European Union legislation obliges Lithuania and other member states to accept refugees from the Middle East, which is why employers are increasingly faced with these refugee job-seekers. Refugees bring their own culture and mentality, therefore for employers it is becoming increasingly important to know the Middle East culture in order to effectively apply Human Resource Management (HRM). This work reveals that favouritism and Islam are the main source of problems when HRM is applied in the Middle East countries. HRM concept was originally developed in the West. This study found that when Western HRM is adapted for the employees with the Middle East cultural mentality, it results in distorted HRM, and highlights and amplifies the existing problems of the Middle East – corruption, non-transparency and favouritism. The differences between HRM in the West and the Middle East can be described as the opposition of fatalism and meritocracy – in the West employee is empowered to pursue a career, while in the Middle East the hierarchical place of employee is determined by his social background.
Michel Houellebecq's Submission has been analysed as a novel of decadence in this paper. Referring to the works of Michel Winock, François Livi and Michel Onfray, it has been found that a decadent novel can be associated not only with the works of Joris-Karl Huysmans, Pierre Loűys, Jean Lorrain and others produced at the end of the 19th century but also at subsequent periods. Such characteristics of decadent writing as the threat of catastrophe, fundamental changes in society, nostalgia can be found in the analysed novel. François, the main character of the novel, an expert on Huysmans and a professor at Sorbonne University, supports Huysmans' ideas to some extent trying to find the link between the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 21st century by comparing processes in society. Huysmans sought an ideal in the Middle Ages, while François travels to Rocamadour, famous for the statue of the Black Madonna, with a hope to find a spiritual revelation but becomes aware that the world of the past has gone forever. Changes in society made Huysmans leave the monastery, similarly, François gets frustrated as he loses his job when the Muslim Fraternity comes into power. Using the dystopian genre, Houellebecq depicts unbelievable changes in society – the new government proclaims Islam an official religion of France. Society is governed by new rules, the authority is concerned about two things – demography and education. Those, who refuse to convert to Islam, lose their jobs. Changes in society are even linked with geopolitical changes. Meanwhile Houellebecq reveals significant differences between the decadence of the end of the 19th and of the 21st century. Huysmans' decadence results in neuroses, a desire to seal himself off from the world in alcohol, drugs, etc., to surround himself with works of art, while François in Submission enjoys erotic pleasures, gradually becomes an alcoholic, he does not suffer like Huysmans' protagonist Des Esseintes. It can be stated that Submission is a decadent novel only at thematic level since aesthetic values, characteristic of the decadence of the 19th century, are left in the background. The only justification of François is that he speaks about his conversion to Islam hypothetically, it shows that he has not made up his mind to take this step.
Michel Houellebecq's Submission has been analysed as a novel of decadence in this paper. Referring to the works of Michel Winock, François Livi and Michel Onfray, it has been found that a decadent novel can be associated not only with the works of Joris-Karl Huysmans, Pierre Loűys, Jean Lorrain and others produced at the end of the 19th century but also at subsequent periods. Such characteristics of decadent writing as the threat of catastrophe, fundamental changes in society, nostalgia can be found in the analysed novel. François, the main character of the novel, an expert on Huysmans and a professor at Sorbonne University, supports Huysmans' ideas to some extent trying to find the link between the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 21st century by comparing processes in society. Huysmans sought an ideal in the Middle Ages, while François travels to Rocamadour, famous for the statue of the Black Madonna, with a hope to find a spiritual revelation but becomes aware that the world of the past has gone forever. Changes in society made Huysmans leave the monastery, similarly, François gets frustrated as he loses his job when the Muslim Fraternity comes into power. Using the dystopian genre, Houellebecq depicts unbelievable changes in society – the new government proclaims Islam an official religion of France. Society is governed by new rules, the authority is concerned about two things – demography and education. Those, who refuse to convert to Islam, lose their jobs. Changes in society are even linked with geopolitical changes. Meanwhile Houellebecq reveals significant differences between the decadence of the end of the 19th and of the 21st century. Huysmans' decadence results in neuroses, a desire to seal himself off from the world in alcohol, drugs, etc., to surround himself with works of art, while François in Submission enjoys erotic pleasures, gradually becomes an alcoholic, he does not suffer like Huysmans' protagonist Des Esseintes. It can be stated that Submission is a decadent novel only at thematic level since aesthetic values, characteristic of the decadence of the 19th century, are left in the background. The only justification of François is that he speaks about his conversion to Islam hypothetically, it shows that he has not made up his mind to take this step.
Michel Houellebecq's Submission has been analysed as a novel of decadence in this paper. Referring to the works of Michel Winock, François Livi and Michel Onfray, it has been found that a decadent novel can be associated not only with the works of Joris-Karl Huysmans, Pierre Loűys, Jean Lorrain and others produced at the end of the 19th century but also at subsequent periods. Such characteristics of decadent writing as the threat of catastrophe, fundamental changes in society, nostalgia can be found in the analysed novel. François, the main character of the novel, an expert on Huysmans and a professor at Sorbonne University, supports Huysmans' ideas to some extent trying to find the link between the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 21st century by comparing processes in society. Huysmans sought an ideal in the Middle Ages, while François travels to Rocamadour, famous for the statue of the Black Madonna, with a hope to find a spiritual revelation but becomes aware that the world of the past has gone forever. Changes in society made Huysmans leave the monastery, similarly, François gets frustrated as he loses his job when the Muslim Fraternity comes into power. Using the dystopian genre, Houellebecq depicts unbelievable changes in society – the new government proclaims Islam an official religion of France. Society is governed by new rules, the authority is concerned about two things – demography and education. Those, who refuse to convert to Islam, lose their jobs. Changes in society are even linked with geopolitical changes. Meanwhile Houellebecq reveals significant differences between the decadence of the end of the 19th and of the 21st century. Huysmans' decadence results in neuroses, a desire to seal himself off from the world in alcohol, drugs, etc., to surround himself with works of art, while François in Submission enjoys erotic pleasures, gradually becomes an alcoholic, he does not suffer like Huysmans' protagonist Des Esseintes. It can be stated that Submission is a decadent novel only at thematic level since aesthetic values, characteristic of the decadence of the 19th century, are left in the background. The only justification of François is that he speaks about his conversion to Islam hypothetically, it shows that he has not made up his mind to take this step.
Michel Houellebecq's Submission has been analysed as a novel of decadence in this paper. Referring to the works of Michel Winock, François Livi and Michel Onfray, it has been found that a decadent novel can be associated not only with the works of Joris-Karl Huysmans, Pierre Loűys, Jean Lorrain and others produced at the end of the 19th century but also at subsequent periods. Such characteristics of decadent writing as the threat of catastrophe, fundamental changes in society, nostalgia can be found in the analysed novel. François, the main character of the novel, an expert on Huysmans and a professor at Sorbonne University, supports Huysmans' ideas to some extent trying to find the link between the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 21st century by comparing processes in society. Huysmans sought an ideal in the Middle Ages, while François travels to Rocamadour, famous for the statue of the Black Madonna, with a hope to find a spiritual revelation but becomes aware that the world of the past has gone forever. Changes in society made Huysmans leave the monastery, similarly, François gets frustrated as he loses his job when the Muslim Fraternity comes into power. Using the dystopian genre, Houellebecq depicts unbelievable changes in society – the new government proclaims Islam an official religion of France. Society is governed by new rules, the authority is concerned about two things – demography and education. Those, who refuse to convert to Islam, lose their jobs. Changes in society are even linked with geopolitical changes. Meanwhile Houellebecq reveals significant differences between the decadence of the end of the 19th and of the 21st century. Huysmans' decadence results in neuroses, a desire to seal himself off from the world in alcohol, drugs, etc., to surround himself with works of art, while François in Submission enjoys erotic pleasures, gradually becomes an alcoholic, he does not suffer like Huysmans' protagonist Des Esseintes. It can be stated that Submission is a decadent novel only at thematic level since aesthetic values, characteristic of the decadence of the 19th century, are left in the background. The only justification of François is that he speaks about his conversion to Islam hypothetically, it shows that he has not made up his mind to take this step.
With the so-called war on terror launched by the USA in 2001, a new era started in one of the fields of the propaganda war -- the Internet. Ability to disseminate information to as wide as possible audience due to globality of the Internet has become a powerful mean of influence. Many Muslim politically engaged religiously motivated groups, who perceive themselves to be in the state of such war, create their own elaborate web-sites. "KavkazCenter" is just one of them. "KavkazCenter" declares itself to be a product of the Chechen Independent International Islamic Internet Agency, which was set up in 1999 in Grozny by the Chechen National Center for Strategic Research & Political Technologies. However, its content is somewhat problematic, as the site appears to have been solely a propaganda tool for the Chechen Jihadist group Riyadhu as-Salihin, led by the late Shamil Basayev, who often boasted about his organized bloody attacks, frequently against civilians. Lithuania first noticed the site in early 2003, when it started being serviced by a Lithuanian firm "Microlink Data," which at the time hosted the site on its server. Back then the Lithuanian State Security Department (SSD) declared the site to be free from terrorist propaganda & insisted it did not pose any threat to Lithuania, though it was known that the site had been earlier closed down in the USA & the UK. However, half a year later the very same SSD confiscated the server of the firm "Elneta," which at that time hosted the site, thus shutting down its operations from Lithuania. This launched a long marathon of legal deliberations going all the way up to the Constitutional Court. The case divided the Lithuanian public into two parts -- those, who considered the "KavkazCenter" to be an information agency of independence-seeking Chechen freedom fighters & those, who considered the site to contain terrorist propaganda. The "defenders" group was championed by some MPs, Soviet-era dissidents, while the "accusers" group was led by the SSD. The unfolding of the case revealed that both sides were ill-prepared to meet the challenge the site "KavkazCenter" had caused. One can argue that even state institutions were taken by surprise by it. This first of all applies to the SSD, who showed itself at its worst -- its lack of professionalism was astonishing. At the same time, gaps in legislation & by extension in the work of courts were exposed. Most journalists, who took to bashing of the SSD for presumed persecution of media on the freedom of expression grounds, displayed ignorance & lack of deeper insight into the case. The general public was left puzzled. Moreover, Russia's involvement, though often referred to in the media, has never been fully revealed. The epopee of the "KavkazCenter" in Lithuania sucked both the Lithuanian government & the general society into the whirlpool of the global information wars. And though the experience shows that most of the actors were ill-prepared or not prepared at all, the very experience is very useful -- it allowed for identifying of the weaknesses in political, legal & social life of the country. Learning from its mistakes, the society can progress & improve. It is plausible to hope that in the event of another "kavkazcentr," the Lithuanian government & non-state actors will be better informed & equipped to tackle the issue. Adapted from the source document.
Anthropologists have been almost unanimous in rejecting the universalist claims of secularization theory. They have, however, engaged with notions of secularism (a political ideology of church-state separation) and secularity (a culture and habitus of areligiousness). In this article, four such approaches are sketched: Talal Asad's analysis of the interpenetration of secularism and history throughout Western history, studies of secularism as state ideology in Turkey and elsewhere, studies of secularism as an ideology of social closure against Islam in contemporary Western Europe, and studies of the role of secularity in the formerly socialist countries in the aftermath of an atheist state policy. Conclusions drawn from these approaches may point the way toward a more synchronized anthropological engagement with the secular as both an analytical and a folk concept.
Anthropologists have been almost unanimous in rejecting the universalist claims of secularization theory. They have, however, engaged with notions of secularism (a political ideology of church-state separation) and secularity (a culture and habitus of areligiousness). In this article, four such approaches are sketched: Talal Asad's analysis of the interpenetration of secularism and history throughout Western history, studies of secularism as state ideology in Turkey and elsewhere, studies of secularism as an ideology of social closure against Islam in contemporary Western Europe, and studies of the role of secularity in the formerly socialist countries in the aftermath of an atheist state policy. Conclusions drawn from these approaches may point the way toward a more synchronized anthropological engagement with the secular as both an analytical and a folk concept.
Anthropologists have been almost unanimous in rejecting the universalist claims of secularization theory. They have, however, engaged with notions of secularism (a political ideology of church-state separation) and secularity (a culture and habitus of areligiousness). In this article, four such approaches are sketched: Talal Asad's analysis of the interpenetration of secularism and history throughout Western history, studies of secularism as state ideology in Turkey and elsewhere, studies of secularism as an ideology of social closure against Islam in contemporary Western Europe, and studies of the role of secularity in the formerly socialist countries in the aftermath of an atheist state policy. Conclusions drawn from these approaches may point the way toward a more synchronized anthropological engagement with the secular as both an analytical and a folk concept.
Islamic Revivalism is not a brand- new phenomenon, but, with increasing the files of exponents, it promotes a variety of discussions on how and when it started, its mainstream ideology, the foremost goals of its activists, etc. Summing up all the analysis and propositions, it could be stated that the phenomenon of Islamic Revivalism (which started, the latest, with the Iranian revolution) designates all-out efforts aimed at the wholesale re-islamization of polities through direct political and / or military actions. As the definition suggests, the goal of revivalists (a proper Islamic state with three key elements: Islam, Sharia, Islamic ruling system) is the same, but the approach to reaching it might not be indiscrete. Therefore, Sunni Islamic revivalists, who are the main object of the research, are divided into three groups: islamists (the most moderate Muslim revivalists with political goals), fundamentalists (who might radically impose religion on politics, though do not necessarily will claim to have a political project), and radical Muslims (who are committed to violence and seek for their goals, on any terms).
Islamic Revivalism is not a brand- new phenomenon, but, with increasing the files of exponents, it promotes a variety of discussions on how and when it started, its mainstream ideology, the foremost goals of its activists, etc. Summing up all the analysis and propositions, it could be stated that the phenomenon of Islamic Revivalism (which started, the latest, with the Iranian revolution) designates all-out efforts aimed at the wholesale re-islamization of polities through direct political and / or military actions. As the definition suggests, the goal of revivalists (a proper Islamic state with three key elements: Islam, Sharia, Islamic ruling system) is the same, but the approach to reaching it might not be indiscrete. Therefore, Sunni Islamic revivalists, who are the main object of the research, are divided into three groups: islamists (the most moderate Muslim revivalists with political goals), fundamentalists (who might radically impose religion on politics, though do not necessarily will claim to have a political project), and radical Muslims (who are committed to violence and seek for their goals, on any terms).
Islamic Revivalism is not a brand- new phenomenon, but, with increasing the files of exponents, it promotes a variety of discussions on how and when it started, its mainstream ideology, the foremost goals of its activists, etc. Summing up all the analysis and propositions, it could be stated that the phenomenon of Islamic Revivalism (which started, the latest, with the Iranian revolution) designates all-out efforts aimed at the wholesale re-islamization of polities through direct political and / or military actions. As the definition suggests, the goal of revivalists (a proper Islamic state with three key elements: Islam, Sharia, Islamic ruling system) is the same, but the approach to reaching it might not be indiscrete. Therefore, Sunni Islamic revivalists, who are the main object of the research, are divided into three groups: islamists (the most moderate Muslim revivalists with political goals), fundamentalists (who might radically impose religion on politics, though do not necessarily will claim to have a political project), and radical Muslims (who are committed to violence and seek for their goals, on any terms).
Islamic Revivalism is not a brand- new phenomenon, but, with increasing the files of exponents, it promotes a variety of discussions on how and when it started, its mainstream ideology, the foremost goals of its activists, etc. Summing up all the analysis and propositions, it could be stated that the phenomenon of Islamic Revivalism (which started, the latest, with the Iranian revolution) designates all-out efforts aimed at the wholesale re-islamization of polities through direct political and / or military actions. As the definition suggests, the goal of revivalists (a proper Islamic state with three key elements: Islam, Sharia, Islamic ruling system) is the same, but the approach to reaching it might not be indiscrete. Therefore, Sunni Islamic revivalists, who are the main object of the research, are divided into three groups: islamists (the most moderate Muslim revivalists with political goals), fundamentalists (who might radically impose religion on politics, though do not necessarily will claim to have a political project), and radical Muslims (who are committed to violence and seek for their goals, on any terms).
The master thesis under name "The Changes of Turkish Political System According Copenhagen School: Towards "Pro-islamistic" Democracy? presents analysis of the security policy in Turkey and its change. It's been a log time that Turkey is a country which belongs to the Western security system, but its main aim – to join the European Union (EU) is still not completed. Trying hard to accomplish all the requirements which are called the Copenhagen Criteria, Turkey started a huge process of democratic reforms. This thesis states that EU was that factor which impacted Turkey's security policy desecuritization process through its Europeanization. This process started Turkey's democratization, which was quiet undemocratic earlier, because of strict security policy and harsh civil-military relations. The Europeanization affected desecuritization process, because there were many changes done to the Turkish laws, which allowed freeing the individual freedoms and civil rights. The proceeding democratization allowed to strengthen the organizations and parties with religious background, which were earlier restricted because of strict secularist policy, which saw religion (Islam) as a major threat to the Mustafa Kemal Ataturk's founding principles of Kemalism. These processes testify countries re-islamization, which is seen as very negative by half of the society, although another half is very happy about resurging religion. This means that in nowadays Turkey we see a deep fracture in the identity of the elites and society. The main object of this master thesis is the changes of Turkish political system looking through the security policy change prism. The problem is whether Turkey's re-islamisation leads it to the loss of its so guarded specific democracy. The main target is to describe Turkey's democratization and re-islamization process. The goals to accomplish the main target are these: • To present the Copenhagen security school's securitization/desecuritization analytical model; • Analyse Turkish security structure using Copenhagen school theoretical analysis model investigating the referents, security actors, threats and their change because of Europeanization impact; • Describe the democratization process in Turkey; • Outline the religion reflection in international relations theory; • Describe current identity crisis in Turkey's domestic policy, which was coused by emerging religion factor. The main hypothesis is to verify the relations between Europeanization, desecuritization, democratization and re-islamisation in Turkey. The hypothesis was verified stating that there are relations between Europeanization, which coused desecuritization and this led to the consolidation of democracy. The deepening democratization opened a niche for the resurgence of political Islam. The answer to main problem was actually not found. We can still not say whether the re-islamisation of Turkey means the loss of democracy, because the process is currently in action and the main happening – the closure/non-closure of the ruling AKP party will show where does this country go. The three scenarios are presented in the findings, which say that AKP party closure trial will impact the domestic and foreign policies of Turkey. According these scenarios, the best for Turkey would be that the AKP party wouldn't have been closed and would proceed the democratic reforms further, leaving Islamic laws aside, this would open the country doors to their old dreamed target – the EU and Turkey would become a really specific liberal pro-islamic democracy with the Muslim majority in European Union.
