Suchergebnisse

Kolaps reda i rasprostranjeno nasilje u Albaniji 1997. godine prouzročilo je pad Vlade i smrt oko 2.000 osoba. Neredi 1997. godine bili su posljedica propasti špekulativnih financijskih piramidalnih shema koje su nalikovale ratnoj ekonomskoj strukturi. Tijekom događaja 1997. godine došlo je do konfiskacije i krađe državne imovine velikih razmjera. Tranzicijsko razdoblje Albanije iz komunističkog u demokratski sustav, započeto 1990. godine, dovelo je do uspostave novih struktura za profitiranje od resursa te zemlje. Neke od tih političkih i ekonomskih struktura nestale su kao posljedica događaja 1997. godine, a druge, uključujući njihove strukturalne posljedice, i dalje su prisutne i imaju utjecaj na političku stabilnost i ekonomski napredak zemlje. Danas možemo ocijeniti uspjehe i neuspjehe Albanije na temelju napretka te zemlje od događaja 1997. godine. U članku se analiziraju događaji 1997. godine kao i transformacija albanskih političkih i ekonomskih struktura između 1997. i 2016. godine, uzimajući u obzir postignuća i neuspjehe. Iz perspektive uspješnosti sagledava se način na koji se zemlja nosila s izgradnjom mira i razvojnom agendom nakon 1997. godine. Razmatraju se čimbenici koji su doveli do neuspješnosti države 1997. godine, kao i oni nakon toga, a koji su pridonijeli povijesnoj uvjetovanosti do trenutnog političkog konteksta države. Premda se mnogo pisalo o 1997. godini, vrlo je malo provedenih analiza iz perspektive istraživanja neuspješnih država. U tom kontekstu u članku se pokušava ponuditi Albanija kao primjer studije slučaja transformativnog procesa od ustanka do sadašnje situacije obilježene kao mješavina uspjeha i neuspjeha. U ovom se članku ukazuje na nekoliko pouka koje bi mogle biti od koristi za strategije usmjerene prema procesu transformacije. ; In 1997 Albania experienced a collapse of order and widespread violence, which resulted in a situation where the government was overthrown and some 2,000 people were killed. The 1997 disorder came as a result of the collapse of fraudulent financial pyramid schemes that had all the features of a war-like economic structure. During the 1997 events, large-scale confiscation and stealing of state assets occurred. Albania's transitional period from communism to democracy, which began in 1990, led to the establishment of new structures for profiting from the country's resources. Some of these political and economic structures, in the aftermath of the 1997 events, disappeared and others, including their structural effects, persist and have had an impact on the country's political stability and economic progress. Today, both the successes and failures of the country are assessed based on the progress that the country has made since the 1997 events. The paper analyses the 1997 events and the transformation of Albania's political and economic structures between 1997 and 2016, considering both achievements and failures. It looks at how the country has dealt with the post-1997 peace-building and development agenda from the perspective of it being a success. It looks at the factors that led to state failure in 1997 and at the factors that continue and have generated a path dependency to the current political context of the country. Although a lot has been written concerning the 1997 events, very little analysis has been conducted concerning what it means from the perspective of research on state failure. In this context, the proposed paper seeks to offer Albania as a case study example of a transformation process, from the uprising to the current situation, which is characterized as a mixture of successes and failures. The belief is that the proposed paper will point to some lessons learned for the strategies directed at the transformation processes.

Dugo je vremena koncept suvereniteta smatran kamenom temeljcem domaćeg i međunarodnog prava te političke misli. Koncepcija suvereniteta blisko je povezana s koncepcijom države. Bilo je to »normalno« stanje države, u kojem ona ima vrhovnu ili konačnu vlast u unutarnjim političkim i pravnim pitanjima, a svojstvo neovisnosti prema drugim državama. Međunarodnu zajednicu činile su ravnopravne i neovisne države. Danas, na početku 21. stoljeća, koncept suvereniteta izložen je mnogim izazovima, od kojih je najznačajniji proces globalizacije koji je doveo do sve veće međupovezanosti ljudi širom svijeta vidljive na svim poljima: političkim, vojnim, ekonomskim, kulturnim i pravnim. U ovom radu usredotočit ćemo se na pitanje kako globalizacija utječe na državni suverenitet te da ti pregled argumenata korištenih u novijoj literaturi. ; The concept of sovereignty was for a long time considered as one of the cornerstones of national and international law, and of political thought. The concept of sovereignty was closely connected with the concept of the state. It was a »normal« situation of a country where it had supreme or final power in political and legal matters in its domestic affairs, while at the same time it was independent in relation to all other countries. The international community used to consist of equal and independent states. At the beginning of the 21st century, the concept of sovereignty is faced with many challenges, both in theory and in practice. What happens within a country's territory and to its inhabitants is now less a consequence of national politics than the result of international circumstances – the difference between internal and foreign affairs is becoming increasingly vague. Several processes are happening simultaneously: globalisation (the development of information and communication technology; increase in foreign investments, the development of multinational corporations, and strengthening of the international economic and trade organisations' role), the process of European integration, the development of international protection of human rights (the development of cogent rules of international law, humanitarian interventions, the role of transnational non- governmental organisations), and the phenomenon of »failed states«. All the above mentioned has created a need to redefine the concept of sovereignty.

Dugo je vremena koncept suvereniteta smatran kamenom temeljcem domaćeg i međunarodnog prava te političke misli. Koncepcija suvereniteta blisko je povezana s koncepcijom države. Bilo je to »normalno« stanje države, u kojem ona ima vrhovnu ili konačnu vlast u unutarnjim političkim i pravnim pitanjima, a svojstvo neovisnosti prema drugim državama. Međunarodnu zajednicu činile su ravnopravne i neovisne države. Danas, na početku 21. stoljeća, koncept suvereniteta izložen je mnogim izazovima, od kojih je najznačajniji proces globalizacije koji je doveo do sve veće međupovezanos- ti ljudi širom svijeta vidljive na svim poljima: političkim, vojnim, ekonomskim, kulturnim i pravnim. U ovom radu usredotočit ćemo se na pitanje kako globalizacija utječe na državni suverenitet te dati pregled argumenata korištenih u novijoj literaturi. ; The concept of sovereignty was for a long time considered as one of the corner- stones of national and international law, and of political thought. The concept of sovereignty was closely connected with the concept of the state. It was a »normal« situation of a country where it had supreme or final power in political and legal matters in its domestic affairs, while at the same time it was independent in relation to all other countries. The international community used to consist of equal and independent States. At the beginning of the 21st Century, the concept of sovereignty is faced with many challenges, both in theory and in practice. What happens within a country's territory and to its inhabitants is now less a consequence of national politics than the result of international circumstances - the difference between internal and foreign affairs is becoming increasingly vague. Several processes are happening simultaneously: globalisation (the development of information and communication technology; increase in foreign Investments, the development of multinational corporations, and strengthening of the international economic and trade organisations' role), the process of European integration, the development of international protection of human rights (the development of cogent rules of international law, humanitarian interventions, the role of transnational non/governmental organisations), and the phenomenon of »failed States«. All the above mentioned has created a need to redefine the concept of sovereignty.

Članak problematizira demokratski karakter Države Izrael i uspoređuje ga sa stvarnim stanjem stvari. Proturječnost određenja Izraela kao "židovske i demokratske" države već je u samom začetku stvaranja prouzročila određene karakteristike koje su teško usporedive sa zapadnim liberalnim demokracijama. Izrael se takvim pokušava prikazati usprkos očiglednom nepovoljnom položaju arapske manjine koja danas čini približno 20 posto stanovništva. Taj se položaj izraelskih Arapa odražava ne samo na status manjine u Izraelu već i na geopolitičku situaciju na prostoru Izraela i Zapadne Obale. Status Palestinaca može se iščitati iz svakodnevne političke prakse, ali i iz temeljnih dokumenata i zakonodavstva Države Izrael. Segregacija stanovništva prema vjerskom određenju čini nevidljivi zid unutar samog izraelskog društva. ; The article deals with the declared democratic character of the State of Israel and compares it with the real state of affairs. The contradiction present in the definition of Israel as "Jewish and democratic" has from its very beginning created certain characteristics of the State that are hardly comparable with western liberal democracy. Israel is striving to present itself as such despite the obvious adverse position of the Arab minority, comprising around 20 per cent of the population. This position of the Israeli Arabs reflects itself not only on the status of the minority, but also on the entire geopolitical situation in Israel and the West Bank as well. The status of the Palestinians in Israel can be deducted from the everyday political practice as well as from the fundamental documents and legislation of the State of Israel. The segregation of population according to religion makes for an invisible wall within the Israeli society.

Terorizam je pojava poznata stoljećima. Borba protiv terorizma stara je koliko i sam terorizam. U novije vrijeme ona dobiva i novu dimenziju, ali još uvijek nema uspješne rezultate. Razlog za to može se tražiti i u nemogućnosti postizanja konsenzusa oko defi niranja što je to terorizam i tko su teroristi. Sama se percepcija terorizma promijenila nakon napada na WTC, a time i organi-zacija borbe protiv terorizma. Ta borba danas, u nastojanjima da pobijedi terorističke organizacije, ostavlja dubok trag na institucije i procese u liberalno- -demokratskim državama. Pojedinac je na Zapadu žrtva terorističkih napada, ali istovremeno i žrtva sve veće kontrole i "oslobađanja od slobode" koju provode, u borbi protiv terorizma, legitimno izabrane političke vlasti. Danas postoji velika opasnost od toga da liberalno demokratske države, u interesu obrane od terorizma, počnu provoditi državni terorizam nad svojim slobodnim građanima, a sve u svrhu sigurnosti. ; Terrorism is a phenomenon that has been present for many centuries. The fight against terrorism is as old as terrorism itself. In the new era it takes on a new dimension but still with no successful results. The reason for that can be found in the impossibility of forming a consensus on what terrorism is and who terrorists are. The perception of terrorism has changed after the attack on the WTC and within the organisation of the fight against terrorism. That struggle today, in its efforts to win against terrorist organisations, leaves a deep mark on the institutions and processes in a liberal democratic society. A person in the West can be a victim of terrorist attacks but also a victim of control and deprivation of freedom, which is implemented by legitimate elected political governance, in the fight against terrorism. Today there is a significant danger that a liberal democratic state will become a state of terrorism and take terrorist actions on its citizens and all in the name of security.

The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one. ; The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one.

The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one. ; The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one.

The world of sports is a reflection of the world of politics. It is becoming increasingly multipolar with the emerging states hosting mega sporting events. Firstly, the article problematizes the concept of multipolarity and, secondly, globalisation by questioning whether the Olympic Games reinforce national identities and promote national interests by using Olympic diplomacy as a soft power tool. In doing so, the article explores the correlation between the changes in international affairs and the hosting of and participation at the Olympic Games by emerging states such as Brazil, China and Russia. The analysis distinguishes globalisation from the role of the nation-state, by highlighting the evident differences between emerging states in terms of hosting the Games, but also takes into consideration geopolitical and geo-economic parameters. ; The world of sports is a reflection of the world of politics. It is becoming increasingly multipolar with the emerging states hosting mega sporting events. Firstly, the article problematizes the concept of multipolarity and, secondly, globalisation by questioning whether the Olympic Games reinforce national identities and promote national interests by using Olympic diplomacy as a soft power tool. In doing so, the article explores the correlation between the changes in international affairs and the hosting of and participation at the Olympic Games by emerging states such as Brazil, China and Russia. The analysis distinguishes globalisation from the role of the nation-state, by highlighting the evident differences between emerging states in terms of hosting the Games, but also takes into consideration geopolitical and geo-economic parameters.

The multinational corporations of today are more powerful than are many states. In this paper the author questions the structure of the corporation and its built-in mechanisms of responsibility to the citizens of the state in which it operates. With this in mind, the author examines and compares the organizational structures of corporations versus states. At first sight, the structure of a corporation resembles the structure of the state, however, were we to examine its structural mechanisms of responsibilty, we would come to see that it does not resemble a true democratic state, but rather the structure of a totalitarian one-party state. The structure of a corporation allows for mechanisms of supervision for the realization of shareholders' interests, but as yet has no established mechanisms to elicit legal, responsible, moral action toward all others. ; Multinacionalne korporacije danas su snažnije od brojnih država. U ovom radu želimo istražiti postoje li u strukturi korporacije ugrađeni mehanizmi odgovornosti prema građanima država u kojima djeluju. S tim ciljem razmotrili smo i usporedili organizacijske strukture korporacije i države. Iako je na prvi pogled po svojoj strukturi korporacija nalik strukturi države, pogledamo li ustrojstvene mehanizme odgovornosti, dolazimo do spoznaje da nije nalik pravoj demokratskoj državi, već ustroju totalitarne jednopartijske države. U svojoj strukturi ima mehanizme nadzora ostvarenja interesa dioničara, ali još nema izgrađene mehanizme koji bi je poticali na zakonito, odgovorno i moralno djelovanje prema svima ostalima.

The paper deals with state border control. The introduction stresses the importance ofboth the existence and preservation of state borders without which no country in the worldcould exist. Moreover, through the implementation of effective and quality control, thevalues that a certain society has achieved are maintained, which is also a guiding principleof this paper. Regardless of the subject matter itself, it is always important to start froma theoretical approach, thus here we give a clear definition of state borders, the notion ofborder, types of borders and everything that makes them exist as such. An important roleof the EU regulation in the fight against and prevention of organised smuggling of peopleis emphasised and theoretical assumptions thereof are presented. The role of the EU bodiesand systems, such as FRONTEX and the Schengen Information System, is also extremelyimportant. The Republic of Croatia plays a very proactive role in this respect because of itsspecific position and the fact that its borders are at the same time the longest external landborders of the European Union. In this regard, it is necessary to act in a systematic, organisedand coherent manner together with all EU Member States in order to prevent any negativeimpacts of migrant waves. ; Tema je ovoga rada nadzor državne granice. U samome uvodu naglašena je važnostpostojanja, ali i čuvanja državnih granica bez kojih jednostavno nije moguće egzistiranjenijedne države na svijetu. Štoviše, provođenjem učinkovitog i kvalitetnog nadzora čuvaju sevrijednosti koje je određeno društvo postiglo što je i svojevrsna nit vodilja ovoga rada. Bitno je,bez obzira na samu temu, uvijek krenuti od teorijskog pristupa pa je tako i ovdje dana jasnadefinicija državnih granica, pojma granice, vrste i sve ono što ih sačinjava. Naglašena je važnauloga propisa Europske unije u suzbijanju i prevenciji organiziranog krijumčarenja ljudi te suprikazane teorijske postavke istoga. Izrazito važna je i uloga tijela i sustava Europske unijekao što je FRONTEX i Schengenski informacijski sustav. U svemu tome izrazito proaktivnuulogu ima i Republika Hrvatska zbog svoga specifičnog položaja i činjenice da su njezinegranice ujedno i najdulje kopnene vanjske granice Europske unije. U tome smislu potrebno jedjelovati sustavno, organizirano i koherentno zajedno sa svim državama članicama Europskeunije kako bi se spriječile eventualne loše posljedice migrantskih valova.

Tema je ovoga rada nadzor državne granice. U samome uvodu naglašena je važnost postojanja, ali i čuvanja državnih granica bez kojih jednostavno nije moguće egzistiranje nijedne države na svijetu. Štoviše, provođenjem učinkovitog i kvalitetnog nadzora čuvaju se vrijednosti koje je određeno društvo postiglo što je i svojevrsna nit vodilja ovoga rada. Bitno je, bez obzira na samu temu, uvijek krenuti od teorijskog pristupa pa je tako i ovdje dana jasna definicija državnih granica, pojma granice, vrste i sve ono što ih sačinjava. Naglašena je važna uloga propisa Europske unije u suzbijanju i prevenciji organiziranog krijumčarenja ljudi te su prikazane teorijske postavke istoga. Izrazito važna je i uloga tijela i sustava Europske unije kao što je FRONTEX i Schengenski informacijski sustav. U svemu tome izrazito proaktivnu ulogu ima i Republika Hrvatska zbog svoga specifičnog položaja i činjenice da su njezine granice ujedno i najdulje kopnene vanjske granice Europske unije. U tome smislu potrebno je djelovati sustavno, organizirano i koherentno zajedno sa svim državama članicama Europske unije kako bi se spriječile eventualne loše posljedice migrantskih valova. ; The paper deals with state border control. The introduction stresses the importance of both the existence and preservation of state borders without which no country in the world could exist. Moreover, through the implementation of effective and quality control, the values that a certain society has achieved are maintained, which is also a guiding principle of this paper. Regardless of the subject matter itself, it is always important to start from a theoretical approach, thus here we give a clear definition of state borders, the notion of border, types of borders and everything that makes them exist as such. An important role of the EU regulation in the fight against and prevention of organised smuggling of people is emphasised and theoretical assumptions thereof are presented. The role of the EU bodies and systems, such as FRONTEX and the Schengen Information System, is also extremely important. The Republic of Croatia plays a very proactive role in this respect because of its specific position and the fact that its borders are at the same time the longest external land borders of the European Union. In this regard, it is necessary to act in a systematic, organised and coherent manner together with all EU Member States in order to prevent any negative impacts of migrant waves.

Nakon završetka hladnoga rata mijenja se paradigma globalne sigurnosti. Sve su manje mogućnosti međudržavnih sukoba (zanemarive, ali ne i nemoguće), dok globalnu sigurnost više ugrožavaju tzv. nedržavni akteri, kao što su razne terorističke skupine, nove prijetnje u obliku krijumčarenja ljudi, droga, oružja masovnoga uništenja itd. Na njih je sve teže reagirati s pozicije logike države, već treba reagirati zajednički, na osnovi zajedničkih kriterija, a takve kriterije nudi logika tržišta. Budući da države još uvijek igraju određenu ulogu u učvršćivanju globalne sigurnosti, bilo bi optimalno kombinirati logiku države i tržišta, što znači njihovo prožimanje. O tome svjedoče problemi koji se javljaju oko rješavanja aktualnih sigurnosnih kriza u svijetu, kao što je primjerice slučaj Ukrajine. Ako se rješenja traže samo na osnovi logike tržišta ili samo na osnovi logike države, a ne na osnovi prožimanja tih dviju logika, izgledi za očuvanje globalne stabilnosti i sigurnosti bitno se smanjuju. ; The paradigm of global security has been changed after the Cold War. There are not so many possibilities for interstate conflicts (they are negligible, but not impossible), while global security is more endangered by the so called non-state actors such as different terrorist groups, new threats in the form of smuggling people, drugs, weapon of mass destruction, etc. It becomes harder and harder to react on them from the position of the state logics, it is necessary to react on them jointly, on the basis of common criteria and such criteria are offered by the market logics. Since states still play a certain role in reinforcing global security, it should be optimal to combine the logics of the state and market which means its interfusion. The evidence for that are problems which arise in solving the current security crises in the world, such as Ukraine case. If the solutions are searched only on the basis of the market logics or only on the basis of the state logics and not on the basis of interfusion of those two, perspectives for preserving global stability and security are crucially decreased.

Autor iznosi ključne postupke diplomacije Nezavisne Države Hrvatske: od ustrojstva ministarstva vanjskih poslova u travnju 1941. do zadnjih pokušaja spašavanja NDH u svibnju 1945. U članku su prezentirani svi relevantni događaji za diplomaciju NDH s naglaskom na najvažnije aktere u pojedinim diplomatskim akcijama. Navedeni su svi ministri vanjskih poslova koji su bili na čelu ministarstva, njihove diplomatske aktivnosti te razlozi njihove smjene ili ostavke. Članak također daje uvid u krajnju zavisnost ustaškog režima prema fašističkim saveznicama, Njemačkoj i Italiji – obrađujući odnos sa svakom od njih posebno. Učestalo mijenjanje ministara vanjskih poslova i poslanika u najvažnijim državama za NDH izraz je visoke nestabilnosti i podčinjenosti ustaškog režima okupacijskim silama. ; The author presents the key moments of the diplomacy of the Independent State of Croatia: from the organization of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in April 1941 to the last attempts to save the Independent State of Croatia in May 1945. The article presents all relevant events for the diplomacy of the Independent State of Croatia with a focus on the most important participant in certain diplomatic actions. The paper lists all foreign ministers who headed the ministry, their diplomatic activities and the reasons for their dismissal or resignation. The article also provides an insight into the utmost dependence of the Ustasha regime on fascist allies, Germany and Italy. processing the relationship with each of them separately. The frequent change of foreign ministers and ambassadors in the most important states for the NDH is an expression of high instability and subordination of the Ustasha regime to the occupying forces.

Ovaj rad polazi od manjkave osmišljenosli uloge suvremene demokratske države sa željom da nastavi diskusiju o demokratskoj državi kao jednom idealu koji u potpunosti još nigdje nije do kraja realiziran. Autor kritizira neprikladan odnos prema državi koji je pod okriljem Marxove teorije razvijan u jednom duljem razdoblju kod nas. Ljudima koji bi htjeli olako ukinuti državu, ili je svesti na samo jednu dimenziju, po autorovu mišljenju, treba stalno obraćati pažnju na činjenicu da je život u čitavoj ovoj našoj civilizaciji vezan uz cjeline koje traže neprekidno rješavanje određenih zadataka. Država prema tome nije po sebi loša, već je loša samo u slučaju ako djeluje protivno javnim interesima. U suvremenosti je posebno interesantna uloga države u rješavanju ekološke problematike, što autor ističe kao primjer potrebe razumijevanja države kao regulator zajedničkih poslova. Po autorovom mišljenju država kao regulator zajedničkih poslova ima još mnogo zadataka i treba je stalno usavršavati i osposobljavati da ih izvrši na najbolji način. ; Having in mind a deficiently elaborated role of the contemporary democratic state, in this paper the author attempts to continue the discussion about the democratic stale as an ideal not yet fully realized anywhere. The author criticizes the inadequate relationship towards the state, developing in Yugoslavia for a long lime, under the wing of Marx's theory. According to the author those who wish to easily abolish the stale or reduce it to only on only one dimension must be constantly warned of the fact that life in our entire civilization is linked to issues requiring incessant settling. Therefore, the state is not bad in itself but only when acting against public interests. Today, an especially interesting role of the state is in solving environmental problems, which the author stresses as an example of the need to look upon the slate as a regulator of communal affairs. According to the author, the state as regulator of communal affairs has many other tasks to fulfill and should be constantly perfected as well as enabled to carry out those tasks in the best way.

U tekstu se rastvara pojam "dekonstrukcije" administrativne države u SAD-u kao njen reprezentativni primjer. Polazeći od dominacije moderne administrativne države, puna slika suvremenog konstitucionalizma u SAD-u mora uključivati administrativni konstitucionalizam kao svekoliko razumijevanje i interpretaciju suvremene administrativne države i njene strukture od strane agencija i drugih aktivnih aktera upravnoga prava. Administrativni konstitucionalizam danas je jedan od najintenzivnije izučavanih predmeta istraživanja komparativnog ustavnog i upravnog prava. Razlog egzegeze ovoga pitanja nisu samo njegove različite dimenzije već i činjenica da on predstavlja glavni mehanizam kojim se danas elaborira i implementira ustavno značenje. ; This paper opens up the concept of "deconstruction "of administrative states in the USA as its representative example. Starting from the domination of a modern administrative state, the full picture of modern constitutionalism in the USA must include administrative constitutionalism as overall understanding and interpretation of a modern administrative state and its structure by agencies and other active participants in administrative law. Administrative constitutionalism is today one of the most intensively studied subjects of investigation of comparative constitutional and administrative law. The reason for exegesis of this issue is not only its various dimensions but also the fact that it represents the main mechanism which today elaborates and implements constitutional meaning.