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There's always been two histories to tell about International Relations. One that explains structures and processes and another that understands individual and collective actions. But the first one has always been predominant in our discipline, forgetting what International Relations truly means for the states and for global political actors. ; Siempre habrá dos historias que contar de las relaciones internacionales. Una que explique estructuras y procesos, y otra que comprenda las acciones de los individuos y de los agregados sociales. Pero siempre ha sido la primera de estas historias la que ha dominado la disciplina, olvidando los significados que las relaciones internacionales tienen para los Estados y para otros actores de la política mundial.

Betting on a transdisciplinary research strategy between International Relations (RI) and Intelligence Studies (EI) implies a triple commitment: epistemological rigor, theoretical-methodological relevance and a clear political-ethical responsibility, to develop adaptive analytical lines with a voice of its own before the local investigative needs of both fields. Thus, this article constitutes a critical reflection aimed at evaluating the methodological relevance of transdisciplinarity in construction, towards the production of new knowledge that allows to expanding the understanding of the objects of study of the international world and of intelligence in a glocal way. The findings show that a large part of the literature in RI and EI bases its production on orthodox methods, marginalizing transdisciplinary potentialities and implementing pragmatic views with little epistemological reflection of the method. ; Apostar por una estrategia investigativa transdisciplinaria entre las Relaciones Internacionales (RI), en su sub-campo de seguridad y los Estudios de Inteligencia (EI), implica un triple compromiso: rigurosidad epistemológica, pertinencia teórico-metodológica y una clara responsabilidad político-ética, para desarrollar líneas analíticas adaptables –y con voz propia– a las necesidades investigativas locales. Este artículo constituye una reflexión crítica orientada a evaluar la pertinencia metodológica trandisciplinaria en construcción, para la generación de conocimiento nuevo; de esta manera, ampliar la comprensión de objetos de estudio del mundo internacional y de inteligencia de manera glocal. Los hallazgos muestran que gran parte de la literatura en RI y EI, especialmente en el ámbito de la seguridad, basan su producción en métodos ortodoxos, que marginalizan las potencialidades transdisciplinarias e instrumentan miradas pragmáticas con escasa reflexión epistemológica del método. Abstract Betting on a transdisciplinary research strategy between International Relations (RI) and Intelligence Studies (EI) implies a triple commitment: epistemological rigor, theoretical-methodological relevance and a clear political-ethical responsibility, to develop adaptive analytical lines with a voice of its own before the local investigative needs of both fields. Thus, this article constitutes a critical reflection aimed at evaluating the methodological relevance of transdisciplinarity in construction, towards the production of new knowledge that allows to expanding the understanding of the objects of study of the international world and of intelligence in a glocal way. The findings show that a large part of the literature in RI and EI bases its production on orthodox methods, marginalizing transdisciplinary potentialities and implementing pragmatic views with little epistemological reflection of the method.

The article aims to describe and analyse international relations debates, focusing on the contributions that feminisms make to the field as one of the dissident currents and reflectivist approaches -especially in its postcolonial/decolonial formulations. The methodology used is qualitative, and a specific bibliography is reviewed in order to examine the current discussions in the discipline, the confrontations within feminisms in IR, as well as their contributions. Moreover, we will look at the revision that Latin American and Caribbean decolonial feminism has instigated, considering the importance of intersectionality for expanding disciplinary boundaries. The text is articulated around the following questions: What debates run through the contemporary disciplinary field? What do the approaches of feminisms, within this framework, question and propose? What methodologies and notions do they introduce in IR studies? Which contributions are made by Latin American and Caribbean feminism? Thus, specific methodological and epistemological issues illuminated by feminisms in IR, such as the body politics,the micropolitics approach, and the focus on everyday practices,are given particular consideration. Solomon & Steele (2016) affirm that it "is only now — with increasing shifts to the micro — that academic IR has begun to (re)discover the lives and people of global politics, and to breathe life back into a field that grand theory mostly neglected". Every life of any person around the world should be recognized; there is no international system or society without the actions and practices of ordinary people. In this regard, feminisms have been key introductions into the field of IR, along with poststructuralism and postcolonialism, which are regular research instruments in disciplines like anthropology or sociology. For instance, ethnographic studies or participant observation are techniques that support the turns and innovations mentioned above. This framework is fundamental to make gender differences visible from an intersectional perspective. Postcolonial/decolonial feminism concentrates their studies on that difference, especially considering its links with other inequalities and concrete oppressions: e.g. in relation to race, ethnicity, religion, class, and nationality. In Latin America and the Caribbean, this perspective takes on an added relevance, and gives rise in this text to the problematization of its entanglement with human rights; the relationship between women, work and racialization; inequalities and violence; together with their links with global neoliberalism. In this respect, the article gives a comprehensive account of the main issues tackled by feminisms in the region, such as women's positions during the colonization period, and the multiple forms of violence related to their role. For instance, there is the importance of state responsibility in femicides, and the internal colonization and the neglect of diversity in national (plurinational) societies. These are performed by academia and social movements, particularly so in Western (white) feminist perspectives. The text is divided into three sections. Firstly, the framework of current IR debates is established, the differences between feminisms in IR and their classifications are described, and the theoretical contributions that these approaches have made to the discipline through methodological instruments such as micropolitics, corporeality and the practices of everyday life are elaborated. In the words of Enloe (2007, p.100) "Feminism is a multidimensional yet coherent worldview. Feminism is an achieved mosaic of understandings, yet it is still unfolding. […] feminism is a complex set of understandings about how power operates, how power is legitimized and how power is perpetuated". Regardless of which perspective within feminism is being highlighted, some fundamental common issues will appear: neoliberalism and patriarchy are two of them, but also violence against women, gender identities and rights, exploitation, public and private spheres distinctions, etc. Then, the particularities of decolonial feminisms in Latin America and the Caribbean, along with their intersectional look at the field, are discussed: the question of subalternity, difference and neoliberalism, the concrete forms they acquire in the Global South and in the region. Moreover, the relevance of the link between neoliberalism and patriarchy is brought into consideration as a research topic shared by different feminist perspectives. In this respect, we name some authors form the region that propose feminist genealogic studies (Ciriza, 2015; Parra, 2021). As Marchand (2013, p.64) explains, the opportunities of a young middle-class woman with a university education are greater than those of a 65-year-old indigenous man with little formal education and a peasant life. While obviously not in a dominant position in society and the labour market, the young woman still has a privileged position with respect to the indigenous. These differences are invisible in the rational mainstream, and also in liberal -and some socialist or poststructuralist- feminisms. Some particular research is mentioned to show how the body politics, micropolitical approaches, and the practice turn are effectively used in IR studies, with innovative techniques oriented towards ethnographic studies and participated action. For instance, the examination of global women (and gender diversities), migration and mobility are illuminated by focusing in particular case: women from Guerrero in Texas (Muñoz y Mendoza, 2018). Also, the incidences of sexual violence in the conflict in Guatemala is brought to light through the voices of the Maya women survivors and thanks to the research of Fulchiron (2016). This research emphasises the use of the femininized body as a war instrument. In addition, this paper mentions the contribution that Latin American and Caribbean feminisms have made to the field of human rights, especially through the participation in international organizations such as OAS and UN. (Barrancos, 2021; Chiarotti Boero, 2021) Considering all the above mentioned, we state that critical and intersectional feminisms allow us to think IR as a diverse field, with true planetary scope, and capable of recovering the importance of the well-being and daily lives of people. Finally, the conclusions are presented with possible relevant lines for future research (ecofeminism and the Latin American approaches to it). Dissident contributions in IR, in general, call into question the mainstream, giving rise in recent years to alternative, peripheral and silenced voices through postcolonial studies (decoloniality) and the feminisms, amongst others. These voices of difference generate discussion beyond hegemonic perspectives, producing key contributions for the continued interrogation of the discipline. These voices, for instance from Latin America and the Caribbean, draw on their own worldviews, along with traditional and popular knowledge. This assists in the promotion of new approaches and value situated, plural, intersectional and corporeized knowledges. ; El artículo se propone describir y analizar los debates en la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales (RRII), focalizando en los aportes que los feminismos hacen al campo como corriente disidente, y en especial, en sus vertientes postcoloniales/decoloniales. Con una metodología cualitativa, se revisa bibliografía específica que permite dar cuenta de las discusiones actuales en la disciplina, las confrontaciones al interior de los feminismos en RRII y sus contribuciones, y, en ese plano, se repasan los aportes propios del feminismo decolonial latinoamericano y caribeño, considerando el señalamiento sobre la interseccionalidad realizada por este. Así, se examinan cuestiones metodológicas y epistemológicas concretas como la cuestión del cuerpo, los estudios desde la micropolítica y el foco en las prácticas cotidianas de las personas, iluminadas por los feminismos en las RRII. Ese marco es fundamental para visibilizar las diferencias de género desde una perspectiva interseccional, que desde el feminismo postcolonial/decolonial se concentra en sus vínculos con otras desigualdades y opresiones (raza, origen, clase social, entre otras). En América Latina y el Caribe esta mirada adquiere una relevancia distintiva y da lugar en este escrito a la problematización de sus vínculos con los derechos humanos, con las desigualdades y las violencias, y sus articulaciones con el neoliberalismo transnacionalizado. El texto se divide en tres apartados: primero, en el marco de los debates actuales del campo de estudio, se revisan los aportes de los feminismos en las RRII y se describen las diferencias al interior de estos. En particular, se indican como contribuciones teórico-metodológicas de los enfoques feministas a las RRII aquellos estudios basados en la micropolítica, la corporeidad y las prácticas de la vida cotidiana. Luego, se tratan las particularidades de los feminismos decoloniales en América Latina y el Caribe y su mirada interseccional en el campo: la cuestión de la subalternidad, la diferencia, la inequidad y el neoliberalismo, las formas concretas que adquieren en el Sur Global y en la región. Por último, se presentan las conclusiones con posibles líneas relevantes para futuras investigaciones. Los aportes disidentes en las RRII, en general, ponen en cuestión la corriente principal, dando lugar en los últimos años a voces alternativas, periféricas y silenciadas a través de los estudios postcoloniales (decolonialidad) y los feminismos, entre otros. Son esas voces de la diferencia las que presentan discusión a las perspectivas hegemónicas, produciendo contribuciones claves para continuar pensando la disciplina; en América Latina y el Caribe esto se realiza desde cosmovisiones propias, que buscan amalgamar saberes tradicionales y populares, propiciar nuevos enfoques y valorizar un conocimiento situado, interseccional, plural y corporeizado.

El autor focaliza el artículo en las relaciones entre los Estados Unidos y el Islam después de los atentados del 11 de setiembre, señalando la existencia de tres etapas diferentes en la crisis internacional a partir de los atentados de dicha fecha: la primera, "de la victimización a la búsqueda del consenso", seguida por la de "la de la ofensiva militar" y "la de la reconstrucción afgana bajo paraguas de los Estados Unidos". Por último, concluye que desaparecida la Unión Soviética, Estados Unidos ha necesitado redefinir la confrontación a su liderazgo en el escenario internacional. En su estrategia global, se ha planteado la posibilidad de que sean cuatro actores quiénes puedan desafiar el modelo de globalización actual: China, el Islam, los movimientos de resistencia global y el terrorismo global, personificado en Bin Laden. Sin duda el cuestionamiento del Islam a la hegemonía de los EE.UU. le da una nueva impronta a su estrategia hacia Medio Oriente. ; The author focalises the article on the relations between the United States and Islam after the attack of September 11th, pointing out three stages of the international crisis after this date: "the victimization and fight for consensus", "the military offensive" and "the reconstruction of Afghanistan under the American guidance". He gets to the conclusion that after the disappearance of the Soviet Union, the United States has been needing to redefine the confrontation of its leadership in the international scenery. The States in its global strategy, has thought in the possibility of four actors challenging the current global model "China, Islam and the resistance movements and global terrorism embodied in Bin Laden". And there is no doubt that the issues of Islam and the American hegemony give a new turn in the American strategy toward Middle East. ; Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales (IRI)

Siempre habrá dos historias que contar de las relaciones internacionales. Una que explique estructuras y procesos, y otra que comprenda las acciones de los individuos y de los agregados sociales. Pero siempre ha sido la primera de estas historias la que ha dominado la disciplina, olvidando los significados que las relaciones internacionales tienen para los Estados y para otros actores de la política mundial ; There's always been two histories to tell about International Relations. One that explains structures and processes and another that understands individual and collective actions. But the first one has always been predominant in our discipline, forgetting what International Relations truly means for the states and for global political actors

Climate Change: Stimulating a Green Recovery" looks at the global problem of climate change. With the world apparently on an economic recovery path, policymakers are looking at ways to limit the impact of climate change through broad international action. One of the challenges is to balance actions to mitigate climate change with measures to stimulate growth and prosperity. This issue of F&D also examines a variety of issues raised by the crisis?including the future of macroeconomics, explored by William White, former chief economist at the Bank for International Settlements, and the longer-term impact of the crisis on the United States, the world's largest economy. Our "People in Economics" profile spotlights Joseph Stiglitz, the Nobel Laureate who "can't get any respect at home." We also look at the need for rebalancing growth in Asia, which is leading the world out of recession, and we interview five influential Asians on the region's fragile rebound. We turn our "Straight Talk" column over to Barbara Stocking of Oxfam, who makes a forceful case for stepping up help to the most vulnerable around the world. "Data Spotlight" looks at trends in inflation, which has fallen into negative territory in some countries during the crisis, and in "Point-Counterpoint," two experts discuss the pros and cons of remittances?funds repatriated by migrant workers to family and friends back home. "Back to Basics" gives a primer on international trade.

La compatibilidad entre islam y democracia ha sido objeto de análisis desde el 11-S en círculos académicos, así como parte de la política exterior estadounidense en Oriente Medio. A falta de consenso sobre las causas de tal incompatibilidad, este artículo conduce, desde el análisis histórico, a explorar los límites de la "europeización" del partido en el poder en Turquía, el Partido de la Justicia y el Desarrollo (AKP). ¿Estamos ante una "democracia cristiana" alla turca que ha sabido armonizar los valores islámicos y europeos o, más bien, ante un AKP cuyo principal propósito sigue siendo la islamización de la sociedad turca? ; Since September 11th the compatibility between Islam and democracy has been both a topic for academic discussion and part of the United States foreign policy towards Middle East. Although there is no consensus on the sources of this incompatibility, the aim of this article is to study, from a historic perspective, the limits of the "europeization" of the ruling party in Turkey, the Party of Justice and Development (AKP). Are we witnessing a "Christian democracy" alla turca that has found a way to harmonize European and Islamic values, or is it AKP's principal purpose to islamize Turkish society?

Since September 11th the compatibility between Islam and democracy has been both a topic for academic discussion and part of the United States foreign policy towards Middle East. Although there is no consensus on the sources of this incompatibility, the aim of this article is to study, from a historic perspective, the limits of the "europeization" of the ruling party in Turkey, the Party of Justice and Development (AKP). Are we witnessing a "Christian democracy" alla turca that has found a way to harmonize European and Islamic values, or is it AKP's principal purpose to islamize Turkish society? ; La compatibilidad entre islam y democracia ha sido objeto de análisis desde el 11-S en círculos académicos, así como parte de la política exterior estadounidense en Oriente Medio. A falta de consenso sobre las causas de tal incompatibilidad, este artículo conduce, desde el análisis histórico, a explorar los límites de la "europeización" del partido en el poder en Turquía, el Partido de la Justicia y el Desarrollo (AKP). ¿Estamos ante una "democracia cristiana" alla turca que ha sabido armonizar los valores islámicos y europeos o, más bien, ante un AKP cuyo principal propósito sigue siendo la islamización de la sociedad turca?

El autor destaca y critica la llamada interpretación esencialista del Islam, difundida no solo en algunos entornos del orientalismo europeo y americano, sino también en contextos intelectuales de las más variadas orientaciones políticas. Según estas visiones, el Islam sería en su naturaleza y esencia "intrínsecamente incompatible" con Occidente. De esta forma se identifica, como hace Huntington en The Clash of Civilizations, Islam e islamismo fundamentalista, considerándose este último como la real, constante e inmodificable expresión del Islam, no susceptible de transformación. A esto se opone un Occidente descrito, de la misma manera, como una realidad con carácter universal, absoluto y ahistórico, como la libertad y la democracia. El autor muestra la dimensión ideológica y abstracta de tal interpretación y la inconsistencia histórica de una prospectiva que reduce al Islam y a Occidente a dos "ideas platónicas". ; The author identifies and criticizes the so-called essentialist interpretation of Islam, which is widespread not only in some European and American Orientalist circles, but also even in intellectual contexts of more diverse political orientation. According to this vision, Islam is by its nature, in its essence, "intrinsically incompatible" with the West. In this way Islam is identified with fundamentalist islamism, as Huntington does in The Clash of Civilizations, and the latter is considered the true, constant and unchangeable expression of Islam, not susceptible to transformation. To this one counterposes a West described, in the same way, as a reality with characteristics of universality, absoluteness and ahistoricity, such as freedom and democracy. The author demonstrates the ideological and abstract dimension from that interpretation and the historical inconsistency of a perspective that reduces Islam and the West to two "platonic ideas."

We study the effect of shocks to the United States government bonds term premium on Latin American government bonds term premia. For doing so, we compute dynamic multipliers. Our main findings indicate that Latin American countries' term premia respond pe