novarum. Christian democracy as a party option dates back to the emergence of the Popular Party (Partito popolare), first under the leadership of Romulo Murri, & after WWI by Luigi Sturzo, followed by the Christian democracy (Democrazia christiana) of Alcide de Gasperi & his successors. The political party that brings together Italian Catholics was at first totally independent of the Vatican. During Pius XII's papacy after WWII, it came under the Vatican's thumb. After John XXIII (1959-1963), the principle of the separation of the Church & politics, which was adhered to by all later popes, was stressed. The present-day crisis of Christian democracy is the outcome of the falling away from Christian social principles in the conduct of politics. Adapted from the source document.