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Ko slišimo za pojem korupcija, takoj pomislimo na zlorabo javne službe za doseganje lastnih koristi. Posamezniki in podjetja podkupujejo administrativne uslužbence, da le-ti uredijo zadeve, ki morajo biti rešene. Gre torej za izsiljevanje rent od gospodarskih udeležencev in posledično od ekonomije same izključno za zasebne koristi politikov in uradnikov. Tovrsten pristop k obravnavanju pojava je v zadnjih letih začrtal popolnoma novo smer analiziranja in merjenja korupcije. Korupcija se predstavi v popolnoma novi podobi, v kateri posamezniki, skupine oziroma podjetja vplivajo na formulacijo zakonov, ali celo spreobračajo že oblikovana pravila igre, da bi si s tem zagotovili pomembne ugodnosti. Korupcija je in vedno bo obstajala v svetu, edina razlika je v tem, da se z razvojem družb spreminja, prevzema bolj prefinjene oblike, zaradi katerih jo je težje odkrivati in preprečevati. Vse bolj razsežne in destruktivne posledice, ki jih ima korupcija na gospodarsko rast in družbeno stabilnost, nujno zahtevajo praktične strategije omejevanja korupcije. Problem korupcije se ne omejuje na določeno regijo, kajti z njenimi grožnjami se ubadajo tako razvite države kot tudi države v razvoju in tranzitne države. V postsocialističnih državah so sočasni procesi razvijanja tržne ekonomije, oblikovanja novih političnih in socialnih institucij ter prerazporejanje družbene lastnine ustvarili rodna tla za pojav korupcije. Zaradi kompleksnosti fenomena in predvsem zaradi vse večjega zavedanja, da vzroki za prevzem države presegajo golo neučinkovitost in šibkost državne uprave, je potrebno za razumevanje in odpravljanje state capture razsvetliti problem širših strukturalnih povezav, kot so interna organizacija političnega sistema, odnosi in zveze med ključnimi državnimi institucijami, interakcije med podjetji in državo ter povezave med državo in civilno družbo. ; When we think about corruption, an image quickly comes to mind of abuse of public office for private gains. Individuals and firms are bribing bureaucrats to »get things done«. Behind this view lies an understanding of the state extracting rents from the economy for the exclusive benefit of politicians and bureaucrats. Such an aprroach has had a powerful impact on the way corruption has been analyzed and measured in recent years. Corruption has taken on a new image – that of individuals, groups, or firms manipulating policy formation and even shaping the emerging rules of the game to their own, very substantional advantage. Corruption has always existed across the world and it will never disappear, the difference is that has become more sophisticated and thus more difficult and costly to detect. With the increasing recognition across the globe of the damaging effects of corruption on economic growth and social stability, the demand for practical strategies to reduce corruption has grown dramatically. The problem is not confined to any particular region, and developed, developing and transition countries alike are confronting these challenges. In postcommunist states the simultaneous processes of developing a market economy, designing new political and social institutions and redistributing social assets have created fertile ground for corruption. With regard to complexity of phenomena and with increasing recognition that the roots of state capture extend far beyond weaknesses in the capacity of government, we need to be aware of factors underlying the persistence of corruption that is broader structural relationships, including the internal organization of the political system, relationships among core state institutions, the interactions between the state and firms, and the relationship between the sate and civil society.

Abstract. The purpose of the article is to explain the creation of the Slovenian debt state and its transformation
into a consolidation state after the crisis of 2008. When
the crisis struck Slovenia in 2009, the banking system
was near collapse. Through the recapitalisations of the
banking system the public debt began to grow. After a
couple of years and under the structural pressures of rating agencies and pressures from the EU, the Slovenian
state had to adopt austerity measures to consolidate its
public finances, while limiting the scope of democracy.
The main finding of the article is that the crisis of 2008
fundamentally changed the Slovenian state.
Keywords: capitalist state, consolidation state, debt,
Slovenia, democracy

Abstract. The article addresses the question of the role of the state in the protection of human rights and freedoms. Like states, rights and freedoms are also created on the basis of social conventions, and any reference to the universal nature or natural character of rights and freedoms is only an ideological moment in the pursuit of political goals. The basic prerequisite for the protection of rights and freedoms is the establishment of organised coercion in the form of state power which brings under its authority the multitude of different interests and diverse ways of implementing justice. The conclusive findings show that for its successful introduction into the lives of individuals, the moral discourse of universal human rights and freedoms needs effective state authority that embeds these rights and freedoms into the foundations of the legitimacy of its own existence. Keywords: Constitutionalism, the state, human rights and freedoms, Leviathan, Thomas Hobbes

Abstract. In this article, we argue that social sciences generally
and political science in particular are faced with
a peculiar epistemological challenge while researching
the state in the 21st century. Namely, the state has often
been either naturalised, seen as a static and ahistorical
entity resistant to changes in the environment, or naïvely
rejected as a form of political organisation that is
with neoliberal globalisation withering away. In either
instance, the processes of redefining and redistributing
of the state, and hence its de-/reterritorialising and rescaling,
have largely gone unnoticed. Our analysis reassesses
the hegemonic theories of state and shows that in
the mainstream of political science research on the state
is still anchored to the (geographical) assumptions that
limit or even define the state and its exercise of power
to a geographically demarcated and fixed territory.
Drawing on recent approaches to space, scale and territory,
this article calls for a heterodox and pluralist methodology
in further research on state as well as non-state
spaces.
Keywords: the state, non-state spaces, globalisation, territory,
political geography

V prvem delu magistrskega dela sem se osredotočil na zgodovino in organiziranost gasilcev v Sloveniji in Združenih državah Amerike, predstavil sem požarno preventivo in vzroke za požare. V svetu požari postajajo vedno večji problem, saj zaradi klimatskih sprememb, staranja prebivalstva, malomarnosti ljudi, nepazljivosti, novih tehnologij, različnih novih materialov in zmanjševanja vlaganj v požarno varnost lahko povzročijo vse večjo premoženjsko, materialno in človeško škodo. S tem lahko opozorimo na dejstvo, da je gasilstvo zelo pomembna družbena panoga, ki pa je v Sloveniji slabše cenjena kot v Združenih državah Amerike. K znanju in usposobljenosti gasilcev izjemno pripomorejo zgodovina, organiziranost in vlaganje denarja. Seveda ne smemo pozabiti tudi na izboljševanje zakonodaje področja požarne varnosti, ki zajema tako načrtovanje požarne varnosti in tudi samo gašenje požarov. Organiziranost gasilcev v Sloveniji in Združenih državah Amerike je različno, saj se zdi da so ameriški gasilci bolje tehnično in organizacijsko izurjeni. V zgodovini obeh držav se je zgodilo mnogo uničujočih požarov, ki so terjali veliko smrtnih žrtev in premoženja. V drugem delu magistrskega dela sem opravil statistično analizo števila požarov in škode, ki je pri tem nastala v Sloveniji in v Združenih državah Amerike v obdobju od leta 1992 do leta 2018. V Sloveniji se vsako leto zgodi od 4000 do 6000 požarov, v Združenih državah Amerike pa se v zadnjih letih zgodi od 1,3 milijona do 1,6 milijona požarov letno. Najpogostejši požari so požari v objektih, v prometu, v naravi in v komunalnih ali drugih zabojnikih. V Sloveniji se skozi leta število požarov drastično ni spremenilo, vendar pa število ves čas niha. V Združenih državah Amerike se je število požarov iz leta 1992 zmanjšalo za okoli 25 %. Število poškodovanih v požarih se v Sloveniji v zadnjih letih malce zvišuje, število smrtnih žrtev požara pa ostaja dokaj konstantno. V Združenih državah Amerike obe ti številki skozi leta padata. Izjema je le leto 2001, ko se je zgodil napad na World Trade Center. Premoženjska škoda, ki je nastala v požarih, je v Sloveniji v zadnjih letih okoli 7 milijonov evrov, v Združenih državah Amerike pa se ta številka že več kot 15 let vrti okoli 15 milijard dolarjev. Spet pa je izjema leto 2001 zaradi napada v New Yorku, ki je povzročil več kot 30 milijard denarne škode. ; In the first part of the master's degree thesis, I focused on the history and organization of firefighters in Slovenia and United States of America, I presented fire prevention and the causes of fires. In the world, fires are becoming an increasing problem, as they can cause increasing property, material and human damage due to climate change, population aging, human negligence, carelessness, new technologies, various new materials and reduced investment in fire safety. Therefore, firefighting is a very important social sector, which is less valued in Slovenia than in the United States. History, organization and investment of money contribute enormously to the knowledge and skills of firefighters. Of course, we must not forget to improve the legislation in the field of fire safety, which includes both fire safety planning and firefighting itself. The organization of firefighters in Slovenia and the United States is different, it seems that American firefighters are better technically and organizationally trained. In addition, this profession is also more valued there. There have been many devastating fires in the history of both countries, claiming many lives and property. In the second part of my master's degree thesis, I performed a statistical analysis of the number of fires and damage that occurred in Slovenia and the United States in the period from 1992 to 2018. In Slovenia, between 4,000 and 6,000 fires occur every year. In the United States, however, 1.3 million to 1.6 million fires have occurred in recent years. The most common fires are fires in buildings, in traffic, in nature, and in communal or other containers. In Slovenia, the number of fires has not changed drastically over the years, the number fluctuates all the time. In the United States, however, the number of fires in 1992 fell by about 25 percents. The number of people injured in fires in Slovenia has been rising slightly in recent years, while the number of fatalities in fires has remained fairly constant. In the United States, however, both of these numbers have been falling over the years. The only exception is 2001, when the attack on the World Trade Center took place. The property damage caused by fires in Slovenia in recent years is around 7 million euros, and in the United States this figure has been hovering around 15 billion dollars for more than 15 years. Again, the exception is 2001 due to the attack in New York, which caused more than 30 billion in monetary damage.

This paper analyzes the issue of nations without states in contemporary Europe between the Atlantic and the Urals. The political map of the continent comprises forty-seven countries, most of which are nation-states. However, the cultural mosaic of Europe is far more complex; there are around fifty ethnic groups (in addition to historical, territorial, or indigenous ethnic minorities and an enormous number of immigrant ethnic communities) lacking a state-based organization. Together, these people add up to 78 million, or almost 15% of the European population. Twenty-seven groups can be considered nations without states; they are culturally and ethnically based and have various forms of territorial integrity and political organization. However, they did not create a state organization, despite many attempts by some through history. Without a state organization, those communities have poorer opportunities to protect their folk culture and to reproduce various elements of ethnic identity. This is why they seek territorial autonomy or independent statehood through nationalist movements. In many cases, these ambitions are encompassed in regional movements. These movements have been popular in Europe, particularly because the idea of a "Europe of regions" as part of the European Union has had broad political support and acceptance. However, it has not actually succeeded. The EU and Europe as a whole are still a Europe of (nation)-states. In general, regional movements have been successful and through this some nations without states have attained part of their political ambitions in the form of territorial autonomy. The regionalization of former centralist states (e.g., Spain and the United Kingdom) increased the chances of ethnic survival for the Catalans, Basques, Scots, and Welsh. On the other hand, the regionalization of nations without states represented territorial division, a kind of "divide and rule" strategy serving to reduce their ambitions towards national independence. The territorial and political reconstruction of nation-states has been successful, but it did not solve all ethnic problems. The European political map reveals another interesting phenomenon: a double state for some nations. These are particularly typical for the Balkans. Because of political and territorial development after the Second World War and during the transition period in the 1990s and beyond, the principle of immutable political borders (logically encompassing the creation of new nation-states as well) led to further political and territorial divisions and (in fact, paradoxically) fragmentation. Some of these "inner" autonomous territories are functioning as de facto states. The cases of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus or Republika Srpska in Bosnia-Herzegovina are good examples of these processes. This development has not garnered much political support in most European countries or at the EU level. However, it is an undesirable reality and is certainly one of changes among the political and territorial (or even greater) challenges for the Europe of tomorrow. It forces a reexamination of the phenomenon and value of nations. The existence of nations without states represents a potential for the creation of new (nation) states.

Magistrsko delo ugotavlja, na kakšen način so se razvijale male države po koncu obdobja kolonizacije. Ob pridobitvi samostojnosti so bile večinoma nerazvite in gospodarsko zelo odvisne od nekdanjih kolonizatorjev. Vsaka država je ubrala svojo pot, nekatere so postale zelo uspešne, druge pa manj. Katere razvojne strategije so bile uporabljene ter zakaj se stopnje razvoje, ki so jih dosegle male države, tako zelo razlikujejo? Je bila usmerjenost v trgovino ključna za razvojni uspeh? Namen dela je s pomočjo empirične analize raziskati, ali je izvozna usmerjenosti primerna strategija razvoja per se ali pa obstajajo nekateri drugi instrumenti politike, ki določajo uspešnost razvoja države. Osredotočila sem se na analizo razvoja treh malih otoških držav – Singapurja, Mauritiusa in Zelenortskih otokov. Do danes so vse tri države dosegle zelo različne stopnje razvoja. Kljub temu, da je izvoz eden od glavnih dejavnikov razvoja za male države pa lahko na podlagi analize trdim, da je od vsake posamezne države odvisno, kako izkoristi dane razvojne možnosti. ; This master thesis tries to find out how small states developed after the end of the colonization. When they gained independence, they were mostly underdeveloped and economically dependent on the former colonizers. Each state has taken its own path, some of them became very successful, others not so. Which development strategies were used and why do the levels of development achieved by small states vary so much? Was the trade crucial for development success? The purpose of my thesis is to explore with empirical analysis if export orientation is an appropriate development strategy for the small states per se, or are there some other policy instruments which determine a small country's successful development. I focused on the analysis of the development of the three small island states - Singapore, Mauritius and Cape Verde. Until today, all three counties have reached very different stages of development. Despite the fact, that export is one of the main development factors for small countries I can assert on the basis of the analysis, that it depends on each county, how they take advantage of given development opportunities.

Abstract. The aim of the article is to examine the relationship between the state, democracy and the Carl
Schimitt's concept of the political. That is going to be
done by reconstructing the concepts of Schmitt's political theory and finding out whether they can be used
to explain the ideology of the new right-wing populism
and illiberal democracy. As it turns out, the Schmitt's
reduction of the political to the friend/enemy antagonism makes the core of the illiberal democracies' ruling
narrative. The Schimtt's understanding of the political doesn't defend the state as a political space but by
cancelling of the liberal elements of democracy ruins
the state institutions. The analysis shows that Schmitt's
notion of the political cannot be used to build effective
democratic state institutions. Namely, in his definition
of the political, politics actually exists only on the outwards, towards some other nation, some other political
unity, but not within the state itself.
Keywords: state, the political, Carl Schmitt, illiberal
democracy

This article addresses the deficiency in the area of human rights scholarship in International Relations (IR) by examining the theoretical advancements in IR theory that have led to the emergence of non-state collective actors as a pertinent research topic. It provides a review of the trajectory of the constructivist theoretical approach, which has brought major advancements in how international non-state actors are conceptualised in the human rights IR literature. This considers the limitations and implications of side-lining collective non-state actors within IR theory, arguing that expanding the theoretical understanding of how different collective actors are constituted and attributed with agency can enrich IR human rights scholarship. The article also proposes a potential way forward with respect to non-state collective actors in human rights in IR by identifying a research programme based on practiceoriented approaches to help broaden the ability of scholars to foster interdisciplinary conversations. Expanding along these lines would bridge the existing boundaries within scholarly and disciplinary contexts. Keywords: non-state actors, state-centrism, collectives, international relations, human rights, international actors, constructivism

Ekonomski interesi treh ključnih velikih sil, Združenih držav Amerike, Rusije in Kitajske, ki se uveljavljajo oziroma uresničujejo skozi njihove konkretne politike in dejanja, imajo pomemben, če že ne velik vpliv na varnost in politične razmere drugih držav. Ker so ekonomski interesi ključni za katerokoli državo, so medsebojna dinamika, prepletanje in vplivanje teh interesov izrednega pomena za razumevanje trenutnih razmer v mednarodnih odnosih. Analiza primarnih in sekundarnih virov, predvsem pa poglobljeni intervjuji s strokovnjaki nakazujejo, da se politične in varnostne posledice ekonomskih interesov velikih sil največkrat manifestirajo na regionalni ravni. Izjema pri tem so ZDA, ki za doseganje svojih ekonomskih interesov politično in varnostno spreminjajo razmere na globalni ravni. Pri tem so najbolj osredotočene na širitev neoliberalnih ekonomskih praks in zagotovitev energetske varnosti, ki velikokrat poteka s pomočjo znatne uporabe vojaške moči. Rusija, po drugi strani, je trenutno še osredotočena na svojo vlogo energetskega velikana, pri čimer najbolj konkretno vpliva na države iz bližnje soseščine, tudi preko političnih pritiskov in industrijskih sabotaž. Analiza trendov sicer kaže, da bo cilj ekonomske diverzifikacije postajal še pomembnejši v prihodnosti. V osnovi ta zaključek pomeni, da bo Rusija skušala zmanjšati svojo odvisnost od izvoza energentov in na tak način zagotoviti večjo ekonomsko, kot tudi politično in varnostno stabilnost države. Ključna karakteristika ekonomske politike Kitajske je usmeritev v zagotavljanje energetskih virov za rastoče gospodarstvo. V ta namen se poslužuje multisektorske politike, ki je najbolj jasno vidna v Afriki. Ta poseben, quid pro quo pristop se kaže v velikih infrastrukturnih investicijah na strani Kitajske, v zameno za zagotovitve izvoza energentov iz določenih afriških držav. Analiza vse treh držav jasno kaže, da ekonomski interesi vidno vplivajo na odnose med državami v mednarodni skupnosti in usodno določajo dinamiko in ravnovesje sil. ; Economic interests of great powers, specifically United States of America, Russia and China, and the process of attaining these interests through the set of concrete policies and actions has considerable, if not predominantly important effects on political and security situation of other countries. Since economic interests are of pivotal importance for any state, the recognition and understanding of intertwined dynamics and cross-section of these interests is essential for establishing an accurate perception of the current situation in contemporary international relations. Analysis of primary and secondary resources, and especially the in- depth interviews with experts revealed that the majority of political and security implications of the process of attaining economic interests have been manifesting on the regional level. An exception to this rule is the United States, which is affecting political and security characteristics around the globe. In doing so, it is mostly concentrated on continuous expansion of neoliberalism, as well as ensuring energy security, often through utilization of military power. Meanwhile, Russia is currently still focused on its role as an energy giant, and has the ability to strongly influence the countries in its near vicinity through considerate political pressures and industrial sabotage. Many trends within the country and its internal policies seem to suggest that this is likely to change in the near future, and the goal of economic diverzification will become even more important. Essentially, this means that Russia will attempt to reduce its dependence on energy exports, and thus ensure far greater economic, but also political and security stability of the country. Finally, we analyzed China. The key characteristic of its economic policy is focus on ensuring energy resources for its growing economy. In order to succeed, China has been utilizing a multisectoral approach, most clearly visible in Africa. These quid pro quo deals were realized through large infrastrucral investment on the Chinese side, and accompanying insurance of energy exports on the side of the African countries. The analysis of all three states draws the conclusion that economic interests are thus visibly affecting the nature of the intra- state relationships in the international community, and faithfully account for the ultimate dynamics and balance of world powers.