Die Menschenrechte im Verständnis des Islam
In: Verfassung und Recht in Übersee: VRÜ = World comparative law : WCL, Band 8, S. 47-59
ISSN: 0506-7286
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In: Verfassung und Recht in Übersee: VRÜ = World comparative law : WCL, Band 8, S. 47-59
ISSN: 0506-7286
In: The journal of Commonwealth and comparative politics, Band 33, Heft 1, S. 167
ISSN: 0306-3631
In: http://dspace.library.uu.nl/handle/1874/20759
In what appeared like a dramatic reversal of previous policies towards organised Islam, President Soeharto in December 1990 gave his personal endorsement to the establishment of the Association of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals (Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Se-Indonesia, ICMI), a body in which former regime critics, associated with the banned Muslim party Masyumi, played leading roles. Led by the man who believes himself to be Soeharto's preferrred candidate for succession, technology minister B.J. Habibie, ICMI remained in the limelight and pioneered various activities of symbolic importance to many Muslims. It established an Islamic (i.e., interest-free) bank and a Muslim quality newspaper that was meant to break the hold of the leading Christian-owned newspapers on the reading public.[1] In the new government, established after the 1992 elections, the Christian ministers who had long controlled the economic ministries were replaced by Muslims with ICMI connections. There was a notable decline of influence of Christians in the higher echelons of the intelligence services and the armed forces.
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In: Berichte / BIOst, Band 27-1996
'Bei Aussagen zur 'islamischen Wiedergeburt' im Bereich der GUS ist die regionale und ethnische Differenzierung zu berücksichtigen. Sie läßt Muslime aus bestimmten Seßhaften-Regionen Mittelasiens als striktere Anhänger ihrer Glaubensgemeinschaft erscheinen als Völker der nomadischen Kulturzonen wie Kasachen und Kirgisen, Tataren als 'weltlichere' Muslime als bestimmte dagestanische Völker. Die Vorstellung einer gleichförmigen islamischen Wiedergeburt von Tatarstan im Norden bis Tadschikistan im Süden ist absurd. Der Islam in der GUS entfällt im wesentlichen auf fünf Regionen: auf die Wolga-Ural-Region (mit Ausstrahlungen nach Sibirien) und den Nordkaukasus in der Russischen Föderation, auf den östlichen Transkaukasus mit Aserbaidschan, auf Mittelasien mit den GUS-Staaten Usbekistan, Turkmenistan, Kirgistan und Tadschikistan und auf Kasachstan. Im vorliegenden Bericht werden die Staaten Zentralasiens und Aserbaidschan behandelt, in einem weiteren wird es um den Islam in Rußland gehen.' (Autorenreferat)
Abstract The relation of Islam and state is still as conflictual issue in recent decade, and interest topic to be explored. The development of Islam and state relation discourse does not exclude from political thinking synthesis, include of them are Islamic scholar and leader in Indonesia. The article describes how Indonesian Islamic political thinking metamorphosis, especially on Islam and state relation, since pre-national independence until reformation era. Key words : Islam, state, politics
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"Hukmet and devlet", government and state -- "Serbestiyet", freedom -- "Meşveret", consultation -- "Siyāsa", politics -- Usurpers and tyrants : notes on some Islamic political terms -- On the quietist and activist traditions in Islamic political writing -- "Malik", king -- The regnal titles of the first Abbasid caliphs -- "Daftar", register -- "Dīwān-i humāyūn", the Ottoman imperial council -- "Jumhūriyya", republic -- On modern Arabic political terms
In: Central Asian affairs, Band 2, Heft 1, S. 35-50
ISSN: 2214-2290
Much has been made of the importance of democracy to securing individual rights and the general advancement of a just society. The role of democracy in post-Soviet governance and the strength of the state, however, have been called into question on many counts. Both state and democratic structures have been supported by elites who have used the claims of democracy and state to combat, or at least constrain, governance rooted in Islam. The ideals of democracy and the state, however, are experienced differently by those who are secularists and those for whom religion is a lived category. In this piece, I concern myself with how Muslims experience democracy and the state in Kyrgyzstan and thus how many remain unseduced by the unfulfilled promises of political rhetoricians.
In: Journal of Asian and African studies: JAAS, Band 27, Heft 1-2, S. 88-106
ISSN: 0021-9096
In: Internationales Asien-Forum: international quarterly for Asian studies, Band 4, S. 97-109
ISSN: 0020-9449
In: Helsinki monitor: security and human rights, Band 14, Heft 3, S. 242-253
ISSN: 0925-0972
World Affairs Online
Islamic law governs all aspects of human life, which includes two laws (rules) of life, namely the category of hablun min Allah (issue of worship) and hablun min al-Nas (muamalah issues in broad sense). Among Islamic law the hablun min al-Nas category (which is called mu'amalah in the broadest sense) is a matter of the rule of how a government is enforced and how the position of law in a country. Studies on this matter have not been evenly implemented and not yet known by all people. This study is interesting, because the rules on siyasah (Constitutional Law) are still in talks by experts, especially Muslim experts. This paper presents how the existence and future of this constitutional law in the study of Islamic Law.
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This book explains the relationship between Islam and the state and politics in contemporary Indonesia. President Soeharto's departure from office in May 1998 brought tremendous and far-reaching impacts to Indonesia's political landscape. At least 181 new political parties came into being, a sizeable portion of which use Islam as their symbol and ideological basis