Suchergebnisse

Front Matter -- /Luis Manuel Hernández Aguilar -- Contents /Luis Manuel Hernández Aguilar -- Acknowledgments /Luis Manuel Hernández Aguilar -- Introduction /Luis Manuel Hernández Aguilar -- Figuring the Past—on the Muslim Question /Luis Manuel Hernández Aguilar -- Introduction to Part 1 /Luis Manuel Hernández Aguilar -- Who are These Muslims? About the Past and the New Orient /Luis Manuel Hernández Aguilar -- Becoming a Problem /Luis Manuel Hernández Aguilar -- Reconfiguring the Present—Integration as the Answer /Luis Manuel Hernández Aguilar -- Introduction to Part 2 /Luis Manuel Hernández Aguilar -- Integration /Luis Manuel Hernández Aguilar -- Integration, Security, and Prevention /Luis Manuel Hernández Aguilar -- The Glossary of the Conflictive Present /Luis Manuel Hernández Aguilar -- Projecting Germanness into the Future—Tolerance and Imams /Luis Manuel Hernández Aguilar -- Introduction to Part 3 /Luis Manuel Hernández Aguilar -- The Tolerant Future /Luis Manuel Hernández Aguilar -- Secular Imams and Secular Muslims for a Secular Future /Luis Manuel Hernández Aguilar -- Epilogue: The Time of Race, Racial Times /Luis Manuel Hernández Aguilar.

The historical Islamic state developed interesting methods of quasi-consociational and semi-corporatist aggregation of communities. From quite early on, Sunnism became the religion of the ruling elite and of the state as well as part of the state's legal and cultural system. Subsequently, the geographical distribution and the political economy of the Islamic sects and of the religious minorities manifested quite distinct features that were mainly a function of their relationship to the state. Whereas the Islamic sects did not come to terms ideologically and organizationally with the state, the religious minorities, on the whole, adjusted themselves mentally and behaviorally to its requirements. By comparison, the contemporary Middle Eastern state, both the secular and the Islamic, is achieving less success in dealing with its communal problem. Certain groups are excluded in the former type in spite of the secularist slogans, and certain groups are excluded in the latter because of the ideological or religious nature of the state. Improvisation is needed, and Muslim statesmen and intellectuals may need to go beyond, and even outside, conventional Islamic jurisprudence in order to deal with this issue.

Akbarzadeh and Saeed explore one of the most challenging issues facing the Muslim world: the Islamisation of political power. They present a comparative analysis of Muslim societies in West, South, Central and South East Asia and highlight the immediacy of the challenge for the political leadership in those societies. Islam and Political Legitimacy contends that the growing reliance on Islamic symbolism across the Muslim world, even in states that have had a strained relationship with Islam, has contributed to the evolution of Islam as a social and cultural factor to an entrenched political fo

Religious resurgence and democratization have been two of the most significant developments of the last quarter of the twentieth century. Frequently they work together; other times they are at odds. In the muslim world, this relationship is of special importance because of the strength of the Islamic resurgence, and the intensity of muslim demands for greater popular participation in political processes. Esposito and Voll use six case studies to look at the history of this relationship and the role played by new Islamic movements. At one end of the spectrum, Iran and Sudan represent two cases

Islam is a growing presence practically everywhere in Europe. In Italy, however, Islam has met a unique model of state neutrality, religious freedom and church and state collaboration. This book gives a detailed description of the legal treatment of Muslims in Italy, contrasting it with other European states and jurisprudence, and with wider global tendencies that characterize the treatment of Islam. Through focusing on a series of case studies, the author argues that the relationship between church and state in Italy, and more broadly in Europe, should be reconsidered both to secure religious freedom and general welfare. Working on the concepts of religious freedom, state neutrality, and relationship between church and state, Andrea Pin develops a theoretical framework that combines the state level with the supranational level in the form of the European Convention of Human Rights, which ultimately shapes a unitary but flexible understanding of pluralism. This approach should better accommodate not just Muslims' needs, but religious needs in general in Italy and elsewhere.

In what appeared like a dramatic reversal of previous policies towards organised Islam, President Soeharto in December 1990 gave his personal endorsement to the establishment of the Association of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals (Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Se-Indonesia, ICMI), a body in which former regime critics, associated with the banned Muslim party Masyumi, played leading roles. Led by the man who believes himself to be Soeharto's preferrred candidate for succession, technology minister B.J. Habibie, ICMI remained in the limelight and pioneered various activities of symbolic importance to many Muslims. It established an Islamic (i.e., interest-free) bank and a Muslim quality newspaper that was meant to break the hold of the leading Christian-owned newspapers on the reading public.[1] In the new government, established after the 1992 elections, the Christian ministers who had long controlled the economic ministries were replaced by Muslims with ICMI connections. There was a notable decline of influence of Christians in the higher echelons of the intelligence services and the armed forces.

'Bei Aussagen zur 'islamischen Wiedergeburt' im Bereich der GUS ist die regionale und ethnische Differenzierung zu berücksichtigen. Sie läßt Muslime aus bestimmten Seßhaften-Regionen Mittelasiens als striktere Anhänger ihrer Glaubensgemeinschaft erscheinen als Völker der nomadischen Kulturzonen wie Kasachen und Kirgisen, Tataren als 'weltlichere' Muslime als bestimmte dagestanische Völker. Die Vorstellung einer gleichförmigen islamischen Wiedergeburt von Tatarstan im Norden bis Tadschikistan im Süden ist absurd. Der Islam in der GUS entfällt im wesentlichen auf fünf Regionen: auf die Wolga-Ural-Region (mit Ausstrahlungen nach Sibirien) und den Nordkaukasus in der Russischen Föderation, auf den östlichen Transkaukasus mit Aserbaidschan, auf Mittelasien mit den GUS-Staaten Usbekistan, Turkmenistan, Kirgistan und Tadschikistan und auf Kasachstan. Im vorliegenden Bericht werden die Staaten Zentralasiens und Aserbaidschan behandelt, in einem weiteren wird es um den Islam in Rußland gehen.' (Autorenreferat)