Suchergebnisse

The Treaty of Trianon (hereinafter Trianon), the enormous losses of territory and co-ethnics, and the shaking of Hungary's status as a dominant power in the Carpathian Basin imputed a tragic understanding of contemporary Hungarian history on the Hungarian society, invoking the idea of a trauma lasting even today. Trianon's understanding became a divisive issue for political parties after 1989, highlighting the ever-deeper divisions between right and left-liberals, since 2010. Its "overcoming" is a flagship project of the government's politics of identity, with modest success so far. Thus, the 100th anniversary was a crucial moment as a test case for a self-professed nationalist, traditionalist, conservative political force for manifesting a comprehensive politics of memory. In the light of the newly built monument at the heart of Budapest, with the Hungarian names of all localities on the territory of pre-1918 Hungary inscribed on its wall, a cautious shifting back to territorial revisionism was expected. In this article, I will argue that even with such tendencies being, obviously, present, the official commemorations were crafted with a surprising message, that attempts to turn the canonical understanding of Trianon upside down and reframe it into a common catastrophe of Central Europe. Doing so places the consequences in the context of the decolonization of history, the present decline of empires, and the emergence of nation-states while combining it with important tropes of the traditional, anti-liberal and revisionist Trianon discourse. Nevertheless, the result is a transparently political message that is not only driven by easily visible actual political goals (V4 and Central European), but one that detaches the politics of memory from historical references and legacies and creates a set of shallow symbols for utter instrumentalization, to recombine at will, in a vulgarised sense of post-modernism.

W swych rozważaniach nad globalnym kryzysem edukacji, autor koncentruje się nad coraz ściślejszym splotem między edukacją a ekonomią i polityką, skupiając się przy tym na często pomijanym wymiarze światowego kryzysu edukacyjnego, a mianowicie na braku uznania edukacji za cel znaczący sam w sobie. Ilustrując swoje przemyślenia trzema przykładami z USA, Izraela i Polski, autor naświetla obecny kryzys jako ogólny atak na życie intelektualne oraz ukazuje jego rolę w życiu jednostek i społeczeństwa. ; In his reflection on the global crisis in education, the author points to the growing conflation of education with economics and politics and considers a generally neglected dimension of worldwide educational crisis, namely, the persistent lack of appreciation of education as a significant end in itself. He illustrates his point on three national cases - the United States, Israel and Poland – and shows the current crisis as a general attack using the life of the mind and the role it plays in the life of society and individuals.

The aim of the paper is to scrutinize activities related to the commemoration of Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky. There were three main goals of the research. The first one was to identify the most important actors of the commemorative activities. The second goal was to reconstruct the strategies applied by these agents. Thirdly, this research aimed to consider current processes in the Ukrainian political system. In particular, the question was what we can know about the evolution of these commemorative activities after the Euromaidan based on relations between different agents in the mnemonic field. Special emphasis was placed on Sheptytsky's attitude during the Holocaust and on the impact of this topic on the commemorative activities. As a theoretical framework of the research, Jan Kubik and Michael Bernhard's theory of the politics of memory was applied. The research enabled verification of some elements of Kubik and Bernhard's concept. Inter alia it was an issue of a set of presumptions regarding interrelations between strategies applied by mnemonic actors, the structure of mnemonic regime, and prospects for democratization of a political system.

Problem przystąpienia Polski do strefy euro jest ponadczasowy, ważny nie tylko w kwestiach gospodarczych i politycznych, ale przede wszystkim cywilizacyjnych. Nasz kraj po upadku komunizmu opowiedział się za włączeniem do struktur europejskich (NATO i Unia Europejska). Była w tym wyborze zgoda elit politycznych, podporządkowano temu całą polską politykę wewnętrzną i zagraniczną. Cel został osiągnięty w latach 1999–2004. Wydawać by się mogło, że po osiągnięciu tego sukcesu państwo polskie dalej będzie się integrować z Zachodem, wpisywać się w krąg cywilizacji zachodnioeuropejskiej. To jedyna droga wyjścia z peryferii i zajęcia miejsca w centrum Europy i zachodniej cywilizacji, do czego Polska dążyła bezskutecznie przez kilkaset lat. Tymczasem okazało się, że większość elit politycznych z koniunkturalnych i doraźnych pobudek zmieniła w tej fundamentalnej sprawie zdanie. Jest to bardzo niebezpieczny trend polityczny, ponieważ możemy być w najbliższej przyszłości jako państwo, ale również społeczeństwo zmarginalizowani jako peryferie w przestrzeni europejskiej. Euro to nie tylko wspólna waluta, ale gwarant stałego miejsca w centrum Europy co mogłoby zapewnić Polsce bezpieczny byt, stabilność gospodarczą obecnie i w przyszłości, wyzwolenie się od przeszłości wschodnioeuropejskiej. ; The issue of Poland's accession to the eurozone is universal and crucial both in economic and political terms, as well as with reference to civilizational processes. After the collapse of communism, Poland opted to join European structures (NATO and the European Union). This choice was concordantly made by the political elite, and the entire internal and foreign policy of Poland was aimed at these goals, which were eventually achieved in 1999–2004. It might seem that having succeeded there, Poland would continue to integrate with the West and become a part of Western European civilization. This is the only way to escape the peripheries and take a central position in Europe and western civilization, something Poland has unavailingly endeavored to achieve for centuries. It has turned out, however, that on account of opportunistic and short-term gains the majority of the political elite have changed their standpoint on this fundamental issue. This political trend is quite dangerous as it may result in the Polish state and society being marginalized on the peripheries of European circles. The euro is more than a single currency, it is also a guarantee of Poland's permanent position in the center of Europe, that could ensure secure its existence, its present and future economic stability, and liberation from its Eastern European past.

Problem przystąpienia Polski do strefy euro jest ponadczasowy, ważny nie tylko w kwestiach gospodarczych i politycznych, ale przede wszystkim cywilizacyjnych. Nasz kraj po upadku komunizmu opowiedział się za włączeniem do struktur europejskich (NATO i Unia Europejska). Była w tym wyborze zgoda elit politycznych, podporządkowano temu całą polską politykę wewnętrzną i zagraniczną. Cel został osiągnięty w latach 1999–2004. Wydawać by się mogło, że po osiągnięciu tego sukcesu państwo polskie dalej będzie się integrować z Zachodem, wpisywać się w krąg cywilizacji zachodnioeuropejskiej. To jedyna droga wyjścia z peryferii i zajęcia miejsca w centrum Europy i zachodniej cywilizacji, do czego Polska dążyła bezskutecznie przez kilkaset lat. Tymczasem okazało się, że większość elit politycznych z koniunkturalnych i doraźnych pobudek zmieniła w tej fundamentalnej sprawie zdanie. Jest to bardzo niebezpieczny trend polityczny, ponieważ możemy być w najbliższej przyszłości jako państwo, ale również społeczeństwo zmarginalizowani jako peryferie w przestrzeni europejskiej. Euro to nie tylko wspólna waluta, ale gwarant stałego miejsca w centrum Europy co mogłoby zapewnić Polsce bezpieczny byt, stabilność gospodarczą obecnie i w przyszłości, wyzwolenie się od przeszłości wschodnioeuropejskiej. ; The issue of Poland's accession to the eurozone is universal and crucial both in economic and political terms, as well as with reference to civilizational processes. After the collapse of communism, Poland opted to join European structures (NATO and the European Union). This choice was concordantly made by the political elite, and the entire internal and foreign policy of Poland was aimed at these goals, which were eventually achieved in 1999–2004. It might seem that having succeeded there, Poland would continue to integrate with the West and become a part of Western European civilization. This is the only way to escape the peripheries and take a central position in Europe and western civilization, something Poland has unavailingly endeavored to achieve for centuries. It has turned out, however, that on account of opportunistic and short-term gains the majority of the political elite have changed their standpoint on this fundamental issue. This political trend is quite dangerous as it may result in the Polish state and society being marginalized on the peripheries of European circles. The euro is more than a single currency, it is also a guarantee of Poland's permanent position in the center of Europe, that could ensure secure its existence, its present and future economic stability, and liberation from its Eastern European past.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze public discussion on the place of the artist Nergal in Polish society (or outside of this society). This discussion has significantly expanded the present context of the tabloidization of political stage and the dimension of politicality. As indicated by Chantal Mouffe, modern politicality is played out in the "moral register". The conflict between "right and left" wing is replaced by the "struggle between good and evil". Politicians have 'used' a private individual, or the artist-celebrity - Adam Darski, to create a powerful social dichotomy, dividing society into good, religious, Catholic believers who condemn the staged artistic expression of the Behemoth band and the bad, non-religious, non-Catholic non-believers who are indifferent to how religious symbols are used. What is peculiar is the fact that this discussion took place in the opinion-forming press on the one hand and in tabloids and gossip services on the other. This undoubtedly demonstrated the tabloid-like dimension of the Polish political stage, which has been observable for some time now, although all sides were convinced they were acting as a defender of Polish democracy.

Historical policy versus the politics of remembrance is undoubtedly a policy, or a peculiar way to 'conduct policy,' where the optimally true knowledge of history as well as falsified and mythicized information about the past are a means to maintain, win and participate in power. By this token, historical policy is about the instrumentalization of the knowledge of history and mythicized accounts or opinions of the past for the sake of the implementation of a political agenda.So far, the concept of 'historical policy' has not yet become a clear academic category, which makes it difficult to agree what it actually encompasses. Still, the concept of 'historical policy' stands a chance of becoming an objective category in political science. Some professional historians may lean towards a certain skepticism, especially if they accept the traditional paradigm of studying the history of society.Misunderstandings regarding the issue of 'historical policy' sometimes result in a tendency to reject the possibility of this concept being applied by academics from the humanities and social fields of science. Recently, the issue of 'historical policy' has become of interest to political scientists, whose area of study involves the multiplicity of 'detailed policies.''Historical policy' is also discussed by many journalists who do not always present deepened reflections and concrete attitudes, as they rather tend to express their subjective views. It turns out that some Polish historians, political scientists and journalists are embroiled in the current political dispute in Poland. They frequently assume the role of lobbyists or opponents of one option of historical policy or another. The issue of historical policy requires analysis and explanation in an objective and multidisciplinary manner. It is a positive phenomenon that more and more publications with academic aspirations are emerging on this subject in Poland. One should recommend the cooperation between political scientists and historians in order to review and reliably explain planned and executed historical policy in a comparative manner. ; Historical policy versus the politics of remembrance is undoubtedly a policy, or a peculiar way to 'conduct policy,' where the optimally true knowledge of history as well as falsified and mythicized information about the past are a means to maintain, win and participate in power. By this token, historical policy is about the instrumentalization of the knowledge of history and mythicized accounts or opinions of the past for the sake of the implementation of a political agenda.So far, the concept of 'historical policy' has not yet become a clear academic category, which makes it difficult to agree what it actually encompasses. Still, the concept of 'historical policy' stands a chance of becoming an objective category in political science. Some professional historians may lean towards a certain skepticism, especially if they accept the traditional paradigm of studying the history of society.Misunderstandings regarding the issue of 'historical policy' sometimes result in a tendency to reject the possibility of this concept being applied by academics from the humanities and social fields of science. Recently, the issue of 'historical policy' has become of interest to political scientists, whose area of study involves the multiplicity of 'detailed policies.''Historical policy' is also discussed by many journalists who do not always present deepened reflections and concrete attitudes, as they rather tend to express their subjective views. It turns out that some Polish historians, political scientists and journalists are embroiled in the current political dispute in Poland. They frequently assume the role of lobbyists or opponents of one option of historical policy or another. The issue of historical policy requires analysis and explanation in an objective and multidisciplinary manner. It is a positive phenomenon that more and more publications with academic aspirations are emerging on this subject in Poland. One should recommend the cooperation between political scientists and historians in order to review and reliably explain planned and executed historical policy in a comparative manner.

One of the consequences of Poland's membership in EU is the necessity to pursue politics, within the union, which is optimal for EU's interest. This involves, among other things, identifying potential gains, challenges or threats, making choices and decisions, formulating goals and selecting tools to achieve them. This article is an attempt at indentifying major dilemmas and challenges facing Poland as a EU member country in the second decade of the 21st century. They pertain to the following issues: membership in the eurozone, diversification of integration in EU, further deepening of integration within the organization and of its model, development of EU's safety and defence policy, energy and climate policy, accepting new members and the exit of Great Britain from the union. The author outlines some conditions and options that Poland has to take into consideration as a EU member country.

Kłodzko Fortress - an undisputed witness of the stormy Silesian wars between the two powers: Austria and Prussia, whose course changed the map of 18th- century Europe, but above all the building which is a unique example of modern military architecture in Europe, where the architectural solutions of several fortification schools intersect, preserved to this day and making the Kłodzko fortress a kind of encyclopedia of fortifications - remains outside the list of monuments recognized as Monuments of History. The efforts undertaken in 2009 to include the fortress on this list of prestigious monuments did not bring the expected result, and the past decade has provided many valuable conclusions on the role and scope of protection of monuments in relation to both local and central politics. This article is an attempt at a synthetic presentation of the case of the Kłodzko Fortress in connection with a renewed attempt to obtain the title of a Monument of History. It is also an echo of the voices focusing on the strictly Polish heritage that emerged during the conference Monuments of History - protection, management, promotion. ; Twierdza Kłodzko – niekwestionowany świadek burzliwych wojen śląskich między dwoma mocarstwami: cesarską Austrią i rosnącymi w silę Prusami, których przebieg zmienił mapę XVIIIwiecznej Europy, ale przede wszystkim obiekt stanowiący wyjątkowy w skali Europy przykład nowożytnej architectura militaris, gdzie krzyżują się rozwiązania architektoniczne kilku szkół fortyfikacyjnych, zachowane do dziś i czyniące z kłodzkiej twierdzy swoistą encyklopedię fortyfikacji – pozostaje poza listą zabytków uznanych za Pomniki Historii. Podjęte w 2009 r. starania o wpisanie twierdzy na tę listę prestiżowych zabytków nie przyniosły spodziewanego rezultatu, a miniona dekada dostarcza wielu cennych wniosków na temat roli i zakresu ochrony zabytków wobec zarówno lokalnej, jak i centralnej polityki. Niniejszy artykuł stanowi próbę syntetycznej prezentacji przypadku Twierdzy Kłodzko w związku z ponownie podjętą próbą uzyskania tytułu Pomnika Historii. Jest również echem głosów koncentrujących się na dziedzictwie stricte polskim, wybrzmiałych podczas konferencji Pomniki Historii – ochrona, zarządzanie, promocja.

The article examines the Polish regional differences after 1990. It shows the evolutionary process of creation and re-creation of a regional identity (from administrative regions to regions of identity). The author characterizes types of political representation in the Polish regions and wonders if the regions are independent entities of the EU policies. The author also asks about the relationships beetwen regions and the center from the perspective of construction of regional development strategies and about the advantages and disadvantages of concentration of capacity building in Warsaw. ; Udostępnienie publikacji Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego finansowane w ramach projektu "Doskonałość naukowa kluczem do doskonałości kształcenia". Projekt realizowany jest ze środków Europejskiego Funduszu Społecznego w ramach Programu Operacyjnego Wiedza Edukacja Rozwój; nr umowy: POWER.03.05.00-00-Z092/17-00.