Challenging orthodoxies in gender, violence, and international relations
In: Tijdschrift voor genderstudies, Band 25, Heft 2, S. 188-191
ISSN: 2352-2437
128 Ergebnisse
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In: Tijdschrift voor genderstudies, Band 25, Heft 2, S. 188-191
ISSN: 2352-2437
In: Militaire spectator: MS ; maanblad ; waarin opgen. de officie͏̈le mededelingen van de Koninkl. Landmacht en de Koninkl. Luchtmacht, Band 178, Heft 10, S. 551-560
ISSN: 0026-3869
In: Tijdschrift voor genderstudies, Band 26, Heft 2, S. 207-210
ISSN: 2352-2437
In: Tijdschrift voor genderstudies, Band 26, Heft 1, S. 78-97
ISSN: 2352-2437
In: Res publica: politiek-wetenschappelijk tijdschrift van de Lage Landen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 54, Heft 2
ISSN: 0486-4700
In: Acta politica: AP ; international journal of political science ; official journal of the Dutch Political Science Association (Nederlandse Kring voor Wetenschap der Politiek), Band 22, Heft 4, S. 385-407
ISSN: 0001-6810
A theoretical analysis of the problem of conflict between states or alliances, founded on the Nash theory of bargaining & cooperative games (Nash, J. F., "The Bargaining Problem," Econometrica, 1950, 18, 155-162). Assumptions that must be met to make the use of this theory possible are elucidated. Given these assumptions, precise meanings can be given to such concepts as "dominance" & "strategic equilibrium." Such game-theoretical understanding provides an alternative to warfare as a means of gaining knowledge of relative military strength, thus making unnecessary the Clausewitzian process of repeated warfare. A two-step process -- a stage of strategic rivalry, & a cooperative phase -- leads to attainment of an ideal final agreement for both sides. An application to the global East/West matrix from 1970 to 1987 is presented, & means of applying game-theoretical methods realistically to international relations are proposed. 7 Tables, 3 Figures. Modified HA
In: Studia diplomatica: Brussels journal of international relations, Band 54, Heft 5-6, S. 75-79
ISSN: 0770-2965
Noting the inequality in wealth distribution between the haves & have nots in the world today & recognizing the possibility that poverty may become a threat to world peace, Flemish foreign policies, promulgated within the Belgian federation, are outlined. It is noted that, although perceived by many as largely symbolic, the foreign policy actions carried out by the government of Flanders deliver tangible benefits in many regions of the globe & have a profound impact on the formulation & promulgation of foreign policy on the federal level. Several of such initiatives conducted in cooperation with the World Health Organization & UNESCO & targeting third world countries are listed. Recognizing the tragedy of September 11, it is argued that Europe should show solidarity & support to a country which supported the continent when it needed help. However, Europe should also work on preventing any overreaction by the American government in its retaliation. The recent foreign policy initiatives of the federal government, with Louis Michel as its foreign minister, are both appreciated & supported. Z. Dubiel
In: Studia diplomatica: Brussels journal of international relations, Band 54, Heft 5-6, S. 181-184
ISSN: 0770-2965
Several reasons are listed to explain why Belgium always was & still is a very staunch supporter of European integration & the European Union (EU). Drawing on personal experience as a permanent representative of the Belgian government to the EU, the significant role played by this country in building a united Europe is illustrated with a report of the meetings in Nice, France, & Laken at which the current 15 member states of the EU struggled with procedural & content questions pertaining to the future enlargement of the organization to 25 or 27 members. The give-and-take nature of these meetings, Belgium's valuable input, but also concessions it had to accept, & the accomplishments of the Laken Declaration are discussed. Z. Dubiel
In: Studia diplomatica: Brussels journal of international relations, Band 58, Heft 4, S. 197-212
ISSN: 0770-2965
An article on how the Flemish government has used the new legislation to found its own international cultural policy and if its aims were solely cultural, or mixed with political and/or economic gains. Up till now cultural policies have been mainly policies of subvention and not enough autonomous, since political and economical aims were found too important. Regarding autonomy, the results have not been brilliant; international subventions, regulated by external factors, have been mainly of a political and economical nature, which diminishes the structural practices, leaving a tight budget for an autonomous, authentic policy. However, compared with Holland and the Walloon provinces, the results seem better. The functionality in Walloon remains highly influenced by international merchandising goals, and Holland has accepted the existing and hard to avoid co-relation with other domains, but their idea of an autonomous policy seems rather individualistic. As regards the EU: its nature is too economical to make for a successful autonomy. Future aims seem worthwhile however in a cooperation of a Dutch language union, an international cooperation thus, between the Netherlands and Flemish cultural strategies. It is a costly business, but promoting Dutch language contributions to the international scene provide some good basics for an internationalized policy, to which the Flemish-Dutch Cultural Policy Committee (Commissie Cultureel Verdrag Vlaanderen-Nederland) has given its approval. References. O. van Zijl
In: Studia diplomatica: Brussels journal of international relations, Band 54, Heft 5-6, S. 163-170
ISSN: 0770-2965
This presentation at the conference "Buitenlandse politiek in Belgie" (The Foreign Policy in Belgium), organized by the U of Ghent & the Catholic U of Louvain & held in Ghent, 27 Mar 2002, which occasionally refers to, & comments on, David Criekemans's overview on the same topic delivered at the same venue, discusses the foreign policies formulated & pursued by the Flemish government since the region's autonomy in domestic & foreign affairs was expanded by the 1993 law reforming the Belgian state. After listing the strategical objectives of the Flemish foreign policy making, three areas of special interest into which initiatives were targeted in the 1990s & early 2000s are described: (1) international engagement within the European Union (EU), (2) multilateral relations pursued within international organizations, & (3) bilateral agreements promoting the region's culture, science, technology, & ecological & economic interests. Criekemans's treatment of these topics is mostly supported with new arguments & only occasionally contested with mild criticism or corrected with an alternative viewpoint. Z. Dubiel
In: Studia diplomatica: Brussels journal of international relations, Band 52, Heft 5-6, S. 179-204
ISSN: 0770-2965
In: Studia diplomatica: Brussels journal of international relations, Band 52, Heft 5-6, S. 95-134
ISSN: 0770-2965
In: Militaire spectator: MS ; maanblad ; waarin opgen. de officie͏̈le mededelingen van de Koninkl. Landmacht en de Koninkl. Luchtmacht, Band 177, Heft 12
ISSN: 0026-3869
In: Res publica: politiek-wetenschappelijk tijdschrift van de Lage Landen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 51, Heft 2, S. 239-256
ISSN: 0486-4700
The present article discusses the differences between the Islam debate in the Netherlands and its European neighboring countries and whether the Dutch perception of Muslims, Islam and themes related to fundamentalism and terrorism differ from those in other countries. The article explains that the decrease in tolerance as experienced over the last years is only partly similar with developments in other West-European societies and structures the discussion around 4 subjects: essentialist monists (rejecting the presence of Islam and Muslims in Western societies); evolutionary monists (rejecting the integration of the Muslim culture in a western society, but not the Muslims); essentialist pluralists (multicultural aspirations, rejecting western superiority and welcoming Islam and Muslims without far stretching adaptation by the cultures involved); and evolutionary pluralists (integration of the autochthonous and foreign culture). The article concludes by stating the Dutch multiculturalism will remain through a rapid cultural modernization of the country on the one hand, and an only partly assumed World War II trauma on the other. O. van Zijl
In: Studia diplomatica: Brussels journal of international relations, Band 60, Heft supp, S. 133-139
ISSN: 0770-2965
The author introduces the article by describing why the term Jihad-terrorism shouldn't be used (it's not an ideology, but a method; the term hammers on an intrinsic link between Islam and violence). The Belgian international attitude stresses that a wrong perception within European policy will actually lead to an anti-Western radicalization, and that terminology is part of that. The article continues with four EU anti-terror strategies: proactive: prevention and protection; reactive: prosecution and response. Regarding suppression of radicalization and recruitment, three factors are mentioned: facilitating factors within a globalized world (travel and communication, money operations, internet availability); an anti-western enemy perception; structural environmental factors, the so-called root causes (social circumstances, democratic imperfection, modernization badly directed, economic and political perspectives, unsolved conflicts, lack of education). Two additional principles for Belgium: 1) fundamental rights and freedoms; 2) suppression of Jihad-terrorism in cooperation with Muslim countries. References. O. van Zijl