Suchergebnisse

Charges that Max Weber is a preeminent classical Orientalist are considered in light of Edward Said's (1978) construction of Orientalism as a discourse of domination. These charges are grounded in three assumptions: (1) Weber viewed the West as superior over the rest of the world. (2) He played down the role of colonialism in stemming the development of the Orient. (3) Weber claimed a unity of religion & culture, which led him to characterize the Orient in misleading ways. It is suggested that these changes could be proven only if it could be shown that the original failure of modernization in the Orient was due to colonialism; but this cannot be proven. Moreover, it is shown that a truly Weberian research program would be more subtle concerning the role of religion than his critics have claimed. Employing a Weberian analysis, it is argued that the contemporary Islamic project will ultimately fail to unify & integrate Islamic countries, because it is incapable of leading the modernization of this region. 37 References. D. M. Ryfe

Der Beitrag zur europäischen Integration beschäftigt sich mit dem Religionspluralismus am Beispiel des (europäischen) Islam in der Türkei. In diesem Zusammenhang werden folgende Aspekte erörtert: (1) die islamische Prägung der Regierungspartei AK unter dem Parteiführer und Ministerpräsidenten T. Erdogan, (2) die Verankerung des Islam im Alltag, (3) Anzeichen der Säkularisierung, beispielsweise im Schulwesen, (4) kulturelle Konfliktlinien zwischen dem Islam und dem Christentum, (5) die Positionierung des Islam im Zuge des angestrebten EU-Beitritts der Türkei und im Zuge von steigendem Wohlstand, Mobilität und Emanzipation, also im Zuge des sozialen Wandels, (6) die konservative Gesellschaft in den ländlichen Gebieten sowie (7) der gelockerte, europäische Islam in den Städten der Türkei. Somit präsentiert sich der Islam in der Türkei als ein vielgestaltiges Phänomen, das zumindest in den urbanen Ballungsgebieten an Einfluss verloren hat. (ICG). Die Untersuchung enthält quantitative Daten. Die Untersuchung bezieht sich auf den Zeitraum 1970 bis 2002.

"This chapter claims that there is a new social and political phenomenon in Europe, which comes into force along with the visibility of Islam in the public space. It argues that there are two simultaneously running processes regarding the changing nature of Euro-Islam, which seem to be antithetical: individualization of Islam versus institutionalization of Islam. The underlying assumption of the work is that while the processes of globalization seem to prompt younger generations with Muslim background, in particular 'Türkiyeli', to liberate themselves from the constraints of their patriarchal parental and community culture, western states as well as ethno-cultural and religious brokers tend to reify, or reinforce, the existing communal and religious boundaries. That is to say that the descendants of migrants seem to be torn between individualization and institutionalization of Islam. The chapter focuses on the ways in which Islam has recently been accommodated by the state in Germany, France, Belgium, the Netherlands and Switzerland." (author's abstract)

The state of civil society in urban Turkey is discussed in reference to the potential coexistence of civil society & Islam. Although Western-style civil society, based on individualism & contractual relationship, is rarely found in Turkey, civic activities are often performed through voluntary associations & grassroots protests. This form of civil society, grounded in mutual trust, reciprocity, & interpersonal obligation, allows all citizens to freely choose alliances & shape their personal identities through mutual cooperation. Although critics have argued that civil society is not compatible with Islam, this distinctly Turkish form of civil society predated recent Islamic political succeses & has survived & even flourished during Islamic political rule. However, the continued vitality of civil society in Turkey demands a political structure that allows diversity & plurality, & it is concluded that politics, rather than Islam, should be the focus of future debates regarding civil society in the Middle East. 26 References. T. Sevier

The emergence of the "Islam industry," an ideology-based strategy of manipulating American public opinion into supporting a culture war against fundamentalist Islam & embracing moderate, pro-democracy Islamic movements, in the contemporary US is examined. A review of various works published after the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks indicated the emergence of an ideological movement within the US that delineated Islam as anti-modernist, anti-secular, & dangerously fundamentalist. It is stressed that few works identified the circumstances that prompted Islamic guardedness toward American society & eventually militant Islam; therefore, the conditions that engendered radical Islam are documented, eg, Israel's regional foreign policy during the 1960s & 1970s & the failure to enhance the socio-economic status of the poor classes in Algeria & Morocco. It is concluded that the Islam industry forced US foreign policymakers to advance counterproductive policies in order to prevent fundamentalist Islamic movements from acquiring national power. J. W. Parker

Examines the influence of Islam as an ideological model of separatism in Chechnya. Such a form of Islam was not predominant in Chechnya, & the initiative of turning to Islam as an ideological paradigm & political means of struggle had to be taken by powerful secular politicians with concrete pragmatic goals. Thus the call for jihad was made by Chechen leader General Dzhokar Dudayev. In the latter 1990s, following the rupture of the separatists, Islam still helped shape the internal political situation, particularly in terms of attempts to establish a national state. The Salafite public supported an Islamic state, which, it is asserted, was not the case for many other Chechens, who did not like the idea of shariah much less an Islamic state. How this conflict played out in the Chechen political arena is addressed, along with the failure of the Salafite project to establish an Islamic state. The degree of external influence on events in Chechnya & on the efforts of local Salafites to establish an Islamic state is considered in conclusion. J. Zendejas