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Contemporary hostility towards Muslims at the global level and the consolidation of Islam in the geopolitical context as an anachronic alterity to the West cannot be understood without addressing the dynamics of the LGBTQ globalization framework. Although this hostility has so far encompassed very diverse areas like the compatibility of Islam with democracy, the regulation of the visibility of Islam in the public space, and the institutionalization of Islam and its relation to immigration, currently there has been an intensification of a praxis of control over some Muslim subjects by contemporary nation-states. These practices have been accompanied by a certain rhetoric on antiterrorism, securitization, nationalism and patriotism, where the LGBTQ question has played a fundamental role. This phenomenon highlights the emergence of a specific form of Islamophobia—referred to as 'queered Islamophobia' in this article—related to what Puar (2007) coined as 'homonationalism' more than a decade ago to denounce an aspect of modernity marked by a convergence between diverse state practices, transnational LGBTQ politics and the emergence of new Islamophobic discourses nourished by the neoliberal instrumentalization of LGBTQ. The homonationalist logic is underpinned by a culturalist discourse that promotes a dichotomous view of the world, where the West —modern, secular and LGBTQ friendly— finds itself face to face with its alter ego —orientalized, anachronistic, Islamic fundamentalist and LGBTQ phobic. This confrontation becomes effective through the transnational production of two antagonistic subjects. National homosexual subjects can only exist outside the limits of religion embodying agency and resistance, and their national legitimacy is done at the expense of their depoliticization and their participation in the subalternization discrimination and criminalization of Muslim sexual-racial subjects. They, in turn, embody neo-Orientalist ideas that link Islam with a lack of agency, depravity and/or sexual repression and LGBTQ phobia, and seem to be invariably evaluated through the lens of LGBTQ Western neoliberal secularism. The theoretical construction of Muslim sexual-racial subjects and so-called Muslim homophobia is, at this time, central to debates on values and securitization in the West and is used to justify repressive antiterrorist measures within Western nation-states (Haritaworn, 2008). Hostility towards gender and sexual diversity connected to Islam and/or Muslims has been conceptualized in different ways. Authors like Abraham (2010) refer to it as hegemonic Muslim homophobia, while Massad (2008) categorizes it as Islamic resistance to Western imperialism. In either case, it seems clear that the assumption of religiosity, in the Geertzian (1966) sense, constitutes a determining element when defining what a Muslim is —or is not— and explains their attitudes towards LGBTQ (Rahman, 2014). The problem is particularly acute considering the urgent need to address LGBTQ phobia as a compendium of geographical, cultural, sociopolitical, economic and legislative factors that goes beyond the strictly religious question. Indeed, the current rejection towards LGBTQ based on traditionalist interpretations of Islam —'Islamicate LGBTQ phobia' in short— and the growing institutionalized repression against sexual and gender minorities in Islamicate nation-states are part of a problem with many elements that cannot be understood without addressing some issues. Firstly, the relationship between gender and sexual diversity in relation to the Islamic tradition is complex. The second question concerns the influence of colonialization and neocolonialization on the gradual transformation of the traditional forms of sex/gender diversity that developed in the historic lands of Islam, as well as on social perception and the legislation adopted regarding these forms in the aforementioned states. The emergence of sexual liberation movements in the United States and Europe in the 1970s entailed an ongoing process of homosexualization (Roscoe, 1997) through which contemporary globalized LGBTQ categories have spread around the world (Rao, 2015). When combined with the rise of Islamic fundamentalism and the emergence of Islamicate nation-states, this process has constituted a threat to the continuity of the traditional forms of sex/gender dissidence. This phenomenon would not have been possible without the construction of an invented tradition of Muslim homophobia that is being instrumentalized both in the West—through the disciplinary apparatus of nation-states—and in Muslim-majority countries—through certain forces linked to Islamic fundamentalism—with the common purpose of legitimizing control over the internal order of the societies of both frameworks (Rahman, 2015). The main objective of this article is to review the state of the art of Islam in LGBTQ globalization by looking at the specific historical forms in which knowledge linked to each of these two axes is constituted, as well as the social practices, forms of subjectivities and power relations inherent to such knowledge from the point of view of surveillance, control and banishment strategies. This exercise will be materialised through the analysis of the two hegemonic oppositional positions of Islam and gender and sexual diversity—one of Islamicate LGBTQ phobia and the other of queered Islamophobia—through which Muslims in general and LGBTQ Muslims in particular are subalternized, discriminated against and criminalized today both in the West and in Muslim-majority countries. To that end, the present article proposes a queer approach that aims to contributes to international studies—and the contemporary debates within them—in which LGBTQ issues in relation to Islamic tradition are largely missing. In this regard, while the connections between race, ethnicity, religion, religion, class, gender, sexuality, state and nation have been addressed by certain disciplines of the social sciences, there is still reluctance to take queer contributions into account and, even more so, to frame them within the umbrella of the recently named field of Queer International Relations (Weber, 2016). For the purpose of this work, and without wishing to provide here a specific definition of a queer approach, what is really at stake in any queer research is not so much a specific methodological proposal, but rather a substantial political commitment to place gender and sexuality at the forefront of social science analysis, challenging, in so doing, the hegemonic orders denounced in their research. The queer approach is understood here, therefore, in the sense of moral and political commitment and counter-hegemonic denunciation, rather than in terms of disloyalty to conventional academic methods to which certain queer theorists refer. The article is structured in four sections: introduction, theoretical-methodological approach, discussion and conclusions. The introductory section clarifies from a critical anthropological perspective the relevance of the reconceptualization of religion as a category of analysis when approaching the study of Islam. The section on theoretical and methodological approach reflects on the implications of putting queer studies and international relations in conversation. The first discussion heading, focusing on Islamicate LGBTQ phobia, reflects on the relationship between sexual and gender dissidences, Islamic tradition and Muslim identity, as well as on the influence of colonization and neo-colonization on the current state of these dissidence within Muslim-majority countries. The second discussion heading, dealing with queered Islamophobia, delves into the framework of homonationalism and the consolidation of LGBTQ as a requirement for access to citizenship and as a civilizational marker of Muslim otherness. Finally, I present some brief conclusions and outline some possible future lines of research. ; El objetivo de este artículo es la elaboración de un estado de la cuestión sobre el islam en el marco de la globalización LGBTQ atendiendo a las formas históricas específicas en que se constituye el conocimiento vinculado a cada uno de estos dos ejes, además de las prácticas sociales, las formas de subjetividad y las relaciones de poder inherentes a tales conocimientos desde el punto de vista de las estrategias de vigilancia, control y prohibición. Este trabajo se ha llevado a cabo a través del análisis de las dos posiciones hegemónicas de oposición entre islam y diversidad sexual y de género —una, de LGBTQfobia islamizada, la otra, de islamofobia queerizada— sobre la base de las cuales las personas musulmanas, incluyendo las LGBTQ, son subalternizadas, discriminadas y criminalizadas en la actualidad, tanto en Occidente como en los países de mayoría musulmana. Este trabajo propone un enfoque queer a través del cual poner en conversación las Relaciones Internacionales y los estudios transnacionales y/o globales queer en torno a las conexiones contemporáneas entre raza, religión, clase, género, sexualidad, estado y nación desde un compromiso de denuncia contrahegemónica. Con el fin de profundizar en todas estas cuestiones el artículo está estructurado en cuatro secciones: introducción, enfoque teórico-metodológico, dos epígrafes de desarrollo y conclusiones. El apartado introductorio clarifica, desde una perspectiva antropológica crítica, la pertinencia de la reconceptualización de la religión como categoría de análisis a la hora de abordar el estudio del islam. El primer epígrafe de desarrollo, centrado en la LGBTQfobia islamizada, analiza los múltiples elementos geográficos, culturales, sociopolíticos, económicos y legislativos que componen esta problemática. El segundo epígrafe de desarrollo, dedicado a la islamofobia queerizada, profundiza en el ensamblaje del homonacionalismo y constata la consolidación de lo LGBTQ en tanto que requisito de acceso a la ciudadanía y como marcador civilizacional de la alteridad musulmana. Finalmente, en el apartado de conclusiones, se presenta un resumen de los resultados del trabajo y se pincelan algunas posibles futuras líneas de investigación.

In the nineteenth century, one of the essential conditions for obtaining recognition of the sovereignty of a state by the international community was the ability to maintain internal order and guarantee the lives and property of foreign nationals. Justice then becomes a major political element and the case of Spanish-Mexican relations is particularly significant. For Mexico, the aim is to preserve national independence, avoid military intervention and integrate into the international system. For Spain, it seeks to assert its status as a major power with the capacity to intervene in defence of its citizens and to obtain the necessary reparations. This work is then structured around three issues: the debt and financial claims of the Spaniards, the punishment of those guilty of the murders of Spaniards and the negotiation of an extradition treaty for offenders and deserters. ; International audience In the nineteenth century one of the key conditions for recognition of sovereignity of a state by the international community was the ability to maintain order and ensure the lives and properties of nationals abroad. Justice, then, becomes a political element of the first order and the case of Spanish-Mexican relations is particularly significant. For Mexico, it is to preserve national independence, to avoid a military intervention and to integrate into the international system. For Spain, it is asserting its status as a great power with the ability to speak in defense of its citizens and to obtain the necessary repairs. This work is structured so on three issues: debt and financial claims of the Spaniards, the punishment of those guilty of the murders of Spaniards and the negotiation of a treaty on extradition of criminals and deserters. ; In the nineteenth century, one of the essential conditions for obtaining recognition of the sovereignty of a state by the international community was the ability to maintain internal order and guarantee the lives and property of foreign nationals. Justice then becomes a major ...

El análisis del islam en Sudán muestra la gran variedad de aproximaciones al objeto de estudio, la diversidad de sus lecturas y el reiterado recurso a los principios religiosos para justificar o legitimar las cuestiones políticas y de Estado. El islam sudanés, en sus diferentes manifestaciones, ha traspasado las fronteras nacionales y ha contribuido al islam africano, árabe y mundial. Eso desde el siglo XIX cuando surgió un primer proto-estado islámico de la mano de esa figura mesiánica que fue Muhammad Ahmad Ibn Abdallah, el Mahdi, hasta el pensador y hombre de Estado Hasan al-Turabi en pleno siglo XX. Analizaremos tres dimensiones: el islam reformista de Mahmud Muhammad Taha, el islamismo sudanés conducido por al-Turabi y el papel del sufismo en la religiosidad popular y en la política sudanesa, y su reciente confrontación con las tendencias salafíes activas en el país en lo que parece ser una nueva lucha por el espacio socioreligioso del siglo XXI. ; The analysis of Islam in Sudan shows the great variety of approaches to the object of study, the diversity of its readings and the repeated recourse to religious principles to justify or legitimize political and State issues. Sudanese Islam, in its different manifestations, has crossed national borders and has contributed to African, Arab and world Islam. This has been like this since the first Islamic proto-state emerged in the Nineteenth century at the hands of the messianic figure who was Muhammad Ahmad Ibn Abdallah, the Mahdi until the thinker and statesman Hasan al-Turabi in the Twentieth century. Three dimensions will be analyzed: the reformist Islam of Mahmud Muhammad Taha, the Sudanese Islamism led by al-Turabi and the role of Sufism in popular religiosity and Sudanese politics, and finally the recent confrontation with the Salafi tendencies active in the country in what seems to be a new struggle for the socio-religious space of the 21st century.

El análisis del islam en Sudán muestra la gran variedad de aproximaciones al objeto de estudio, la diversidad de sus lecturas y el reiterado recurso a los principios religiosos para justificar o legitimar las cuestiones políticas y de Estado. El islam sudanés, en sus diferentes manifestaciones, ha traspasado las fronteras nacionales y ha contribuido al islam africano, árabe y mundial. Eso desde el siglo XIX cuando surgió un primer proto-estado islámico de la mano de esa figura mesiánica que fue Muhammad Ahmad Ibn Abdallah, el Mahdi, hasta el pensador y hombre de Estado Hasan al-Turabi en pleno siglo XX. Analizaremos tres dimensiones: el islam reformista de Mahmud Muhammad Taha, el islamismo sudanés conducido por al-Turabi y el papel del sufismo en la religiosidad popular y en la política sudanesa, y su reciente confrontación con las tendencias salafíes activas en el país en lo que parece ser una nueva lucha por el espacio socioreligioso del siglo XXI. ; The analysis of Islam in Sudan shows the great variety of approaches to the object of study, the diversity of its readings and the repeated recourse to religious principles to justify or legitimize political and State issues. Sudanese Islam, in its different manifestations, has crossed national borders and has contributed to African, Arab and world Islam. This has been like this since the first Islamic proto-state emerged in the Nineteenth century at the hands of the messianic figure who was Muhammad Ahmad Ibn Abdallah, the Mahdi until the thinker and statesman Hasan al-Turabi in the Twentieth century. Three dimensions will be analyzed: the reformist Islam of Mahmud Muhammad Taha, the Sudanese Islamism led by al-Turabi and the role of Sufism in popular religiosity and Sudanese politics, and finally the recent confrontation with the Salafi tendencies active in the country in what seems to be a new struggle for the socio-religious space of the 21st century.

Al afrontar el tema de la democratización en los países musulmanes, el pluralismo político en el "mundo islámico" se revela como una preocupación característica. Aunque algunos académicos sostienen que existen factores inherentes en el Islam que imposibilitan la democracia, otros mantienen que nada en el Islam implica que los países musulmanes deban carecer de credenciales democráticas. Este ensayo defiende que los países musulmanes poseen, desde antaño, pocas características estructurales conducentes a la democratización y a la democracia. Las dos décadas de la "tercera ola de la democracia", de mediados de los 70 a mediados de los 90, no alteraron sustancialmente esta situación, aunque se produjeron algunas señales de liberalización política y democratización en varios países musulmanes, incluyendo a Turquía, Indonesia, Jordania y Kuwait. A fin de explicar la heterogénea imagen que, en términos de pluralismo y democracia, ofrece el mundo musulmán, el presente artículo señala a la importancia de una combinación de factores, tanto internos como externos, (incluyendo la influencia de la política exterior de EE.UU. y de al-Qaeda), sobre las sociedades musulmanas mediante el estudio del caso de las actividades de al-Qaeda en Kenia. ; The issue of political pluralism in the 'Islamic world' is a defining concern when addressing the wider issue of democracy among Muslim countries. While some scholars contend that there are inherent factors within Islam that deny the possibility of democracy, others contend that there is nothing within Islam that means that Muslim countries will 'inevitably' have a lack of democratic credentials. The article argues that Muslim countries have few structural characteristics conducive to both democratisation and democracy and that things have been that way for a long time. This situation did not fundamentally change during the two decades of the 'third wave of democracy', from the mid- 1970s to mid-1990s, although during this time there were some signs of political liberalisation and democratisation in some Muslim countries, including Turkey, Indonesia, Jordan and Kuwait. To explain the varying picture regarding pluralism and democracy in the Muslim world, the article points to a the importance of a combination of both internal and external factors, including the influence of US foreign policy and of al-Qaeda on Muslim societies, with a case study of al-Qaeda's activities in Kenya.

URL del artículo en la web de la Revista: https://www.upo.es/revistas/index.php/ripp/article/view/1538 ; Al afrontar el tema de la democratización en los países musulmanes, el pluralismo político en el "mundo islámico" se revela como una preocupación característica. Aunque algunos académicos sostienen que existen factores inherentes en el Islam que imposibilitan la democracia, otros mantienen que nada en el Islam implica que los países musulmanes deban carecer de credenciales democráticas. Este ensayo defiende que los países musulmanes poseen, desde antaño, pocas características estructurales conducentes a la democratización y a la democracia. Las dos décadas de la "tercera ola de la democracia", de mediados de los 70 a mediados de los 90, no alteraron sustancialmente esta situación, aunque se produjeron algunas señales de liberalización política y democratización en varios países musulmanes, incluyendo a Turquía, Indonesia, Jordania y Kuwait. A fin de explicar la heterogénea imagen que, en términos de pluralismo y democracia, ofrece el mundo musulmán, el presente artículo señala a la importancia de una combinación de factores, tanto internos como externos, (incluyendo la influencia de la política exterior de EE.UU. y de al-Qaeda), sobre las sociedades musulmanas mediante el estudio del caso de las actividades de al-Qaeda en Kenia. ; The issue of political pluralism in the "Islamic world" is a defining concern when addressing the wider issue of democracy among Muslim countries. While some scholars contend that there are inherent factors within Islam that deny the possibility of democracy, others contend that there is nothing within Islam that means that Muslim countries will "inevitably" have a lack of democratic credentials. The article argues that Muslim countries have few structural characteristics conducive to both democratisation and democracy and that things have been that way for a long time. This situation did not fundamentally change during the two decades of the "third wave of democracy", from the mid- 1970s to mid-1990s, although during this time there were some signs of political liberalisation and democratisation in some Muslim countries, including Turkey, Indonesia, Jordan and Kuwait. To explain the varying picture regarding pluralism and democracy in the Muslim world, the article points to a the importance of a combination of both internal and external factors, including the influence of US foreign policy and of al-Qaeda on Muslim societies, with a case study of al-Qaeda's activities in Kenya. ; Universidad Pablo de Olavide

El artículo plantea en primer lugar un acercamiento a la problemática global de las migraciones a nivel mundial y su relevancia en la coyuntura actual, para poder centrarse en la segunda parte al caso de África. Debido a la complejidad de la cuestión, el trabajo se limita solamente al análisis de la migración laboral. El continente africano azotado por la pobreza, la sequía, las hambrunas y los conflictos políticos conoce una ola sin precedente de movimientos migratorios. En nuestro estudio analizamos en primer lugar el factor económico, como la Inversión Extranjera Directa, como un elemento central para detener el flujo migratorio. Sin embargo, la inestabilidad continental, no permite atraer las inversiones necesarias. La tendencia migratoria en África, como también en el caso de América latina, se ha incrementado drásticamente en la última década y podemos prever un incremento aún más fuerte en los próximos decenios. Los fenómenos socio-políticos ponen de manifiesto que el continente Africano presenta muchos cambios en los patrones que se habían estado viviendo por años. Por mencionar algunos, destacan transformaciones que van desde el cambio de destinos clásicos para la migración, hasta la nueva dinámica de inserción al mercado laboral de los países receptores. El VIH también marca nuevos patrones modificando el estilo de vida de la sociedad. Desgraciadamente la mayoría de ellas presenta un panorama negativo, por lo que se pone de realce que el continente tiene una infinidad de retos que afrontar en pro de un desarrollo que permita mejorar las condiciones de vida de sus habitantes. ; The article first proposes to analyse the global theme of world migrations and their relevance within the present world situation in order to focus in the second part on the African case. Due to the complexity of the question, the paper only deals with work migration. The African continent, hit by poverty, draughts, famine and political conflicts, presents an unprecedented migration. In our paper we seek to analyse first the economic factor, such ad Direct Foreign Investment, as a central element in order to stop migration flux. However, continental lack of stability does not make it possible to attract the necessary investments. The African migratory trend, as well as the Latin American case, has drastically increased over the last decade and we can foresee an even grater increase in the coming years. Socio-political phenomena show us that the African continent shows many changes in the patterns which had been commonplace in the previous years. Just to mention a few, there are transformations that range from the typical migration destinations to the new dynamics of labour market insertion in the receiving countries. HIV also shows new patters by modifying social lifestyles. Unfortunately, most of them present a negative pattern, and this is why it is highlighted that the continent faces a number of challenges in order to develop and improve its inhabitants standard of living. ; Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales

Desde sus inicios, la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales (RI) ha tenido la intensión ortodoxa de construir un método científico propio, muy parecido al de las ciencias exactas. Sin embargo, dicha pretensión se plantea como una de las posibles aproximaciones a la manera como se estudia el comportamiento de la sociedad en lo internacional y, por lo tanto, forma parte del debate epistemológico que reviste un interés renovado para las RI y la filosofía de la ciencia en el siglo XXI. En este contexto, la hermenéutica ofrece claves para la consideración científica de lo social, que orientan al pensamiento de las Relaciones Internacionales hacia un enfoque interpretativo. Como un aporte a esta exégesis, el presente documento plantea el valor de la hermenéutica, a partir de los postulados de Nietzsche y Vattimo, como método de interpretación de la realidad internacional. [Este artículo es producto del proyecto de investigación INV-EES-2346 "Colombia en el pensamiento de las Relaciones Internacionales contemporáneas. Historia social de las escuelas y su influencia en la sociedad nacional de cara a los procesos de la globalización", financiado por la Vicerrectoría de Investigaciones de la Universidad Militar Nueva Granada.]