The research objective of the dissertation is to complete the analysis on the first Iran's Supreme Leader's ayatollah Khumayni's concept of justice and, consequently, to create an analytical perspective, which would serve for the further Iranian foreign policy analysis. Research revealed that the complex logics of Khumayni's political thought and his concept of justice can be traced as an integral or unsolid narrative in today's Iranian foreign policy. Respectively, every case of Iranian politics can be explained through the discourse of Khumayni's justice. The analysis of Khumayni's concept of justice is performed combining methodological guidelines of adherents of the Cambridge School of Political Thought J. G. A. Pocock and Q. Skinner. The analysis indicated that the principal of justice is the prime Shi'ite principle and it has kept the same status in neo-Shi'itic Khumaynistic ideology. Political justice cannot be suspended and its significance is embedded in the Iranian Constitution. More over certain political and social punishment mechanisms exist to control its observance. The analysis also showed that Khumayni's concept of justice has a strong global dimension and implies certain political behavior, which is perceived by Iran as just, but not identified as such by the international community: for instance, spread of revolutionary ideas and support for resistance movements abroad, enmity towards Western states and i.e. More over the analysis of the concept of justice provides with the understanding about idealistic and pragmatic features of Iranian foreign politics, as well as with other aspects associated with international justice.
The research objective of the dissertation is to complete the analysis on the first Iran's Supreme Leader's ayatollah Khumayni's concept of justice and, consequently, to create an analytical perspective, which would serve for the further Iranian foreign policy analysis. Research revealed that the complex logics of Khumayni's political thought and his concept of justice can be traced as an integral or unsolid narrative in today's Iranian foreign policy. Respectively, every case of Iranian politics can be explained through the discourse of Khumayni's justice. The analysis of Khumayni's concept of justice is performed combining methodological guidelines of adherents of the Cambridge School of Political Thought J. G. A. Pocock and Q. Skinner. The analysis indicated that the principal of justice is the prime Shi'ite principle and it has kept the same status in neo-Shi'itic Khumaynistic ideology. Political justice cannot be suspended and its significance is embedded in the Iranian Constitution. More over certain political and social punishment mechanisms exist to control its observance. The analysis also showed that Khumayni's concept of justice has a strong global dimension and implies certain political behavior, which is perceived by Iran as just, but not identified as such by the international community: for instance, spread of revolutionary ideas and support for resistance movements abroad, enmity towards Western states and i.e. More over the analysis of the concept of justice provides with the understanding about idealistic and pragmatic features of Iranian foreign politics, as well as with other aspects associated with international justice.
The research objective of the dissertation is to complete the analysis on the first Iran's Supreme Leader's ayatollah Khumayni's concept of justice and, consequently, to create an analytical perspective, which would serve for the further Iranian foreign policy analysis. Research revealed that the complex logics of Khumayni's political thought and his concept of justice can be traced as an integral or unsolid narrative in today's Iranian foreign policy. Respectively, every case of Iranian politics can be explained through the discourse of Khumayni's justice. The analysis of Khumayni's concept of justice is performed combining methodological guidelines of adherents of the Cambridge School of Political Thought J. G. A. Pocock and Q. Skinner. The analysis indicated that the principal of justice is the prime Shi'ite principle and it has kept the same status in neo-Shi'itic Khumaynistic ideology. Political justice cannot be suspended and its significance is embedded in the Iranian Constitution. More over certain political and social punishment mechanisms exist to control its observance. The analysis also showed that Khumayni's concept of justice has a strong global dimension and implies certain political behavior, which is perceived by Iran as just, but not identified as such by the international community: for instance, spread of revolutionary ideas and support for resistance movements abroad, enmity towards Western states and i.e. More over the analysis of the concept of justice provides with the understanding about idealistic and pragmatic features of Iranian foreign politics, as well as with other aspects associated with international justice.
The research objective of the dissertation is to complete the analysis on the first Iran's Supreme Leader's ayatollah Khumayni's concept of justice and, consequently, to create an analytical perspective, which would serve for the further Iranian foreign policy analysis. Research revealed that the complex logics of Khumayni's political thought and his concept of justice can be traced as an integral or unsolid narrative in today's Iranian foreign policy. Respectively, every case of Iranian politics can be explained through the discourse of Khumayni's justice. The analysis of Khumayni's concept of justice is performed combining methodological guidelines of adherents of the Cambridge School of Political Thought J. G. A. Pocock and Q. Skinner. The analysis indicated that the principal of justice is the prime Shi'ite principle and it has kept the same status in neo-Shi'itic Khumaynistic ideology. Political justice cannot be suspended and its significance is embedded in the Iranian Constitution. More over certain political and social punishment mechanisms exist to control its observance. The analysis also showed that Khumayni's concept of justice has a strong global dimension and implies certain political behavior, which is perceived by Iran as just, but not identified as such by the international community: for instance, spread of revolutionary ideas and support for resistance movements abroad, enmity towards Western states and i.e. More over the analysis of the concept of justice provides with the understanding about idealistic and pragmatic features of Iranian foreign politics, as well as with other aspects associated with international justice.
The research objective of the dissertation is to complete the analysis on the first Iran's Supreme Leader's ayatollah Khumayni's concept of justice and, consequently, to create an analytical perspective, which would serve for the further Iranian foreign policy analysis. Research revealed that the complex logics of Khumayni's political thought and his concept of justice can be traced as an integral or unsolid narrative in today's Iranian foreign policy. Respectively, every case of Iranian politics can be explained through the discourse of Khumayni's justice. The analysis of Khumayni's concept of justice is performed combining methodological guidelines of adherents of the Cambridge School of Political Thought J. G. A. Pocock and Q. Skinner. The analysis indicated that the principal of justice is the prime Shi'ite principle and it has kept the same status in neo-Shi'itic Khumaynistic ideology. Political justice cannot be suspended and its significance is embedded in the Iranian Constitution. More over certain political and social punishment mechanisms exist to control its observance. The analysis also showed that Khumayni's concept of justice has a strong global dimension and implies certain political behavior, which is perceived by Iran as just, but not identified as such by the international community: for instance, spread of revolutionary ideas and support for resistance movements abroad, enmity towards Western states and i.e. More over the analysis of the concept of justice provides with the understanding about idealistic and pragmatic features of Iranian foreign politics, as well as with other aspects associated with international justice.
The research objective of the dissertation is to complete the analysis on the first Iran's Supreme Leader's ayatollah Khumayni's concept of justice and, consequently, to create an analytical perspective, which would serve for the further Iranian foreign policy analysis. Research revealed that the complex logics of Khumayni's political thought and his concept of justice can be traced as an integral or unsolid narrative in today's Iranian foreign policy. Respectively, every case of Iranian politics can be explained through the discourse of Khumayni's justice. The analysis of Khumayni's concept of justice is performed combining methodological guidelines of adherents of the Cambridge School of Political Thought J. G. A. Pocock and Q. Skinner. The analysis indicated that the principal of justice is the prime Shi'ite principle and it has kept the same status in neo-Shi'itic Khumaynistic ideology. Political justice cannot be suspended and its significance is embedded in the Iranian Constitution. More over certain political and social punishment mechanisms exist to control its observance. The analysis also showed that Khumayni's concept of justice has a strong global dimension and implies certain political behavior, which is perceived by Iran as just, but not identified as such by the international community: for instance, spread of revolutionary ideas and support for resistance movements abroad, enmity towards Western states and i.e. More over the analysis of the concept of justice provides with the understanding about idealistic and pragmatic features of Iranian foreign politics, as well as with other aspects associated with international justice.
The research objective of the dissertation is to complete the analysis on the first Iran's Supreme Leader's ayatollah Khumayni's concept of justice and, consequently, to create an analytical perspective, which would serve for the further Iranian foreign policy analysis. Research revealed that the complex logics of Khumayni's political thought and his concept of justice can be traced as an integral or unsolid narrative in today's Iranian foreign policy. Respectively, every case of Iranian politics can be explained through the discourse of Khumayni's justice. The analysis of Khumayni's concept of justice is performed combining methodological guidelines of adherents of the Cambridge School of Political Thought J. G. A. Pocock and Q. Skinner. The analysis indicated that the principal of justice is the prime Shi'ite principle and it has kept the same status in neo-Shi'itic Khumaynistic ideology. Political justice cannot be suspended and its significance is embedded in the Iranian Constitution. More over certain political and social punishment mechanisms exist to control its observance. The analysis also showed that Khumayni's concept of justice has a strong global dimension and implies certain political behavior, which is perceived by Iran as just, but not identified as such by the international community: for instance, spread of revolutionary ideas and support for resistance movements abroad, enmity towards Western states and i.e. More over the analysis of the concept of justice provides with the understanding about idealistic and pragmatic features of Iranian foreign politics, as well as with other aspects associated with international justice.
The main objective of this work - to assess the possibility of synthesized conflict transformation model to address the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh. My problem is the work reads as follows: if the conflict management strategy still did not produce tangible results (and it is unlikely that it could give) for solving the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict should be thinking about other complex peacebuilding analysis and practice. To achieve the main objective of this work I had to address these tasks: 1.Make access to conflict transformation approach; 2.On the base of conflict transformation theory create synthesized research model of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict; 3.To reveal what the internal causes leads to disagreement between Azerbaijan and Armenia on Nagorno-Karabakh conflict issues; 4.To evaluate the role of external actors (Russia, Turkey, the EU, the U.S. and Iran), which indirectly involved in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict; 5.Identify internal and external factors for the ratio of Nagorno-Karabakh conflict transformation perspective; There are the some conclusions of my research: Analysis of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict through the prism of the five types of transformations shows that in the sense of the four types (structures, actors, problems, the elite level) the transformation took place at negative direction. Only the context transformation can be seen a positive transformation process, which may in the future affect positive transformation of the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh. Azerbaijan is an important route for supplying oil and gas in the West, bypassing Russia. This increases the importance of Azerbaijan to the West, which may eventually be forced to increasingly focus on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Nagorno-Karabakh conflict analysis showed that the activity of interior actors of second and third level have no impact on conflict transformation. Over the past 15 years in Armenia and Azerbaijan no ground for the first, the second and the third level actors' interaction was created. It should be noted that Russia, Turkey and Iran do not use second and third track diplomacy in South Caucasus. EU, U.S. and Turkey, under certain conditions, can adress the second and third levels of transformation initiatives in niche Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. In order to obtain greater effectiveness of such initiatives should be established a structure to coordinate the second-and third-level diplomatic efforts in Azerbaijan, Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh. Russia remains a major obstacle to the Nagorno-Karabakh peace process. South Caucasus, Moscow considers its "near abroad" in its sphere of influence, so it reacts cautiously to U.S. and EU promotes of democracy and human rights initiatives. In this case, Russia sees post-modern Western peace-building strategies as nothing more than a Western desire to assert its influence in the region. Unlikely that Russia would be interested in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict settlement. The Western strategy for implementing the transformation of the conflict must pay attention to the importance of the Russian factor and focus on long-term work – the transformation of the structure and problems in Armenia and Azerbaijan. Internal and external context of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict analysis presupposes the view that the compromise between the Armenian and Azerbaijani authorities in the near future is impossible. One of the most realistic option is the establishment of diplomatic relations between Armenia and Turkey. If Ankara will agree to establish diplomatic relations with Yerevan and open the border, the situation in the region may be in a positive change. Most importantly, it would reduce Russia's role both in Armenia and the South Caucasus. This should be most interested in Turkey. In my view, the first track diplomacy of the Western diplomats' efforts should be aimed at precisely that direction.
The main objective of this work - to assess the possibility of synthesized conflict transformation model to address the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh. My problem is the work reads as follows: if the conflict management strategy still did not produce tangible results (and it is unlikely that it could give) for solving the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict should be thinking about other complex peacebuilding analysis and practice. To achieve the main objective of this work I had to address these tasks: 1.Make access to conflict transformation approach; 2.On the base of conflict transformation theory create synthesized research model of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict; 3.To reveal what the internal causes leads to disagreement between Azerbaijan and Armenia on Nagorno-Karabakh conflict issues; 4.To evaluate the role of external actors (Russia, Turkey, the EU, the U.S. and Iran), which indirectly involved in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict; 5.Identify internal and external factors for the ratio of Nagorno-Karabakh conflict transformation perspective; There are the some conclusions of my research: Analysis of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict through the prism of the five types of transformations shows that in the sense of the four types (structures, actors, problems, the elite level) the transformation took place at negative direction. Only the context transformation can be seen a positive transformation process, which may in the future affect positive transformation of the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh. Azerbaijan is an important route for supplying oil and gas in the West, bypassing Russia. This increases the importance of Azerbaijan to the West, which may eventually be forced to increasingly focus on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Nagorno-Karabakh conflict analysis showed that the activity of interior actors of second and third level have no impact on conflict transformation. Over the past 15 years in Armenia and Azerbaijan no ground for the first, the second and the third level actors' interaction was created. It should be noted that Russia, Turkey and Iran do not use second and third track diplomacy in South Caucasus. EU, U.S. and Turkey, under certain conditions, can adress the second and third levels of transformation initiatives in niche Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. In order to obtain greater effectiveness of such initiatives should be established a structure to coordinate the second-and third-level diplomatic efforts in Azerbaijan, Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh. Russia remains a major obstacle to the Nagorno-Karabakh peace process. South Caucasus, Moscow considers its "near abroad" in its sphere of influence, so it reacts cautiously to U.S. and EU promotes of democracy and human rights initiatives. In this case, Russia sees post-modern Western peace-building strategies as nothing more than a Western desire to assert its influence in the region. Unlikely that Russia would be interested in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict settlement. The Western strategy for implementing the transformation of the conflict must pay attention to the importance of the Russian factor and focus on long-term work – the transformation of the structure and problems in Armenia and Azerbaijan. Internal and external context of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict analysis presupposes the view that the compromise between the Armenian and Azerbaijani authorities in the near future is impossible. One of the most realistic option is the establishment of diplomatic relations between Armenia and Turkey. If Ankara will agree to establish diplomatic relations with Yerevan and open the border, the situation in the region may be in a positive change. Most importantly, it would reduce Russia's role both in Armenia and the South Caucasus. This should be most interested in Turkey. In my view, the first track diplomacy of the Western diplomats' efforts should be aimed at precisely that direction.
The main objective of this work - to assess the possibility of synthesized conflict transformation model to address the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh. My problem is the work reads as follows: if the conflict management strategy still did not produce tangible results (and it is unlikely that it could give) for solving the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict should be thinking about other complex peacebuilding analysis and practice. To achieve the main objective of this work I had to address these tasks: 1.Make access to conflict transformation approach; 2.On the base of conflict transformation theory create synthesized research model of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict; 3.To reveal what the internal causes leads to disagreement between Azerbaijan and Armenia on Nagorno-Karabakh conflict issues; 4.To evaluate the role of external actors (Russia, Turkey, the EU, the U.S. and Iran), which indirectly involved in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict; 5.Identify internal and external factors for the ratio of Nagorno-Karabakh conflict transformation perspective; There are the some conclusions of my research: Analysis of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict through the prism of the five types of transformations shows that in the sense of the four types (structures, actors, problems, the elite level) the transformation took place at negative direction. Only the context transformation can be seen a positive transformation process, which may in the future affect positive transformation of the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh. Azerbaijan is an important route for supplying oil and gas in the West, bypassing Russia. This increases the importance of Azerbaijan to the West, which may eventually be forced to increasingly focus on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Nagorno-Karabakh conflict analysis showed that the activity of interior actors of second and third level have no impact on conflict transformation. Over the past 15 years in Armenia and Azerbaijan no ground for the first, the second and the third level actors' interaction was created. It should be noted that Russia, Turkey and Iran do not use second and third track diplomacy in South Caucasus. EU, U.S. and Turkey, under certain conditions, can adress the second and third levels of transformation initiatives in niche Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. In order to obtain greater effectiveness of such initiatives should be established a structure to coordinate the second-and third-level diplomatic efforts in Azerbaijan, Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh. Russia remains a major obstacle to the Nagorno-Karabakh peace process. South Caucasus, Moscow considers its "near abroad" in its sphere of influence, so it reacts cautiously to U.S. and EU promotes of democracy and human rights initiatives. In this case, Russia sees post-modern Western peace-building strategies as nothing more than a Western desire to assert its influence in the region. Unlikely that Russia would be interested in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict settlement. The Western strategy for implementing the transformation of the conflict must pay attention to the importance of the Russian factor and focus on long-term work – the transformation of the structure and problems in Armenia and Azerbaijan. Internal and external context of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict analysis presupposes the view that the compromise between the Armenian and Azerbaijani authorities in the near future is impossible. One of the most realistic option is the establishment of diplomatic relations between Armenia and Turkey. If Ankara will agree to establish diplomatic relations with Yerevan and open the border, the situation in the region may be in a positive change. Most importantly, it would reduce Russia's role both in Armenia and the South Caucasus. This should be most interested in Turkey. In my view, the first track diplomacy of the Western diplomats' efforts should be aimed at precisely that direction.
The main objective of this work - to assess the possibility of synthesized conflict transformation model to address the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh. My problem is the work reads as follows: if the conflict management strategy still did not produce tangible results (and it is unlikely that it could give) for solving the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict should be thinking about other complex peacebuilding analysis and practice. To achieve the main objective of this work I had to address these tasks: 1.Make access to conflict transformation approach; 2.On the base of conflict transformation theory create synthesized research model of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict; 3.To reveal what the internal causes leads to disagreement between Azerbaijan and Armenia on Nagorno-Karabakh conflict issues; 4.To evaluate the role of external actors (Russia, Turkey, the EU, the U.S. and Iran), which indirectly involved in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict; 5.Identify internal and external factors for the ratio of Nagorno-Karabakh conflict transformation perspective; There are the some conclusions of my research: Analysis of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict through the prism of the five types of transformations shows that in the sense of the four types (structures, actors, problems, the elite level) the transformation took place at negative direction. Only the context transformation can be seen a positive transformation process, which may in the future affect positive transformation of the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh. Azerbaijan is an important route for supplying oil and gas in the West, bypassing Russia. This increases the importance of Azerbaijan to the West, which may eventually be forced to increasingly focus on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Nagorno-Karabakh conflict analysis showed that the activity of interior actors of second and third level have no impact on conflict transformation. Over the past 15 years in Armenia and Azerbaijan no ground for the first, the second and the third level actors' interaction was created. It should be noted that Russia, Turkey and Iran do not use second and third track diplomacy in South Caucasus. EU, U.S. and Turkey, under certain conditions, can adress the second and third levels of transformation initiatives in niche Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. In order to obtain greater effectiveness of such initiatives should be established a structure to coordinate the second-and third-level diplomatic efforts in Azerbaijan, Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh. Russia remains a major obstacle to the Nagorno-Karabakh peace process. South Caucasus, Moscow considers its "near abroad" in its sphere of influence, so it reacts cautiously to U.S. and EU promotes of democracy and human rights initiatives. In this case, Russia sees post-modern Western peace-building strategies as nothing more than a Western desire to assert its influence in the region. Unlikely that Russia would be interested in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict settlement. The Western strategy for implementing the transformation of the conflict must pay attention to the importance of the Russian factor and focus on long-term work – the transformation of the structure and problems in Armenia and Azerbaijan. Internal and external context of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict analysis presupposes the view that the compromise between the Armenian and Azerbaijani authorities in the near future is impossible. One of the most realistic option is the establishment of diplomatic relations between Armenia and Turkey. If Ankara will agree to establish diplomatic relations with Yerevan and open the border, the situation in the region may be in a positive change. Most importantly, it would reduce Russia's role both in Armenia and the South Caucasus. This should be most interested in Turkey. In my view, the first track diplomacy of the Western diplomats' efforts should be aimed at precisely that direction.
War, domestic violence, and economic instability in a country force its residents to flee their homeland and their place of birth to a different part of the world to save their lives, and around 70.8 million people have been displaced across the world (UNHCR, 2019). It is also a fundamental fact that women and children who have fled in this manner have been subject to various forms of violence and torture during their journey. Refugees are increasingly interested in emigrating to the United States of America, given the political and economic importance of the nation. Nevertheless, the United States has a strict legal system in place to prevent uncontrolled immigration, and hence the refugees face a variety of problems in order to travel to it. Refugees, particularly those travelling tens of thousands of kilometres are from Central American countries, Africa, Iran, and Syria, have arrived inmany towns along the US-Mexico border. Increasing numbers of refugees force governments of the receiving countries to provide accommodation, food, and other facilities, which causes an inevitable financial crisis in the receiving regions. In such cases, the non-governmental organizations (NGOs) play a significant role in helping refugees with various types of assistance, and it is important to analyze the human rights activities of NGOs. NGOs have been a lobbyist in influencing legislators through a variety of political consultations and creating laws that protect refugees. It is crucial that NGOs can influence the Government level and various types of Cabinet Meetings, to study the issues of refugees and provide different kinds of possible support and assistance through their advocacy activities. The influence of the new media technologies in this twenty-first century has increased the opportunity to understand the lives of different people from different parts of the world and conduct various socio-political debates on global issues, such as the refugee crisis. Therefore, we need to evaluate the role of the social media of NGOs as a lobbyist in advocacy on addressing the refugee crisis. The article aims to identify the role of NGOs in addressing the migrant crisis and upholding the sanctuary policy in Florida that facilitates migrant integration. Research methods include a qualitative interview with the Florida Immigrant Coalition (FIC) and analyzing its social media discourse. The anti-sanctuary bill passed by the Florida state legislature were analysed; the analysis shows that the advocacy for the refugee crisis by NGOs using social media platforms increases civic participation. Such activism has a significant role in influencing policy framework on combating the crisis of refugee integration.
War, domestic violence, and economic instability in a country force its residents to flee their homeland and their place of birth to a different part of the world to save their lives, and around 70.8 million people have been displaced across the world (UNHCR, 2019). It is also a fundamental fact that women and children who have fled in this manner have been subject to various forms of violence and torture during their journey. Refugees are increasingly interested in emigrating to the United States of America, given the political and economic importance of the nation. Nevertheless, the United States has a strict legal system in place to prevent uncontrolled immigration, and hence the refugees face a variety of problems in order to travel to it. Refugees, particularly those travelling tens of thousands of kilometres are from Central American countries, Africa, Iran, and Syria, have arrived inmany towns along the US-Mexico border. Increasing numbers of refugees force governments of the receiving countries to provide accommodation, food, and other facilities, which causes an inevitable financial crisis in the receiving regions. In such cases, the non-governmental organizations (NGOs) play a significant role in helping refugees with various types of assistance, and it is important to analyze the human rights activities of NGOs. NGOs have been a lobbyist in influencing legislators through a variety of political consultations and creating laws that protect refugees. It is crucial that NGOs can influence the Government level and various types of Cabinet Meetings, to study the issues of refugees and provide different kinds of possible support and assistance through their advocacy activities. The influence of the new media technologies in this twenty-first century has increased the opportunity to understand the lives of different people from different parts of the world and conduct various socio-political debates on global issues, such as the refugee crisis. Therefore, we need to evaluate the role of the social media of NGOs as a lobbyist in advocacy on addressing the refugee crisis. The article aims to identify the role of NGOs in addressing the migrant crisis and upholding the sanctuary policy in Florida that facilitates migrant integration. Research methods include a qualitative interview with the Florida Immigrant Coalition (FIC) and analyzing its social media discourse. The anti-sanctuary bill passed by the Florida state legislature were analysed; the analysis shows that the advocacy for the refugee crisis by NGOs using social media platforms increases civic participation. Such activism has a significant role in influencing policy framework on combating the crisis of refugee integration.
War, domestic violence, and economic instability in a country force its residents to flee their homeland and their place of birth to a different part of the world to save their lives, and around 70.8 million people have been displaced across the world (UNHCR, 2019). It is also a fundamental fact that women and children who have fled in this manner have been subject to various forms of violence and torture during their journey. Refugees are increasingly interested in emigrating to the United States of America, given the political and economic importance of the nation. Nevertheless, the United States has a strict legal system in place to prevent uncontrolled immigration, and hence the refugees face a variety of problems in order to travel to it. Refugees, particularly those travelling tens of thousands of kilometres are from Central American countries, Africa, Iran, and Syria, have arrived inmany towns along the US-Mexico border. Increasing numbers of refugees force governments of the receiving countries to provide accommodation, food, and other facilities, which causes an inevitable financial crisis in the receiving regions. In such cases, the non-governmental organizations (NGOs) play a significant role in helping refugees with various types of assistance, and it is important to analyze the human rights activities of NGOs. NGOs have been a lobbyist in influencing legislators through a variety of political consultations and creating laws that protect refugees. It is crucial that NGOs can influence the Government level and various types of Cabinet Meetings, to study the issues of refugees and provide different kinds of possible support and assistance through their advocacy activities. The influence of the new media technologies in this twenty-first century has increased the opportunity to understand the lives of different people from different parts of the world and conduct various socio-political debates on global issues, such as the refugee crisis. Therefore, we need to evaluate the role of the social media of NGOs as a lobbyist in advocacy on addressing the refugee crisis. The article aims to identify the role of NGOs in addressing the migrant crisis and upholding the sanctuary policy in Florida that facilitates migrant integration. Research methods include a qualitative interview with the Florida Immigrant Coalition (FIC) and analyzing its social media discourse. The anti-sanctuary bill passed by the Florida state legislature were analysed; the analysis shows that the advocacy for the refugee crisis by NGOs using social media platforms increases civic participation. Such activism has a significant role in influencing policy framework on combating the crisis of refugee integration.
War, domestic violence, and economic instability in a country force its residents to flee their homeland and their place of birth to a different part of the world to save their lives, and around 70.8 million people have been displaced across the world (UNHCR, 2019). It is also a fundamental fact that women and children who have fled in this manner have been subject to various forms of violence and torture during their journey. Refugees are increasingly interested in emigrating to the United States of America, given the political and economic importance of the nation. Nevertheless, the United States has a strict legal system in place to prevent uncontrolled immigration, and hence the refugees face a variety of problems in order to travel to it. Refugees, particularly those travelling tens of thousands of kilometres are from Central American countries, Africa, Iran, and Syria, have arrived inmany towns along the US-Mexico border. Increasing numbers of refugees force governments of the receiving countries to provide accommodation, food, and other facilities, which causes an inevitable financial crisis in the receiving regions. In such cases, the non-governmental organizations (NGOs) play a significant role in helping refugees with various types of assistance, and it is important to analyze the human rights activities of NGOs. NGOs have been a lobbyist in influencing legislators through a variety of political consultations and creating laws that protect refugees. It is crucial that NGOs can influence the Government level and various types of Cabinet Meetings, to study the issues of refugees and provide different kinds of possible support and assistance through their advocacy activities. The influence of the new media technologies in this twenty-first century has increased the opportunity to understand the lives of different people from different parts of the world and conduct various socio-political debates on global issues, such as the refugee crisis. Therefore, we need to evaluate the role of the social media of NGOs as a lobbyist in advocacy on addressing the refugee crisis. The article aims to identify the role of NGOs in addressing the migrant crisis and upholding the sanctuary policy in Florida that facilitates migrant integration. Research methods include a qualitative interview with the Florida Immigrant Coalition (FIC) and analyzing its social media discourse. The anti-sanctuary bill passed by the Florida state legislature were analysed; the analysis shows that the advocacy for the refugee crisis by NGOs using social media platforms increases civic participation. Such activism has a significant role in influencing policy framework on combating the crisis of refugee integration.
